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INDIA 



WHAT CAN IT TEACH US? 



% €Gmu of "Suiux^B 



DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OP CAMBRIDGE 



BY 



R MAX MtTLLEE, KM. 

HON, DOCTOR OF LAW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE ; 
MEMBER OF THE FRENCH INSTITUTE. 



\ LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO. 

1883. 

l^All rights reserved."] 



'06 



OXFORD : 

BY E. PICKAED HALL, M.A., AND J. H. STACY, 

PBIKTEES TO THE UNIVEESITY. 




India: What Can it Teach Us? A Cour.^e of 
Lectures delivered before the University of 
Cambridge. By F. Max Muller, K.M. 
Hon. Doctor of Law in the University of 
Cambridge ; Foreign Member of ihs French 
Institute. 8vo. pp. circa 400, price 12s. 6cZ. 
cloth. \_January 17, 1883. 

THESE Lectures, which were delivered at Cam- 
bridge at the request of the Board of Hi.stori- 
cal Studies, are intended to point out some of 
the manifold lessons which Lidia can teach all 
students of history, whether religious, political, 
or social. More particularly are they meant to 
shew_ the rich opportunities of useful study which 
a residence in that country offers to the members 
of the Indian Civil Service. 

The first Lecture is of a general and intro- 
ductory character. The second is meant to remove 
some of the prejudices which Europeans often 
entertain against Orientals, and iu particular, by 
an accumulation of evidence, to shew how ground- 
less is the charge of untrutlifulness brought 
against the natives of India, love of truth and 
jnstice haviug uiways been looked upon, accord- 
ing to the concurrent testimony of ancient and 
modern writers, as the distinguishing feature of 



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etfe 
fiir 
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geS 
ing 
tan 
Don 
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ben 
•on? 

' ?nbe 
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ie 
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S)em fann fiu, g^ 

mu§tm©aar llllll lllllllllllllllllllli: 

toirbun3gefd)tteben: ^rofeffoc ^JJaj STHHIet in Drforb bet: 
fc^hjer ethan t tear befinbct fi4 tcte bic .f^ranff. 3tq." fiiiatidi 
melben foante, erfreultcTjettoelfe in ber 9tecont)Qle§cen8. el ift 
Wr bemerfen§ttett^ ou§ ber folgenben 2Jittt^eHung ber neuen 
Iiteratifdjen ^odjenfd&nrt .Literature" su erfo^ren, mW ttefen 
(Smbrucf bie ©rfrantung be§ gro§en ?Jor|d)et§ in ^ n b i e n fier^ 
dorgerufen ^_at 5r^§ JBIatt fdjrcibt: ,Subtcn ift ntdjt aerobe bie 
^ftrnatt) rehgtD5cr Solcran^, unb c§ ift idoI)! nod) fetnem .fiinbu 
emgernDen, ta§ etne Jetner OJotttieften ft I) fur bic ©efunb^eit etneS 
Ungtaubtgen tntercfftrcn fbnne. ®er nadjfte^enbe eigentMmliAe 
pertdjt etne.3 dttcn tinb ge(ef)rtett Sra^manen in 3)1 a b r a § jeigt, 
ba§ JProfcffor a)kj; ^JJ{ a 1 1 c r in ber 2f)at ber (Sinstge ift, betnetnc: 
foldje ^J ueaetdjnung tn Snbten pt^eil getoovben. ®cr SBrofenttttte: 
bettcjtet: ,?Hg tc^ jo^, bag ^iofeffor ' iWQg 5Jiufler ernfttid^ er«! 
franftnjar, liefen mir bie tljriinen tjernnter, o'^ne ba§ tdj e§' 
touBte. Unb all id) e§ metnen ^reunben eraa'^lfe, toetc^e biclefetett' 
£age t^«3 Seben^ mit ntir pbringen unb tnit mir bie Bhagarad-' 
gita unb anbcte l^ciUge Sac^er lefen, tourben fie aUe Don ^mnmei:' 
libertoalfigt. ©cftern 9Ibenb aU n)ir gerobe hjie getuo^ntid) an*: 
fammcn nac^ unfctcm Slem^el gingen, moc^ten fie m It ben Sorf d)tag,: 
baft intr etnen»|fpP3tenen @ r 1 1 e ^ b t e n ft bon unferm 5Priefter 
K Eentpef ab^otten laffen joaten, «m fitr bie boHftanbigc ^eu 
ftiHung be§ «Profeffor§ ju beten. a^eine gireunbe folgten ntir aCe: 
tn ben 2:empel, al§ loir ober bent 5P u i e ft e t nnfere aBanfd)e Dot*; 
trugen, crljob er tierfd^iebene ©intoenbungen. ^r ffinne fiir (ginen, ■ 
ber nid)t toon ©cburt etn ^inbn fei, fein iSehit fagen unb ^^mnen: 
fin^.n, benn t^afe er bieies, fo tourbe er fetneS ©ienfteg entfioben' 
unb»on feincr ^ofte oit§gcflo§en. SBir t)ert)anbflten tanqc mit' 
tjm unb mad)ten i^m flar, bag 5profeffor ma^ 5Ji a U e r , obglet* 
guropaer Don e^eburt, tn 2Birfa(^feit bod) rae^r fei al§ ein 
|)tnbu. 2l(§ meine fyreunbe i{}ttT nun cine m(|t nnUbeuienhi m'dbz 
®aU anboten, njiaigte ber 5]3riefter fd)lie§acl^ ein unb aU tvixm^ 
am nad)ftcu 5lbeno gcgcn 11 Uf)r in ben Zmpd fomen unb^ofoS^' 
naife, i3[umcn, !8ctel blatter, Stiiffe unb ^am^jfcr fttr ben SPrieftet! 
ntitbrad^len, fing er an, fetne tjeiUgen .^i)mnen au fingen unb eine 
etunbe long 3u fetnem ©otte 3U beten. 9n§ aHeg boriiber toar, 
gab un§ ber ^|5riefter unfcre ©efc^enfe ^urad mit ber SSitte, eintge' 
babon in feinem maimn on Wlav 5Jl a 1 1 e r ju ft^irfen. (Bin 
foldjer (SotteSbienft ift noc^ niematS fuc ^emanben abget)artett 
toorben, ber fein 6inbu tft unb nad) hm ^ettungen gu axtbeilen,' 
}d)eint bie i8 e j i e r u n fi im Sefinben be§ SPattenten urn btefetbe- 
3eit ftattgefunben su ^aben, alg man bicfen ®otte§bienft far inn 
in Snbicn ab^ielt!" 

= [BHim mitmeUnmatu] 2)ie erfie 3lwpbruna Dott 

<^ffi»pn'3 „2Benn m ir Irth f prt n ., f«>.ri - ^. - - •- 



hJl 

y 



a 2 



^Oiii 



ailin: 117,,,/ Cnn if Tcuch Us? A Course of 
J.eitiins dctimrcd before file rhiiumifi/ of 
C<imhrl,l<ic. Hy V. Max Miiu.mi, K.M. 
Hun. DoL-lur of L;,w in tin- University of 
Ciunlnidgc- ; Foreign McnilH,i- oi: ilio Krencli 
Institute. 8vo. pp. circi 100, pri 
cloth. 



\_Jamiorii 17, 1883. 
.-ni-A nt Cnn 



tl]e 



jli^l. Wo 



C-ilL'i' 



t.'«,:h^ nil 
political, 



p,irticuhu-ly iiro llo'v inennt to 
stiew the rich opportunitiwg of useful .study which 
a residence in that coiuitry oilers to the members 
of the Indinn Civil Service. 

The lirst IjCcture ia of a (renornl and intro- 
ductory chnra(^lov. Th'e second is racaut to 
some of tlio pnjud 



hiidi Europeans often 
parliculnv, hy 






I'llOW 



nd- 
oght 



II The 



nolo,. 






't ^(iinliriL litonituro la put Ibrward, 
lit Brnliiiiiuiicnl literature is shewn to 
11(1 in tliejii3t century b.c, the modern to begin 
Pith the fourth cenUiry a.d. while th»-pa^:Klween 



While admitting- that the modern Sanskrit 
literatuie can appeal to the curiosily of Oriental 
Bcholars, the Author claims a fur higher value for 
the ancient literature, huth Vedic and Buddjiiatic, 

sbowinf,^ thfit some of the preatest problems of 

''- ' of nil times receive nn un- 

ly of ancient Sauskri 



expected liifht fr 
literature. It wa; 

theattentionnfSri 
find N.M ^^ I- t> 



linJiNOUF who tirst drew awnv^ // 

..-kntsH,ola..rroni .gA.UNTALAU Qo>^ /J_ 

■ l'!-'nr;r.,,lv important strata // <7/«v*0 

■ ^ :: '.nA niiuldhi.^tic, ' f/yft^ 

>..iiUl claim a truly ^ 



itri^diL -! ui l,;:,^,,,i^(., luwh^ilot.'-y and religion, ■ 
the tirst tbrmatiun of our couuepts, and the true 
proundofall that is underalood by civilisation. 
is occupied with eshibit- 
en the two hemispheres of 
thought, presented to us hy 
d by the Aryans 
the other. 



The rest of the Lecti 
\w% the contrast bet 
human life and hum; 
the Aryans of India f 
of Greece, Italy, and G 



'I'he fourth Lecture deals with u nunibe: 
objections which have be.n vait^ed against the 
claims of the Veda as the most ancient historical 
monument of the whole Aryan world, — (1) that 
the ^'L'da ia a priestly and not a trul^ national 
composition; (3) that it is not primitive; (3) 
that it is not native and home-grown, butailected 
by foreign inlluences. 

In the filth Lecture some of the principal 
teach are explained. 
I gods wo • " 



Vedif 



!sed. Thi 



,-ided i 



three classes : gods of the earth, the air, and the 
sky. The worship of Heaven and Earth ia illus- 
trated by hynms from the Rig-Veda, and com- 
pared with similar phases of worship in Greece 
and among Polynesian races. Next follow hymns 
addressed to the Rivers, and in connection with 
them a geographical sketch is given of the stage 
on which tbe life of the Vedic poets was passed. 

The sixth Lecture dcala with the god of fire, 
the gods of tbe air, and more particularly with 
thegod Parganya, oneof the earliest Aryan gods, 
whoae presence is traced from India to the Baltic. 
Next lollows a description of the highest gods, or 
the gods of the highest heaven, more particularly 
l>yAU3 or Zeds, VABUii'A or Uranos, and other 
solar deities. The origin of solar myths is thewn 
to be iueviiahle. 

After some explanations on the mauner in 
■ which the ancient literature of India was pre- 
served by oral tradition, the last Lecture is devoted 
to an analysis of the ancient Vedic religion into 
its three compound elements, a belief in the Devaa 
or the gods of nature, a belief in the Pitri's or the 
ancestors, and a belief in the i^ita or the law, 
order, and reason which underlie both the natural 
and moral worlds. In conclusion it is shewn how 
religion in India naturally led on to philosophy, as 
the fullilment of religion, and how the VedAnta, 
i.e. the end of the Veda, represents that religion 
which still pervades the Indian mind, consisting 
in a desire for a knowledge of the Self within, as 
identical in essence with the Highest Self, and 
for a return to that Highest Self by a surrender of 
all that ia selfish or phenomenal in ns, and sepa- 
rates us for a time from r 



The text of t 
Notes and Din- 
found at Mykeii: 
found on the O.v 
the cat's eye ; 1^3 j <->, 



^ followed by 



lial untruths, f 



On thf 

(7) The 1 
Texts illu.Htra 
Parvanya in 
Fathers; {U 
In tbe no 
literature, w 



lates; C'^)^On 
,iiug to Indian views; (5) 



?h-chi ; (G) Some letters on Buddhism ; 

tonaissance of Simskrit literature ; (8) 
tralive of the Deluge in India; (9) On 
in Otn-man; (10) On the PiCWs or 
In i'raildlias or luioestral worship. 
uu tlu^ Uenaissanee of Sanskrit 
rb extends to ncai'lv a hundred 
nee has been collected in support 
of'lhe Author's theory that tbe whole of Sanskrit 
literature, with the excejitiou of the Vedic and 
Buddhistic, is later than the fourth century of our 
era. KAlidasa's Plays, such as ^akiuitali and 




d p^sibly , 
r Christ. 



Loudon, LONGMANS & 00. 



My dear Cowell, 

As these Lectures would never have been 
written or delivered but for your hearty encourage- 
ment, I hope you will now allow me to dedicate 
them to you, not only as a token of my sincere 
admiration of your great achievements as an 
Oriental scholar, but also as a memorial of our 
friendship, now more than thirty years old, a 
friendship which has grown from year to year, has 
weathered many a storm, and will last, I trust, 
for what to both of us may remain of our short 
passage from shore to shore. 

I must add, however, that in dedicating these 
Lectures to you, I do not wish to throw upon you 
any responsibility for the views which I have put 
forward in them. I know that you do not agree 
with some of my views on the ancient religion and 
literature of India, and I am well aware that with 
regard to the recent date which I have assigned to 
the whole of what is commonly called the Classical 
Sanskrit Literature, I stand almost alone. No, if 
friendship can claim any voice in the courts of 



VI DEDICATION. 

science and literature, let me assure you that I 
shall consider your outspoken criticism of my Lec- 
tures as the very best proof of your true and honest 
^friendship. I have through life considered it the 
greatest honour if real scholars, I mean men not 
only of learning, but of judgment and character, 
have considered my writings worthy of a severe 
and searching criticism, and I have cared far more 
for the production of one single new fact, though it 
spoke against me, than for any amount of empty 
praise or empty abuse. Sincere devotion to his 
studies and an unswerving love of truth ought to 
furnish the true scholar with an armour imperme- 
able to flattery or abuse, and with a vizor that 
shuts out no ray of light, from whatever quarter it 
may come. More light, more truth, more facts, 
more combination of facts, these are his quest. 
And if in that quest he fails, as many have failed 
before him, he knows that in the search for truth 
failures are sometimes the condition of victory, and 
the true conquerors often those whom the world 
calls the vanquished. 

You know better than anybody else the present 
state of Sanskrit scholarship. You know that at 
present and for some time to come Sanskrit scholar- 
ship means discovery and conquest. Every one of 
your own works marks a real advance, and a per- 
manent occupation of new ground. But you know 
also how small a strip has as yet been explored of 
the vast continent of Sanskrit literature, and how 



DEDICATION. Yll 

much still remains terra incognita. No doubt this ex- 
ploring work is troublesome, and often disappointing, 
but young students must learn the truth of a re- 
mark lately made by a distinguished member of 
the Indian Civil Service, whose death we all deplore, 
Dr. Burnell, ' that no trouble is thrown away which 
saves trouble to others.' We want men who will 
work hard, even at the risk of seeing their labours 
unrequited ; we want strong and bold men who are 
not afraid of storms and shipwrecks. The worst 
sailors are not those who suffer shipwreck, but 
those who only dabble in puddles and are afraid 
of wetting their feet. 

It is easy now to criticise the labours of Sir 
William Jones, Thomas Colebrooke, and Horace 
Hayman Wilson, but what would have become of 
Sanskrit scholarship if they had not rushed in 
where even now so many fear to tread ? and what 
will become of Sanskrit scholarship if their con- 
quests are for ever to mark the limits of our know- 
ledge? You knowj^est that there is more to be 
discovered in Sanskrit literature than Nalas and 
^akuntal4s, and surely the young men who 
every year go out to India are not deficient in 
the spirit of enterprise, or even of adventure? 
Why then should it be said that the race of bold 
explorers, who once rendered the name of the 
Indian Civil Service illustrious over the whole 
world, has well-nigh become extinct, and that 
England, which offers the strongest incentives and 



Vm DEDICATION. 

the most brilliant opportunities for the study of 
ihe ancient language, literature, and history of 
India, is no longer in the van of Sanskrit scho- 
larship ? 

If some of the young Candidates for the Indian 
Civil Service who listened to my Lectures, quietly 
made up their minds that such a reproach shall be 
wiped out, if a few of them at least determined to 
follow in the footsteps of Sir William Jones, and to 
show to the world that Englishmen who have been 
able to achieve by pluck, by perseverance, and by 
real political genius the material conquest of India, 
do not mean to leave the laurels of its intellectual 
conquest entirely to other countries, then I shall 
indeed rejoice, and feel that I have paid back, in 
however small a degree, the large debt of gratitude 
which I owe to my adopted country and to some 
of its greatest statesmen, who have given me the 
opportunity which I could find nowhere else of 
realising the dreams of my life, — the publication 
of the text and commentary of the Rig-veda, the 
most ancient book of Sanskrit, aye of Aryan litera- 
ture, and now the edition of the translations of the 
* Sacred Books of the East/ 

I have left my Lectures very much as I deli- 
vered them at Cambridge. I am fond of the form 
of Lectures, because it seems to me the most 
natural form which in our age didactic composi- 
tion ought to take. As in ancient Greece the 
dialogue reflected most truly the intellectual 



DEDICATION. IX 

life of the people, and as in the Middle Ages 
learned literature naturally assumed with the 
recluse in his monastic cell the form of a long 
monologue, so with us the lecture places the writer 
most readily in that position in which he is 
accustomed to deal with his fellow-men, and to 
communicate his knowledge to others. It has no 
doubt certain disadvantages. In a lecture which 
is meant to be didactic we have, for the sake of 
completeness, to say and to repeat certain things 
which must be familiar to some of our readers, 
while we are also forced to leave out information 
which, even in its imperfect form, we should 
probably not hesitate to submit to our fellow- 
students, but which we feel we have not yet suffi- 
ciently mastered and matured to enable us to place 
it clearly and simply before a larger public. 

But the advantages outweigh the disadvantages. 
A lecture, by keeping a critical audience constantly 
before our eyes, forces us to condense our subject, 
to discriminate between what is important and 
what is not, and often to deny ourselves the 
pleasure of displaying what may have cost us the 
greatest labour, but is of little consequence to other 
scholars. In lecturing we are constantly reminded 
of what students are so apt to forget, that their 
knowledge is meant not for themselves only, but 
for others, and that to know well means to be able 
to teach well, I confess I can never write unless 
I think of somebody for whom I write, and I should 



X DEDICATION. 

never wish for a better audience to have before my 
mind than the learned, brilliant, and kind-hearted 
assembly by which I was greeted in your University. 
Still I must confess that I did not succeed in 
bringing all I wished to say, and more particularly 
the evidence on which some of my statements 
rested, up to the higher level of a lecture, and I 
have therefore added a number of notes containing 
the less organised matter which resisted as yet 
that treatment which is necessary before our 
studies can realise their highest purpose, that of 
feeding, invigorating, and inspiriting the minds of 
others. 

Yours affectionately, 

F. MAX MtJLLER. 

OxroRD, 
December 1 5, 1883. 



5- A>;a.v xi,v^^ ^28,^^ 3.^^^ 



CONTENTS. 



Dedication ..... 

Lecture I. "What can India teach us . 

„ II. On the truthful character of the 
Hindus .... 

„ III. The human interest op Sanskrit Lite- 
rature .... 

„ ly. Objections .... 

„ V. The Lessons of the Veda . 

„ VI. Vedic Deities 

„ VII. Veda and Vedanta 

Notes and Illustrations . . 



Note A (p. 9). 
„ B(p. 25). 
„ C(p. 49). 

.» r>(p. 70). 

„ E(p. 86). 
„ F (p. 89). 
» G[(p. 93). 

,, H(p. 137). 

„ I (p. 227). 

„ K(p. 227). 

„ L (p. 242). 

Index 



and 



On the treasures found on the 

and at Mykenae . 
On the name of the Cat 

Cat's eye . . . 
On Village Estates . 
Texts on Venial Untruths 
TheYueh-chi . 
Letters on Buddhism 
The Renaissance of Sanskrit 

rature 
Texts on the Deluge 
On Par^anya in German 
On the Vitris or Fathers 
On ^raddhas . 



Oxus 
the 



Lite- 



PAGE 

iii 
1-33 

34-75 

76-113 
1 14-140 
141-175 
176-201 

202-255 

257-377 
259-260 

261-267 
268-271 
272-273 
274-277 
278-280 

281-366 
367-368 
369-370 
371-373 

374-377 

379-402 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 



LECTUE|] I. 



When I received from tlie Board of Historical 
Studies at Cambridge the invitation to deliver a- 
course of lectures, specially intended for tlie Candi- 
dates for the Indian Civil Service, I hesitated for 
some time, feeling extremely doubtful whether in 
a few public discourses I could say anything that 
would be of real use to them in passing their 
examinations. To enable young men to pass their 
examinations seems now to have become the chief, 
if not the only object of the Universities ; and to 
no class of students is it of greater importance to 
pass their examinations, and to pass them well, than 
to the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service. 

But although I was afraid that attendance on a 
few public lectureSj such as I could give, would 
hardly benefit a Candidate who was not already fully 
prepared to pass through the fiery ordeal of the three 
London examinations, I could not on the other hand 
shut my eyes completely to the fact that, after all, 
Universities were not meant entirely, or even chiefly, 
as stepping-stones to an examination, but that there 
is something else which Universities can teach and 
ought to teach — nay, which I feel quite sure they were 
originally meant to teach — something that may not 



2 LECTURE I. 

have a marketable value before a Board of Examiners, 
but which has a permanent value for the whole of our 
life, and that is a real interest in our work, and, 
more than that, a love of our work, and, more than 
that, a true joy and happiness in our work. If a 
University can teach that, if it can engraft that 
one small living germ in the minds of the young 
men who come here to study and to prepare them- 
selves for the battle of life, and, for what is still 
more difficult to encounter, the daily dull drudgery 
of life, then, I feel convinced, a University has done 
more, and conferred a more lasting benefit on its 
pupils than by helping them to pass the most difficult 
examinations^ and. to take the highest place among 
Senior Wranglers or First-Class men. 

Unfortunately that kind of work which is now 
required for passing one examination after another,, 
that process of cramming and crowding which has of 
late been brought to the highest pitch of perfection, 
has often the very opposite effect, and instead of 
exciting an appetite for work, it is apt to produce 
an indifference, if not a kind of intellectual nausea, 
that may last for life. 

And nowhere is this so much to be feared as in 
the case of Candidates for the Indian Civil Service. 
After they have passed their first examination for 
admission to the Indian Civil Service, and given 
proof that they have received the benefits of a liberal 
education, and acquired that general information in 
classics, history, and mathematics, which is provided 
at our Public Schools, and forms no doubt the best 
and surest foundation for all more special and pro- 
fessional studies in later life, they suddenly find 
themselves torn away from their old studies and 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 3* 

their old friends, and compelled to take up new 
subjects which to many of them seem strange, out- 
landish, if not repulsive. Strange alphabets, strangle 
languages, strange names, strange literatures and 
laws have to be faced, * to be got up ' as it is called, 
not from choice, but from dire necessity. The whole 
course of study during two years is determined for 
them, the subjects fixed, the books prescribed, the 
examinations regulated, and there is no time to lobk 
either right or left, if ai Candidate wishes to mak^ 
sure of taking each successive fencie in good style, 
aiid without an accident. 

I know quite well that this Cannot be helped. I 
am liot speaking against the system of examinations 
in general, if only they are intelligently conducted ; 
nay, as an old examiner myself, I feel bound to say' 
that the amount of knowledge produced ready-made 
at these examinations is to my mind perfectly as- 
tounding. But while the answers are there on paper, 
strings of dates, lists of royal names and battles, 
irregular verbs, statistical figures and whatever else 
you like, how seldom do we find that the heart of 
the candidates is in the work which they have to do. 
Th^ results produced are certainly most ample and 
voluminous, but they rarely contain a spark of 
original thought, or even a clever mistake. It is 
work done from necessity, or, let us be just, from 
a sense of duty, but it is seldom, or hardly ever, a 
labour of love. 

Now why should that be^ Why should a study 
of Greek and Latin, — of the poetry, the philosophy, 
the laws and the art of Greece and Italy, — seem con- 
genial to us, why should it excite even a certain 
enthusiasm, and command general respect, while a 

B 2 



LECTURE I, 



study of SaDskrit, and of the ancient poetry, the philo- 
sophy, the laws, and the art of India is looked upon, 
in the best case, as curious, but is considered by most 
people as useless, tedious, if not absurd. 

And, strange to say, this feeling exists in England 
more than in any other country. In France, Ger- 
many, and Italy, even in Denmark, Sweden, and 
Russia, there is a vague charm connected with the 
name of India. One of the ^most beautiful poems in 
the German language is the Weisheit der Brahmanen, 
the 'Wisdom of the Brahmans,' by Eiickert, to my 
mind more rich in thought and more perfect in form 
than Qven Groethe's West-ostUcher Divan. A scholar 
who ^studies Sanskrit in Germany is supposed to be 
initiated in the deep and dark mysteries of ancient 
wisdom, and a man who has travelled in India, even 
if he has only discovered Calcutta, or Bombay, or 
Mg^dras, is listened to like another Marco Polo. In 
England a student of Sanskrit is generally considered 
a bore, and an old Indian Civil servant, if he begins 
to describe the marvels of Elephanta or the Towers 
of Siler^ce, runs the risk of producing a count-out. 

There are indeed a^few Oriental scholars whose 
works are read, and who have acquired a certain 
celebrity in England, because they were really men 
of uncommon genius, and would have ranked among 
the great glories of the country, but for the mis- 
fortune that their energies were devoted to Indian 
literature — I mean Sir WiUiam Jones, ' one of the 
most enlightened of the sons of men,' as Dr. 
Johnson called him, and Thomas Colebrooke. But 
the names of others who have done good work in 
their day also, men such ^s Balla^ntyne, Buchanan, 
Carey, Crawfurd, Davis, Elliot, Ellis, Koughton, 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US '? 5 

Leyden, Mackenzie, Marsden, Muir, Prinsep, Eennell, 
Turnour, Upham, Wallich, Warren, Wilkins, Wilson, 
and many others, are hardly known beyond the small 
circle of Oriental scholars, and their works are looked 
for in vain in libraries which profess to represent 
with a certain completeness the principal branches of 
scholarship and science in England, 

How many times when I advised young men, can- 
didates for the Indian Civil Service, to devote them- 
selves before all things to a study of Sanskrit, have 
I been told, 'What iS the use of our studying 
Sanskrit '? There are translations of >S^akuntala, 
Manu, and the Hitopadesa, and what else is there in 
that literature that is worth reading '? KMid^sa 
may be very pretty, and the Laws of Manu are very 
curious, and the fables of the Hitopadesa are very 
quaint ; but you would not compare Sanskrit litera- 
ture with Greek, or recommend us to waste our timfe 
in copying and editing Sanskrit texts which eithet- 
teach us nothing that we do not know already, Or 
teach us something which we do not care to know 1 ' 

This seems to me a most unhappy misconception, 
and it will be the chief object of my lectures to try to 
remove it, or at all events to modify it, as much as 
possible. I shall not attempt to prove that Sanskrit 
literature is as good as Greek hterature. Why should 
we always compare 1 A study of Greek literature 
has its own purpose, and a study of Sanskrit literature 
has its own purpose ; but what I feel convinced of, 
and hope to convince you of, is that Sanskrit litera- 
ture, if studied only in a right spirit, is full of human 
interests, full of lessons which even Greek could never 
teach us, a subject worthy to occupy the leisure, and 
more than the leisure, of everv Indian Civil servant ; 



6 LECTURE I. 

and certainly the best means of making any young 
man who has to spend fiye-and-twenty years of his 
life in India, feel at home among the Indians, as a 
•fellow-worker among fellow-workers, and not as an 
alien among aliens. There will he abundance of usefiij 
and most interesting work for him to do, if only he 
cares to do it, work such as he would look for in vain, 
whether in Italy or in Greece, or even among the 
pyramids of Egypt or the palaces of Babylon. 

you will now understand why I have chosen as 
the title of my lectures, What can India teach usf 
True, there are many things which India has to learn 
from us ; but there are other things, and, in one sense, 
very important things, which ^e too may learu frora 
India. 

If I were to look over the whole world to find out 
the country most richly endow^ed with all the wealth, 
power, and beauty that nature can bestow^in some 
parts a very paradise on earth — I should point to 
India. If I were asked under what sky the human 
mind has most fully developed some of its choicest 
gifts, has most deeply pondered on the greatest pro- 
blems of life, and has found solutions of some of thenji 
which well deserve the attention even of those who have 
studied Plato and Kant — I should point to India. 
And if I were to ask myself from what Hterature we, 
here in Europe, we who have been nurtured almost 
exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and Ronians, 
and of one Semitic race, the Jewish, may draw that 
corrective which is most wanted in order to make 
pur inner life more perfect, more comprehensive, 
more universal, in fact more truly human, a life, 
not for this life only, but a transfigured and eternal 
life — again I should point tq India. 



WHAT CAN INDIA T^ACH US'? 7 

I know yom will be surpris&d to hear me say tHs. 
I know that more particularly those who have spent 
many years of active life in Calcutta, or Bombay, or 
Madras, will be horror-struck at the idea that the hu- 
manity they meet with there, whether in the bazaars 
or in the courts of justice, or in so-called native 
society, should be able to teach us any lessons. 

Let me therefore explain at once to my friends 
who may have lived in India for years, as civil ser- 
vants, or officers, or missionaries, or merchants, and 
who ought to know a great deal more of that country 
than one who has never set foot on the soil of Arya- 
varta, that we are speaking of two very different 
Indias. I am thinking chiefly of India, such as it 
was a thousand, two thousand, it may be three thou- 
sand years ago ; they think of the India of to-day. 
And again, when thinking of the India of to-day, 
they remember chiefly the India of Calcutta, Bom- 
bay, or Madras, the India of the towns. I look 
to the India of the village communities, the true 
India of the Indians. 

What I wish to show to you, I mean more espe- 
cially the candidates for the Indian Civil Service, is 
that this India of a thousand, or two thousand, or 
three thousand years ago, aye the India of to-day 
also, if only you know where to look for it, is full of 
problems the solution of which concerns all of us, 
even us in this Europe of the nineteenth century. 

If you have acquired any special tastes here in 
England, you wiU. find plenty to satisfy them in 
India; and whoever has learnt to take an interest 
in any of the great problems that occupy the best 
thinkers and workers at home, need certainly not be 
afraid of India proving to him an intellectual exile. 



8 LECTURE I. 

If you care for geology, there is work for you from 
tlie Himgllayas to Ceylon. 

If you are fond of botany, there is a flora rich 
enough for many Hookers. 

If you are a zoologist, think of Haeckel, who is 
just now rushing through Indian forests and dredging 
in Indian seas, and to whom his stay in India is like 
the realisation of the brightest dream of his life. 

If you are interested in Ethnology, why India is 
like a liviog ethnological museum. 

If you are fond of Archaeology, if you have ever 
assisted at the opening of a barrow in England, and 
know the delight of finding a fibula, or a knife, or 
a flint in a heap of rubbish, read only 'General 
Cunningham's Annual Reports of the Archaeological 
Survey of India,' and you will be impatient for the 
time when you can take your spade and bring to 
light the ancient Yiharas or Colleges built by the 
Buddhist monarchs of India. 

If ever you amused yourselves with collecting 
coins, why the soil of India teems with coins, 
Persian, Carian, Thracian, Parthian, Greek, Mace- 
donian, Scythian, Eoman\ and Mohammedan. When 
Warren Hastings was Governor-General, an earthen 
pot was found on the bank of a river in the province 
of Benares, containing 172 gold Darics^. Warren 
Hastings considered himself as making the most 
munificent present to his masters that he might 

^ Pliny (VI. 26) tells us that in his day the annual drain of 
bullion into India, in return for her valuable produce, reached the 
immense amount of ' five hundred and fifty millions of sesterces/ 
See E. Thomas, The Indian Balhard, p. 13. 

^ Cunningham, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
1881, p. 184. 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 9 

ever have it in his power to send them, by present- 
ing those ancient coins to the Court of Directors. 
The story is that they were sent to the melting 
pot. At all events they had disappeared when 
Warren Hastings returned to England. It rests 
with you to prevent the revival of such VandaHsm. 

In one of the last numbers of the ' Asiatic Journal 
of Bengal ' you may read of the discovery of a trea- 
sure as rich in gold almost as some of the tombs 
opened by Dr. Schliemann at Mykense, nay I should 
add, perhaps not quite unconnected with some of the 
treasures found at Mykense ; yet hardly any one has 
taken notice of it in England^ ! 

The study of Mythology has assumed an entirely 
new character, chiefly owing to the light that has 
been thrown on it by the ancient Yedic Mythology 
of India. But though the foundation of a true 
Science of Mythology has been laid, all the detail has 
still to be worked out, and could be worked out 
nowhere better than in India. 

Even the study of fables owes its new life to 
India, from whence the various migrations of fables 
have been traced at various times and through 
various channels from East to West ^. Buddhism is 
now known to have been the principal source of our 
legends and parables. But here too, many problems 
still wait for their solution. Think, for instance, of the 
allusion ^ to the fable of the donkey in the lion s skin, 

^ See note A. 

2 See Selected Essays, vol. I, p. 500, ' The Migration of Fables.' 

^ Cratylus 411 A. 'Still, as I have put on the lion's skin, I 

must not be faint-hearted.' Possibly, however, this may refer to 

Hercules, and not to the fable of the donkey in the lion's or the 

tiger's skin. In the Hitopadesa, a donkey, being nearly starved, is 



10 LECTURE I. 

-wihieli occurs in Plato's Cratylus. Was that borrowed 
from tlie East ? Or take the fable of the weasel 
changed bj Aphrodite into a woman who, when she 
saw a mouse, could not refrain from making a spring 
at it. This, too, is very like a Sanskrit fable, but 
how then could it have been brought into Greece 
early enough to appear in one of the comedies of 
Strattis, about 400 B. c, ^ '? Here, too, there is still 
pleuty of work to do. 

We may go back even further into antiquity, and 
still find strange coincidences between the legends of 
India and the legends of the West, without as yet 
being able to say how they travelled, whether from 
East to West, or from West to East. That at the 
time of Solomon, there was a channel of communica- 
;, tion open between India and Syria and Palestine is 
established beyond doubt, I believe, by certain San- 
skrit words which occur in the Bible as names of 
articles of export from Opliir, articles such as ivory, 
^ M ^P^s, peacocks, and sandalwood, which, taken to- 
gether, could not have been exported from any 
country but India 2. Nor is there any reason to 
suppose that the commercial intercourse between 
India, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the 
Mediterranean was ever completely interrupted, even 
at the time when the Book of Kings is supposed to 
have been written. 

sent by his master into a cornfield to feed. In order to shield him he 
puts a tiger's skin on him. All goes well till a watchman approaches, 
hiding himself under his grey coat, and trying to shoot the tiger. 
The donkey thinks it is a grey female donkey, begins to bray, and is 
killed. On a similar fable in Ji^sop, see Benfey, Pantschatantra, vol. 
I, p. 463 ; M. M., Selected Essays, vol. I, p. 513. 

^ See Fragmenta Comic. (Didot) p. 302; Benfey, 1. c. vol. I, p. 374. 

^ Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. I, p. 231. 



WHAT CA^ INDIA TEACH US 1 11 

Now you remember the judgment of Solomon, whick 
has always been admired as a proof of great legal 
wisdom among the Jews \ I must confess that, not 
haying a legal mind, I neyer could suppress a certain 
shudder when reading the decision of Solomon : 
* Divide the living child in two, and give half to the 
one, and half to the other." 

Let me now tell you the same story as it is told 
by the Buddhists, whose sacred Canon is full of such 
legends and parables. In the Kanjur, which is the 
Tibetan translation of the Buddhist Tripi^aka, we 
likewise read of two women who claimed each to be 
the mother of the same child. The king, after listening 
to their quarrels for a long time, gave it up as hope- 
less to settle who was the real mother. Upon this 
Yis^kha stepped forward and said : ' What is the use 
of examining and cross-examining these women. Let 
them take the boy and settle it among themselves.' 
Thereupon both women fell on the child, and when 
the fight became violent, the child was hurt and 
began to cry. Then one of them let him go, because 
she could not bear to hear the child cry. 

That settled the question. The king gave the 
child to the true mother, and had the other beaten 
with a rod. 

This seems to me, if not the more primitive, yet the 
more natural form of the story— showing a deeper 
knowledge of human nature, and more wisdom than 
even the wisdom of Solomon ^. 



^ I Kings iii. 25. 

^ See some excellent remarks on this subject in Rhys Davids, 
Buddhist Birth Stories, vol. I, pp. xiii and xliv. The learAed 
scholar gives another version of the story from a Singhalese trans- 



12 LECTURE 1. 

Many of you may have studied not only languages, 
but also the Science of Language, and is there any 
country in which some of the most important pro- 
blems of that science, say only the growth and decay 
of dialects, or the possible mixture of languages, with 
regard not only to words, but to grammatical ele- 
ments also, can be studied to greater advantage than 
among the Aryan, the Dravidian and the M.undsi 
inhabitants of India, when brought in contact with 
their various invaders and conquerors, the Greeks, 
the Yue-tchi, the Arabs, the Persians, the Moguls, and 
lastly the English. 

Again, if you are a student of Jurisprudence, there 
is a history of law to be explored in India, very 
different from what is known of the history of law in 
Greece, in Rome, and in Germany, yet both by its con- 
trasts and by its similarities full of suggestions to the 
student of Comparative Jurisprudence. New mate- 
rials are being discovered every year, as, for instance, 
the so-called Dharma or SamayaA;4rika Stitras, which 
have supplied the materials for the later metrical 
law-books, such as the famous Laws of Manu. What 
was once caUed * The Code of Laws of Manu,' and 
confidently referred to 1 200, or at least 500 B. c, is 
now hesitatingly referred to perhaps the fourth cen- ; 
tury A. D., and called neither a Code, nor a Code of ; 
Laws, least of all, the Code of Laws of Manu. 

If you have learnt to appreciate the value of recent 
researches into the antecedents of all law, namely the 
foundation and growth of the simplest political com- 
munities — and nowhere could you have had better 
opportunities for it than here at Cambridge — you 

lation of the (?ataka, dating from the fourteenth century, and he 
expresses a hope that Dr. Fausboll will soon publish the Pali original. 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 13 

will find a field of observation opened before you in 
the still existing village estates in India that will 
amply repay careful research. 

And take that which, after all, whether we confess 
or deny it, we care for more in this life than for any- 
thing else — nay, which is often far more cared for 
by those who deny than by those who confess — take 
that which supports, pervades, and directs all our acts 
and thoughts aijd hopes — without which there can be 
neither village community nor empire, neither custom 
nor law, neither right nor wrong — take that which, 
next to langiiage, has most firmly fixed the specific 
and permanent barrier between man and beast — 
which alone has made life possible and bearable, and 
which, a,s it is the deepest, though often hidden spring 
of individual life, is also the foundation of all national 
life, — the history of all histories, and yet the mystery 
of all mysteries — take religion, and where can you 
study its true origin, its natural growth, and its 
inevitable decay better than in India, the home of 
Brahmanism, the birthplace of Buddhism, and the 
refuge of Zoroastrianism, even now the mother of 
new superstitions — and why not, in the future, the 
regenerate child of the purest faith, if only purified 
from the dust of nineteen centuries 1 

You will find yourselves everywhere in India 
betweei}. an immense past and an immense future, 
with opportunities such as the old world could but 
seldom, if ever, ofier you. Take any of the burning 
questions of the day — popular education, higher edu- 
cation, parliamentary representation, codification of 
laws, finance, emigration, poor-law, and whether you 
have anything to teach and to try, or anything to 
observe and to learn, India will supply you with a 



14 LECTURE I. 

laboratory such as exists nowhere else. That very 
Sanskrit, the study of which may at first seem so 
tedious to you and so useless, if only you will carry 
it on, as you may carry it on here at Cambridge 
better than anywhere else, will open before you large 
layers of literature, as yet almost unknown and un- 
explored, and allow you an insight into strata of 
thought deeper than any you have known before, 
and rich in lessons that appeal to the deepest sym- 
pathies of the human heart. 

Depend upon it^ if only you can Make leisure, you will 
find plenty of work in India for your leisure hours.- 

India is not, as you may imagine-, a distant, strange, 
or, at the very utmost, a curious country. India for 
the future belongs to Europe, it has its place in the 
Indo-European worTdi it has its place in our own 
history, and in what is the very life of history, the 
history of the human mind. 

You know how some of the best talent and the 
noblest genius of our age has been devoted to the 
study of the development of the outward or material 
world, the growth of the earth, the first appearance 
of living cells, their combination and differentiation, 
leading up to the beginning of organic fife, and its 
steady progress from the lowest to the highest stages. 
Is there not an inward and intellectual world also 
which has to be studied in its historical development, 
from the first appearance of predicative and demon- 
strative roots, their combination and differentiation, 
leading up to the beginning of rational thought in 
its steady progress from the lowest to the highest 
stages 1 And in that study of the history of the 
human mind, in that study of ourselves, of our true 
selves, India occupies a place second to no other 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 15 

country. Whatever sphere of the human mind you 
may select for your special study, whether it be 
language, or religion, or mythology, or philosophy, 
whether it be laws or customs, primitive art or 
primitive science, everywhere, you have to go to 
India, whether you like it or not, because some of 
the most valuable and most instructive materials in 
the history of man are treasured up in India, and in 
India only. 

And while thus trying to explain to those whose 
lot will soon be cast in India the true position which 
that wonderful country holds or ought to hold in 
universal history, I may perhaps be able at the same 
time to appeal to the sympathies of other members 
of this University, by showing them how imperfect 
our knowledge of universal historj^ our insight into 
the development of the human intellect, must always 
remain, if we narrow oiu* horizon to the history of 
Greeks and B-omans, Saxons and Celts, with a dim 
background of Palestine, Egypt, and Babylon, and 
leave out of sight our nearest jntelkctual relatives, 
the Aryans of India, the framers of the most wonderful 
language, the Sanskrit, the fellow- workers in the con- 
struction of our fundamental concepts, the fathers of 
the most natural of natural religions, the makers of 
the most transparent of mythologies, the inventors 
of the most subtle philosophy, and the givers of the 
most elaborate laws. 

There are many things which we think essential 
in a liberal education, whole chapters of history 
which we teach in our schools and universities, that 
cannot for one moment compare with the chapter 
relating to India, if only properly understood and 
freely interpreted. 



16 • LECTUKE I. 

In our time, when the study of history threatens to 
become almost an impossibiHty — such is the mass of 
details which historians collect in archives and pour 
out before us in monographs — it seems to me more 
than ever the duty of the true historian to find out 
the real proportion of things, to arrange his materials 
according to the strictest rules of artistic perspec- 
tive, and to keep completely out of sight all that 
may be rightly ignored by us in our own passage 
across the historical stage of the world. It is this 
power of discovering what is really important that 
distinguishes the true historian from the mere 
chronicler, in whose eyes everything is important, 
particularly if he has discovered it himself. I think 
it was Frederick the Great who, when sighing for 
a true historian of his reign, complained bitterly that 
those who wrote the history of Prussia never forgot 
to describe the buttons on his uniform. And it is 
probably of such historical works that Carlyle was 
thinking when he said that he had waded through 
them al], but that nothing should ever induce him to 
hand even their names and titles down to posterity. 
And yet how much is there even in Carlyle's histories 
that miffht safelv be consigned to oblivion ! 

Why do we want to know history 1 Why does 
history form a recognized part of our liberal education'? 
Simply because all of us, and every one of us, ought 
to know how we have come to be what we are, so 
that each generation need not start again from the 
same point, and toil over the same ground, but, profit- 
ing by the experience of those who came before, may 
advance towards higher points and nobler aims. As 
a child when growing up, might ask his father or 
grandfather, who had built the house they lived in, 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH VH'i 17 

or who had cleared the field that yielded them their 
food, we ask the historian whence we came, and how 
we came into possession of whab we call our own. 
History may tell us afterwards many useful and 
amusing things, gossip, such as a child might like to 
hear from his mother or grandmother ; but what his- 
tory has to teach us before all and everything, is our 
Own antecedents, our own ancestors, our own descent. 

Now our principal intellectual ancestors are, no 
doubt, the Jews, the Greeks, the Bomans, and the 
Saxons, and we, here in Europe, should not call a 
man educated or enlightened who was ignorant of 
the debt which he owes to his intellectual ancestors 
in Palestine, Greece, Eome, and Germany. The whole 
past history of the world would be darkness to him, 
and not knowing what those who came before him 
had done for him, he would probably care little to do 
anything for those who are to come after him. Life 
would be to him a chain of sand, while it ought to be 
a kind of electric chain that makes our hearts tremble 
and vibrate with the most ancient thoughts of the 
past, as well as with the most distant hopes of the 
future. 

Let us begin with our religion. No one can 
understand even the historical possibility of the 
Christian religion without knowing something of 
the Jewish race, which must be studied chiefly in 
the pages of the Old Testament. And in order to 
appreciate the true relation of the Jews to the rest 
of the ancient world, and to understand what 
ideas were peculiarly their own, and what ideas 
they shared in common with the other members of 
the Semitic stock, or what moral and religious im- 
pulses they received from their histprical contact 

c 



18 LECTURE I. 

with other nations of antiquity, it is absolutely- 
necessary that we should pay some attention to the 
history of Babylon, Nineveh, Phoenicia, and Persia. 
These may seem distant countries and forgotten 
people, and many might feel inclined to say, ' Let the 
dead bury their dead ; what are those mummies to 
us 1 ' StiU, such is the marvellous continuity of 
history, that I could easily show you many things 
which we, even we who are here assembled, owe to 
Babylon, to Nineveh, to Egypt, Phoenicia, and Persia. 

Every one who carries a watch, owes to the Baby- 
lonians the division of the hour into sixty minutes. 
It may be a very bad division, yet such as it is, it 
ha,s come to us from the Greeks and Bomans, and it 
came to them from Babylon. The sexagesimal 
division is peculiarly Babylonian, Hipparchos, 1 50 B.C., 
adopted it from Babylon, Ptolemy, 150 A.D., gave it 
wider currency, and the French, when they decimated 
everything else, respected the dial plates of our 
watches, and left them with their sixty Babylonian 
minutes. 

Everyone who writes a letter, owes his alphabet 
to the Bomans and Greeks ; the Greeks owed their 
alphabet to the Phoenicians, and the Phoenicians learnt 
it in Egypt. It may be a very imperfect alphabet — 
as all the students of phonetics will tell you ; yet, 
such as it is, and has been, we owe it to the old 
Phoenicians and Egyptians, and in every letter we 
trace, there lies imbedded the mummy of an ancient 
Egyptian hieroglyphic. 

What do we owe to the Persians "? It does not 
seem to be much, for they were not a veiy inventive 
race, and what they knew, they had chiefly learnt 
from their neighbours, the Babylonians and Assyrians. 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 19 

Still, we owe them something. First of all, we owe 
them a large debt of gratitude for having allowed i 
themselves to be beaten by the Greeks ; for think / 
what the world would have been, if the Persians had I 
beaten the Greeks at Marathon, and had enslaved, 
that means, annihilated, the genius of ancient Greece. 
However, this may be called rather an involuntary 
contribution to the progress of humanity, and I men- 
tion it only in order to show, how narrowly, not only 
Greeks and Bomans, but Saxons and Anglo-Saxons 
too, escaped becoming Parsis or Fire- worshippers. 

But I can mention at least one voluntary gift 
which came to us from Persia, and that is the » 
relation of silver to gold in our bi-metallic currency. 
That relation was, no doubt, first determined in 
Babylonia, but it assumed its practical and historical 
importance in the Persian empire, and spread from 
there to the Greek colonies in Asia, and thence to 
Europe, where it has maintained itself with slight 
variation to the present day. 

A talent^ was divided into sixty minx, a mina into 
sixty shekels. Here we have again the Babylonian 
sexagesimal system, a system which owes its origin 
and popularity, I believe, to the fact that sixty has 
the greatest number of divisors. Shekel was trans- 
lated into Greek by Stater, and an Athenian gold 
stater, like the Persian gold stater, down to the 
times of Croesus, Darius, and Alexander, was the 
sixtieth part of a mina of gold, not very far therefore/ 
from our sovereign. The proportion of silver to gold' 
was fixed as 1 3 or 1 3-J to i ; and if the weight of a 



^ See Cunningham, Journal of tlie Asiatic Society of Bengal, 
1881, pp. 162-168. 

C 2 



20 LECTURE I. 

silver shekel was made as 13 to 10, such a coin would 
correspond very nearly to our florin ^. Half a silver 
shekel was a drachma, and this was therefore the 
true ancestor of our shilling. 

Again you may say that any attempt at fixing the 
relative value of silver and gold is, and always has 
been, a great mistake. Still it shows how closely 
the world is held together, and how, for good or for 
evil, we are what we are, not so much by ourselves 
as by the toil and moil of those who came before us,| 
our true intellectual ancestors, whatever the blood may 
have been composed of that ran through their veins, 
or the bones which formed the rafters of their skulls. 

And if it is true, with regard to rehgion, that no one 
could understand it and appreciate its full purport 
without knowing its origin and growth, that is, without 
knowing something of what the cuneiform inscriptions 
of Mesopotamia, the hieroglyphic and hieratic texts of 
Egypt, and the historical monuments of Phoenicia and 
Persia can alone reveal to us, it is equally true, with 
regard to all the other elements that constitute the 
whole of our intellectual life. If we are Jewish or; 
Semitic in our rehgion, we are Greek in our philosophy, i 
Boman in our politics, and Saxon in our morality,* 
and it follows that a knowledge of the history of the 
Greeks, Eomans, and Saxons, or of the flow of civili- 
zation from Greece to Italy, and through G-ermany to 
these isles, forms an essential element in what is called 
a liberal, that is, an historical and rational education. I 

But then it might be said, Let this be enough. 
Let us know by aU means all that deserves to be 

^ Sim, the Persian word for silver, has also the meaning of one- 
thirteenth; see Cunningham, 1. c. p. 165. 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 21 

known about our real spiritual ancestors in the great 
historical kingdoms of the world ; let us be grateful 
for all we have inherited from Egyptians, Babylonians, 
Phoenicians, Jews, Greeks, Romans, and Saxons. But 
why bring in India "? Why add a new burden to what 
every man has to bear already, before he can call 
himself fairly educated 1 What have we inherited 
from the dark dwellers on the Indus and the Ganges, 
that we should have to add their royal names and 
dates and deeds to the archives of our already over- 
burdened memory 1 

There is some justice in this complaint. The 
ancient inhabitants of India are not our intellec- 
tual ancestors in the same direct way as Jews, 
Greeks, Eomans, and Saxons are ; but they repre- 
sent, nevertheless, a collateral branch of that family 
to which we belong by language, that is, by thought, 
and their historical records extend in some respects 
so far beyond all other records and have been 
preserved to us in such perfect and such legible 
documents, that we can learn from them lessons 
which we can learn nowhere else, and supply missing 
links in our intellectual ancestry far more important 
than that missing link (which we can well afford to 
miss), the link between Ape and Man. 

I am not speaking as yet of the literature of India 
as it is, but of something far more ancient, the 
language of India, or Sanskrit. No one supposes 
any longer that Sanskrit was the common source of 
Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon. This used to be 
said, but it has long been shown that Sanskrit is 
only a collateral branch of the same stem from which 
spring Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon ; and not only 
these, but all the Teutonic, all the Celtic, all the 



22 LECTURE I. 

Slavonic languages, nay, the languages of Persia 
and Armenia also. 

What, then, is it that gives to Sanskrit its claim 
on our attention, and its supreme importance in the 
eyes of the historian 1 

First of all, its antiquity, — for we know San- 
skrit at an earlier period than Greek. But what 
is far more important than its merely chrono- 
logical antiquity is the antique state of preser- 
vation in which that Aryan language has been 
handed down to us. The world had known Latm 
and Greek for centuries, and it was felt, no doubt, 
that there was some kind of similarity between the 
two. But how was that similarity to be explained 1 
Sometimes Latin was supposed to give the key to 
the formation of a Greek word, sometimes Greek 
seemed to betray the secret of the origin of a Latin 
word, Afterwards, when the ancient Teutonic lan- 
guages, such as Gothic and Anglo-Saxon, and the 
ancient Celtic and Slavonic languages too, came to 
be studied, no one could help seeing a certain family 
likeness among them all. But how such a likeness 
between these languages came to be, and how, what 
is far more difficult to explain, such striking dif- 
ferences too between these languages came to be, 
remained a mystery, and gave rise to the most 
gratuitous theories, most of them, as you know, 
devoid of all scientific foundation. As soon, however, 
as Sanskrit stepped into the midst of these languages, 
there came light and warmth and mutual recognition. 
They all ceased to be strangers, and each fell of its 
own accord into its right place. Sanskrit was the 
eldest sister of them all, and could tell of many things 
which the other members of the family had quite 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ^ 23 

forgotten. Still, the other languages too had each 
their own tale to tell ; and it is out of all their tales 
together that a chapter in the human mind has been 
put together which, in some respects, is more important 
to us than any of the other chapters, the Jewish, the 
Greek, the Latin, or the Saxon. 

The process by which that ancient chapter of 
history was recovered is very simple. Take the 
words which occur in the same form and with the 
same meaning in all the seven branches of the Aryan 
family, and you have in them the most genuine and 
trustworthy records in which to read the thoughts 
of our true ancestors, before they had become 
Hindus, or Persians, or Greeks, or Romans, or 
Celts, or Teutons, or Slaves. Of course, some of 
these ancient charters may have been lost in one 
or other of these seven branches of the Aryan family, 
but even then, if they are found in six, or five, or 
four, or three, or even two only of its original branches, 
the probability remains, unless we can prove a later 
historical contact between these languages, that these 
words existed before the great Aryan Sejparation. 
If we find agni, meaning fire, in Sanskrit, and ignis, 
meaning fire, in Latin, we may safely conclude that 
-fire was known to the undivided Aryans, even if no 
trace of the same name of fire occurred anywhere else. 
And why '? Because there is no indication that Latin 
remained longer united with Sanskrit than any of 
the other Aryan languages, or that Latin could have 
borrowed such a word from Sanskrit, after these two 
languages had once become distinct. We have, how- 
ever, the Lithuanian ugnls, and the Scottish ingle, 
to show that the Slavonic and possibly the Teu- 
tonic languages also, knew the same word for fire, 



24 LECTURE I. 

though they replaced it in time by other words. 
Words, Kke all other things, will die, and why they 
should live on in one soil and wither away and 
perish in another, is not always easy to say. What 
has become of ignis, for instance, in all the Romance 
languages 'i It has withered away and perished, pro- 
bably because, after losing its final unaccentuated 
syllable, it became awkward to pronounce ; and 
another word focus, which in Latin meant fire-place, 
hearth, altar, has taken its place. 

Suppose we wanted to know whether the ancient 
Aryans before their separation knew the mouse : we 
should only have to consult the principal Aryan 
dictionaries, and we should find in Sanskrit musli, in 
Greek yuu?, in Latin mus, in Old Slavonic myse, in Old 
High German mus, enabling us to say that, at a time 
so distant from us that we feel inclined to measure it 
by Indian rather than by our own chronology, the 
mouse was known, that is, was named, was conceived 
and recognised as a species of its own, not to be con- 
founded with any other vermin. 

And if we were to ask whether the enemy of the 
mouse, the cat, was known at the same distant time, 
we should feel justified in saying decidedly, No. 
The cat is called in Sanskrit m4r^4ra and vi(^ala. In 
Greek and Latin the words usually given as names of 
the cat, yaXeri and alXovpog, mustella and/eZes, did not 
originally signify the tame cat, but the weasel or 
marten. The name for the real cat in Greek was 
Karra, in Latin catus, and these words have supplied 
the names for cat in all the Teutonic, Slavonic, and 
Celtic languages. The animal itself, so far as we 
know at present, came to Europe from Egypt, where 
it had been worshipped for centuries and tamed ; and 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 25 

as tills arrival probably dates from the fourtb century 
A. D., we can well understand that no common name 
for it could have existed when the Aryan nations 
separated ^. 

In this way a more or less complete picture of 
the state of civilization, jorevious to the Aryan Sepa- 
ration, can be and has been reconstructed, like a 
mosaic put together with the fragments of ancient 
stones ; and I doubt whether, in tracing the history 
of the human mind, we shall ever reach to a lower 
stratum than that which is revealed to us by the con- 
verging rays of the different Aryan languages. 

Nor is that all ; for even that Pro to- Aryan lan- 
guage, as it has been reconstructed from the ruins 
scattered about in India, Greece, Italy, and Germany, 
is clearly the result of a long, long process of thought. 
One shrinks from chronological limitations when look- 
ing into such distant periods of life. But if we find 
Sanskrit as a perfect literary language, totally different 
from Greek and Latin, 1500 B.C., where can those 
streams of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin meet, as we 
trace them back to their common source 1 And 
then, when we have followed these mighty national 
streams back to their common meeting point, even 
then that common language looks like a rock washed 
down and smoothed for ages by the ebb and flow of 
thought. We find in that language such a compound, 
for instance, as asmi, 1 am, Greek ia-fxi. What would 
other languages give for such a pure concept as I 
am 1 They may say, I stand, or I live, or I grow, or 
I turn, but it is given to few languages only to be 
able to say I am. To us nothing seems more natural 

^ See note B. 



26 LECTURE I. 

than the auxiliary verb I am : but, in reality, no work 
of art has required greater efforts than this httle word 
I am. And all those efforts lie beneath the level of 
the common Proto-Aryan speech. Many different ways 
were open, were tried, too, in order to arrive at such 
a compound as asmi, and such a concept as I am. 
But all were given up, and this one alone remained, 
and was preserved for ever in all the languages and 
all the dialects of the Aryan family. In as-mi, as is 
the root, and in the compound as-mi, the predicative 
root as, to be, is predicated oi mi, I. But no language 
could ever produce at once so empty, or, if you hke, 
so general a root as as, to be. As meant originally to 
hreathe, and from it we have asu, breath, spirit, life, 
also as the mouth, Latin 6s, dris. By constant wear 
and tear this root as, to breathe, had first to lose all 
signs of its original material character, before it could 
convey that purely abstract meaning of existence, 
without any qualification, which has rendered to the 
higher operations of thought the same service which 
the nought, likewise the invention of Indian genius, 
has to render in arithmetic. Who will say how long 
the friction lasted which changed as, to breathe, into 
as, to be ? And even a root as, to breathe, was an 
Aryan root, not Semitic, not Turanian. It possessed 
an historical individuality — it was the work of our 
forefathers, and represents a thread which unites us 
in our thoughts and words with those who first 
thought for us, with those who first spoke for us, and 
whose thoughts and words men are still thinking and 
speaking, though divided from them by thousands, it 
may be by hundreds of thousands of years. 

This is what I call history in the true sense of the 
word, something really worth knowing, far more so 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 27 

than the scandals of courts, or the butcheries of nations, 
which fill so many pages of our Manuals of History. 
And all this work is only beginning, and whoever 
likes to labour in these the most ancient of historical 
archives will find plenty of discoveries to make — 
and yet people ask, what is the use of learning 
Sanskrit 1 

We get accustomed to everything, and cease to 
wonder at what would have startled our fathers and 
upset all their stratified notions, like a sudden earth- 
quake. Every child now learns at school that English 
is an Aryan or Indo-European language, that it be- 
longs to the Teutonic branch, and that this branch, 
together with the Italic, Greek, Celtic, Slavonic, 
Iranic, and Indie branches, all spring from the same 
stock, and form together the great Aryan or Indo- 
European family of speech. 

But this, though it is taught now in our elementary 
schools, was really, but fifty years ago, like the open- 
ing of a new horizon of the world of the intellect, 
and the extension of a feeling of closest fraternity 
that made us feel at home where before we had been 
strangers, and changed millions of so-called barbarians 
into our own kith and kin. To speak the same 
language constitutes a closer union than to have 
drunk the same milk; and Sanskrit, the ancient 
language of India, is substantially the same language 
as Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon. This is a lesson 
which we should never have learnt but from a study 
of Indian language and literature, and if India had 
taught us nothing else, it would have taught us 
more than almost any other language ever did. 

It is quite amusing, though instructive also, to 
read what was written by scholars and philosophers 



28 LECTUEE I. 

when this new light first dawned on the world. 
They would not have it, they would not believe that 
there could be any community of origin between the 
people of Athens and Rome, and the so-called Niggers 
of India. The classical scholars scouted the idea, and 
I myself still remember the time, when I was a 
student at Leipzig and began to study Sanskrit, with 
what contempt any remarks on Sanskrit or compara- 
tive grammar were treated by my teachers, men such 
as Gottfried Hermann, Haupt, Westermann, Stall- 
baum, and others. No one ever was for a time so com- 
pletely laughed down as Professor Bopp, when he first 
published his Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Zend, 
Greek, Latin, and Gothic. All hands were against 
him ; and if in comparing Greek and Latin with 
Sanskrit, Gothic, Celtic, Slavonic, or Persian, he 
happened to have placed one single accent wrong, 
the shouts of those who knew nothing but Greek 
and Latin, and probably looked in their Greek Dic- 
tionaries to be quite sure of their accents, would 
never end. Dugald Stewart, rather than admit a 
relationship between Hindus and Scots, would rather 
believe that the w^iole Sanskrit language and the 
whole of Sanskrit literature — mind, a literature ex- 
tending over three thousand years and larger than 
the ancient literature of either Greece or Eome, — 
was a forgery of those wily priests, the Brahmans. 
I remember too how, when I was at school at Leipzig, 
(and a very good school it was, with such masters as 
Nobbe, Forbiger, Funkhaenel, and Palm, — an old 
school too, which could boast of Leibniz among its 
former pupils) I remember, I say, one of our masters 
(Dr. Klee) telling us one afternoon, when it was 
too hot to do any serious work, that there was a 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US'? 29 

language spoken in India, which was much the same 
as Greek and Latin, nay, as German and Eussian. 
At first we thought it was a joke, but when one saw 
the parallel columns of Numerals, Pronouns, and 
Verbs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin written on the 
black board, one felt in the presence of facts, before 
w^hich one had to bow. All one's ideas of Adam and 
Eve, and the Paradise, and the tower of Babel, and 
Shem, Ham, and Japhet, with Homer and JEneas 
and Virgil too, seemed to be whirling round and 
round, till at last one picked up the fragments and 
tried to build up a new world, and to live with a 
new historical consciousness. 

Here you will see why I consider a certain know- 
ledge of India an essential portion of a liberal or 
an historical education. The concept of the Eu- 
ropean man has been changed and widely extended by 
our acquaintance with India, and we know now that 
we are something different from what we thought 
we were. Suppose the Americans, owing to some 
cataclysmal events, had forgotten their English 
origin, and after two or three thousand years found 
themselves in possession of a language and of ideas 
which they could trace back historically to a certain 
date, but which, at that date, seemed, as it were, fallen 
from the sky, without any explanation of their origin 
and previous growth, what would they say if sud- 
denly the existence of an English language and 
literature were revealed to them, such as they existed 
in the eighteenth century — explaining all that seemed 
before almost miraculous, and solviug almost every 
question that could be asked ! WeU, this is much 
the same as what the discovery of Sanskrit has done 
for us. It has added a new period to our historical 



30 LECTURE I. 

consciousness, and revived the recollections of our 
childhood, which seemed to have vanished for ever. 

Whatever else we may have been, it is quite clear 
now that, many thousands of years ago, we were 
something that had not yet developed into an Eng- 
lishman, or a Saxon, or a Greek, or a Hindu either, 
yet contained in itself the germs of all these characters. 
A strange being, you may say. Yes, but for all that a 
very real being, and an ancestor too of whom we must 
learn to be proud, far more than of any such modern 
ancestors, as Normans, Saxons, Celts, and all the rest. 

And this is not all yet that a study of Sanskrit 
and the other Aryan languages has done for us. It 
has not only widened our views of man, and taught 
us to embrace millions of strangers and barbarians as 
members of one family, but it has imparted to the 
whole ancient history of man a reality which it never 
possessed before. 

We speak and write a great deal about antiquities, 
and if we can lay hold of a Greek statue or an 
Egyptian Sphinx or a Babylonian Bull, our heart 
rejoices, and we build museums grander than any 
Boyal palaces to receive the treasures of the past. 
This is quite right. But are you aware that every 
one of us possesses what may be called the richest 
and most wonderful Museum of Antiquities, older 
than any statues, sphinxes, or bulls 1 And where '? 
Why, in our own language. When I use such words 
SiS father or mother, heart or tear, one, two, three, here 
and there, I am handling coins or counters that were 
current before there was one single Greek statue, one 
single Babylonian Bull, one single Egyptian Sphinx. 
Yes, each of us carries about with him the richest and 
most wonderful Museum of Antiquities ; and if he only 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US 1 31 

knows how to treat those treasures, how to rub and 
pohsh them till they become translucent again, how 
to arrange them and read them, they will tell him 
marvels more marvellous than all hieroglyphics and 
cuneiform inscriptions put together. The stories 
they have told us are beginning to be old stories 
now. Many of you have heard them before. But 
do not let them cease to be marvels, like so many 
things which cease to be marvels because they happen 
every day. And do not think that there is nothing 
left for you to do. There are more marvels still to be 
discovered in language than have ever been revealed 
to us ; nay, there is no word, however common, if 
only you know how to take it to pieces, like a 
cunningly contrived work of art, fitted together 
thousands of years ago by the most cunning of 
artists, the human mind, that will not make you 
listen and marvel more than any chapter of the 
Arabian Nights. 

But I must not allow myself to be carried away 
from my proper subject. All I wish to impress on 
you by way of introduction is that the results of 
the Science of Language, which, without the aid of 
Sanskrit, would never have been obtained, form an 
essential element of what we call a liberal, that is 
an historical education, — an education which will 
enable a man to do what the French call s orient er, 
that is, 'to find his East,' ' his true East,' and thus 
to determine his real place in the world ; to know, 
in fact, the port whence man started, the course he 
has followed, and the port towards which he has 
to steer. 

We all come from the East — all that we value 



32 LECTUEE I. 

most has come to us from the East, and in going to 
the East, not only those who have received a special 
Oriental training, but everybody who has enjoyed 
the advantages of a liberal, that is, of a truly histo- 
rical education, ought to feel that he is going to his 
' old home,' full of memories, if only he can read them. 
Instead of feeling your hearts sink within you, when 
next year you approach the shores of India, I wish 
that every one of you could feel what Sir William 
Jones felt, when, just one hundred years ago, he came 
•to the end of his long voyage from England, and saw 
the shores of India rising on the horizon. At that time 
young men going to the wonderland of India, were not 
ashamed of dreaming dreams, and seeing visions : and 
this was the dream dreamt and the vision seen by 
Sir William Jones, then simple Mr. Jones : — 

' When I was at sea last August (that is in August 
1783), on my voyage to this country (India) I had 
long and ardently desired to visit, I found one even- 
ing, on inspecting the observations of the day, that 
India lay before us, Persia on our left, whilst a 
breeze from Arabia blew nearly on our stern. A 
situation so pleasing in itself and to me so new, could 
not fail to awaken a train of reflections in a mind, 
which had early been accustomed to contemplate 
with delight the eventful histories and agreeable 
fictions of this Eastern world. It gave me inexpres- 
sible pleasure to find myself in the midst of so noble 
an amphitheatre, almost encircled by the vast regions 
of Asia, which has ever been esteemed the nurse of 
sciences, the inventress of dehghtful and useful arts, 
the scene of glorious actions, fertile in the produc- 
tions of human genius, and infinitely diversified in 
the forms of rehgion and government, in the laws, 



WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US 1 33 

manners, customs, and languages, as well as in the 
features and complexions of men. I could not help 
remarking how important and extensive a field was 
yet unexplored, and how many solid advantages 
unimproved.' 

India wants more such dreamers as that young y)'J(%_. 
Mr. Jones, standing alone on the deck of his vessel f 

and watching the sun diving into the sea — with the 
memories of England behind and the hopes of India 
before him, feeling the presence of Persia and its 
ancient monarchs, and breathing the breezes of Arabia 
and its glowing poetry. Such dreamers know how 
to make their dreams come true, and how to change 
their visions into realities. 

And as it was a hundred years ago, so it is now ; 
or at least, so it may be now. There are many bright 
dreams to be dreamt about India, and many bright 
deeds to be done in India, if only. you will do them. 
Though many great and glorious conquests have been 
made in the history and literature of the East, since 
the days when Sir Wilham Jones landed at Calcutta, 
depend upon it, no young Alexander here need despair 
because there are no kingdoms left for him to conquer 
on the ancient shores of the Indus and the Ganges. 



D 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE 
HINDUS. 



LECTURE 11. 

In my first Lecture I endeavoured to remove the 
prejudice tlmt everything in India is strange, and so 
different from the intellectual life which we are ac- 
customed to in England that the twenty or twenty- 
five Years which a Civil servant has to spend in 
the East seem often to him a kind of exile that 
he must bear as well as he can, but that severs 
him completely from all those higher pursuits by 
which life is made enjoyable at home. This need 
not be so and ought not to be so, if only it is clearly 
teen how almost every one of the higher interests 
that make life worth living here in England, may 
find as ample scope in India as in England. 

To-day I shall have to grapple with another pre- 
judice which is even more mischievous, because it 
forms a kind of icy barrier between the Hindus and 
their rulers, and makes anything like a feehng of 
true fellowship between the two utterly impossible. 

That prejudice consists in looking upon our stay 
in India as a kind of moral exile, and in regarding 
the Hindus as an inferior race, totally different from 
ourselves in their moral character, and, more parti- 
cularly in what forms the very foundation of the 
English character, respect for truth. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 35 

I believe there is nothicg more disheartening to 
any high-minded young man than the idea that he 
will have to spend his life among human beings 
whom he can never respect or love — natives, as they 
are called, not to use even more offensive names — 
men whom he is taught to consider as not amenable 
to the recognised principles of self-respect, upright- 
nesSj and veracity, and with whom therefore any com- 
munity of interests and action, much more any real 
friendship, is supposed to be out of the question. 

So often has that charge of untruthfulness been 
repeated, and so generally is it now accepted, that it 
seems almost Quixotic to try to fight against it. 

Nor should I venture to fight this almost hopeless 
battle, if I were not convinced that such a charge, 
like all charges brought against a whole nation, rests 
on the most flimsy induction, and that it has done, 
is doing, and will continue to do more mischief than 
anything that even the bitterest enemy of English 
dominion in India could have invented. If a young 
man who goes to India as a Civil servant or as a 
military officer, goes there fully convinced that the 
people whom he is to meet with are all liars, liars 
by nature or by national instinct, never restrained 
in their dealings by any regard for truth, never to be 
trusted on their word, need we wonder at the feelings 
of disgust with which he thinks of the Hindus, even 
before he has seen them ; the feelings of distrust with 
which he approaches them, and the contemptuous way 
in which he treats them when broug^ht into contact 
with them for the transaction of public or private 
business 1 When such tares have once been sown by 
the enemy, it will be difficult to gather them wy. 
It has become almost an article of faith with every 

D 2 



36 . LECTURE II. 

Indian Civil servant that all Indians are liars ; nay, 
I know I shall never be forgiven for my heresy in 
venturing to doubt it. 

Now, quite apart from India, I feel most strongly 
that every one of these international condemnations is 
to be deprecated, not only for the sake of the self- 
conceited and uncharitable state of mind from which 
they spring, and which they serve to strengthen and 
confirm, but for purely logical reasons also, namely 
for the reckless and slovenly character of the induc- 
tion on which such conclusions rest. Because a man 
has travelled in Greece and has been cheated by his 
dragoman, or been carried off by brigands, does it 
follow that all Greeks, ancient as well as modern, are 
cheats and robbers, or that they apprave of cheating 
and robbery 1 And because in Calcutta, or Bombay, 
or Madras, Indians who are brought before judges, 
or who hang about the law courts and the bazaars, 
are not distinguished by an unreasoning and uncom- 
promising love of truth, is it not a very vicious 
induction to say, in these days of careful reasoning, 
that all Hindus are Hars — particularly if you bear in 
mind that, according to the latest census, the num- 
ber of inhabitants of that vast country amounts to 253 
millions. Are all these 253 millions of human beings 
to be set down as liars, because some hundreds, say 
even some thousands of Indians, when they are brought 
to an English court of law, on suspicion of having 
committed a theft or a murder, do not speak the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ■? 
Would an English sailor, if brought before a dark- 
skinned judge, who spoke English with a strange 
accent, bow down before him and confess at once 
any misdeed that he may have committed ; and 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 37 

would all his mates rush forward and eagerly bear 
witness against him, when he had got himself into 
trouble '? 

The rules of induction are general, but they de- 
pend on the subjects to which they are applied. 
We may, to follow an Indian proverb, judge of 
a whole field of rice by tasting one or two grains 
only, but if we apply this rule to human beings, we 
are sure to fall into the same mistake as the English 
chaplain who had once, on board an EngHsh vessel, 
christened a French child, and who remained fully 
convinced for the rest of his life that all French 
babies had very long noses. 

I can hardly think of anything that you could 
safely predicate of all the inhabitants of India, and 
I confess to a little nervous tremor whenever I see a 
sentence beginning with ' The people of India,' or 
even with 'All the Brahmans,' or 'All the Buddhists.' 
What follows is almost invariably wrong. There is a 
greater difference between an Afghan, a Sikh, a Hindu- 
stani, a Bengalese, and a Dravidian than between an 
Enghshman, a Frenchman, a German, and a Bussian — • 
yet all are classed as Hindus, and all are supposed to 
fall under the same sweeping condemnation. 

Let me read you what Sir John Malcolm says about 
the diversity of character to be observed by any one 
who has eyes to observe, among the different races 
whom we promiscuously call Hindus, and whom we 
promiscuously condemn as Hindus. After describing , 
the people of Bengal as weak in body and timid in | 
mind, and those below Calcutta as the lowest of our | 
Hindu subjects, both in character and appearance, he i 
continues : ' But from the moment you enter the dis- 1 
trict of Behar, the Hindu inhabitants are a race of men. 



gg, LECTURE IT. 

generally speaking, not more distinguished by tlieir 

i lofty stature and robust frame than they are for 
some of the finest qualities of the mind. They are 
J brave, generous, humane, and their truth is as re- 
I markable as their courage.' 

But because I feel bound to protest against the 
indiscriminating abuse that has been heaped on the 
people of India from the Himalaya to Ceylon, do not 
suppose that it is my wish or intention to draw an 
ideal picture of India, leaving out all the dark 
shades, and giving you nothing but ' sweetness and 
light.' Having never been in India myself, I can 
only claim for myself the right and duty of every 
historian, namely, the right of collecting as much 
information as possible, and the duty to sift it ac- 
cording to the recognised rules of historical criticism. 
My chief sources of information with regard to the 
national character of the Indians in ancient times 
will be the works of Greek writers and the literature 
of the ancient Indians themselves. For later times 
we must depend on the statements of the various 
conquerors of India, who are not always the most 
lenient judges of those whom they may find it more 
difficult to rule than to conquer. For the last 
century to the present day, I shall have to appeal, 
partly to the authority of those who, after spending 
an active life in India and among the Indians, have 
given us the benefit of their experience in published 
works, partly to the testimony of a number of dis- 
tinguished Civil servants and of Indian gentlemen 
also, whose personal acquaintance I have enjoyed in 
England, in France, and in Germany. 

As I have chiefly to address myself to those who 
will themselves be the rulers and administrators of 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 39 

India in the future, allow me to begin with the 
opinions which some of the most eminent, and, I 
believe, the most judicious among the Indian Civil 
servants of the past have formed and deliberately ex- 
pressed on the point which we are to-day discussing, 
namely, the veracity or want of veracity among the 
Hindus. 

And here I must begin with a remark which has 
been made by others also, namely, that the Civil 
servants who went to India in the beginning of this 
century, and under the a.uspices of the old East-India- 
Company, many of whom I had the honour and 
pleasure of knowing when I first came to England, 
seemed to have seen a great deal more of native life, 
native manners, and native character than those whom 
I had to examine five-and-twenty years ago, and who 
are now, after a distinguished career, coming back to 
England. India is no longer the distant island which 
it was, where each Crusoe had to make a home for 
himself as best he could. With the short and easy 
voyages from England to India and from India to 
England, with the frequent mails, and the telegrams, 
and the Anglo-Indian newspapers, official life in India 
has assumed the character of a temporary exile rather, 
which even English ladies are now more ready to 
share than fifty years ago. This is a difficulty 
which cannot be removed, but must be met, and 
which, I believe, can best be met by inspiring the 
new Civil servants with new and higher interests 
during their stay in India. 

I knew the late Professor Wilson, our Boden Pro- 
fessor of Sanskrit at Oxford, for many years, and 
often listened with deep interest to his Indian 
reminiscences. 



iO LECTUEE II. 

Let me read you what he, Professor Wilson, says 
of his native friends, associates, and servants^: 

* I lived, both from necessity and choice, very much 
amongst the Hindus, and had opportunities of be- 
coming acquainted with them in a greater variety of 
situations than those in which they usually come 
under the observation of Europeans. In the Calcutta 
mint, for instance, I was in daily personal communi- 
cation with a numerous body of artificers, mechanics, 
and labourers, and always found amongst them 
cheerful and unwearied industry, good-humoured 
compliance with the will of their superiors, and a 
readiness to make whatever exertions were de- 
manded from them : there was among them no 
drunkenness, no disorderly conduct, no insubordi- 
nation. It would not be true to say that there was 
no dishonesty, but it was comparatively rare, inva- 
riably petty, and much less formidable than, I be- 
lieve, it is necessary to guard against in other mints 
in other countries. There was considerable skill and 
ready docility. So far from there being any servility, 
there was extreme frankness, and I should say that 
where there is confidence without fear, frankness is 
one of the most universal features in the Indian 
character. Let the people feel sure of the temper 
and good-will of their superiors, and there is an end 
of reserve and timidity, without the slightest depar- 
ture from respect . . , .' 

Then, speaking of the much-abused Indian Pandits, 
he says : * The studies which engaged my leisure 
brought me into connection with the men of learning, 
and in them I found the similar merits of industry, 

^ Mill's History of British India, ed. "Wilson, vol. i. p. 375. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 41 

intelligence, cheerfulness, frankness, "with others 
peculiar to their avocation. A very common charac- 
teristic of these men, and of the Hindus especially, 
v^as a simplicity truly childish, and a total un- 
acquaintance with the business and manners of life. 
Where that feature was lost, it was chiefly by those 
who had been long familiar with Europeans. Amongst 
the Pandits, or the learned Hindus, there prevailed 
great ignorance and great dread of the European 
character. There is, indeed, very little intercourse 
between any class of Europeans and Hindu scholars, 
and it is not wonderful, therefore, that mutual mis- 
apprehension should prevail.^ 

Speaking, lastly, of the higher classes in Calcutta 
and elsewhere. Professor Wilson says that he wit- 
nessed among them ' polished manners, clearness and 
comprehensiveness of understanding, liberality of feel- 
ing and independence of principle that would have 
stamped them gentlemen in any country in the 
world.' ' With some of this class,' he adds, ' I formed 
friendships which I trust to enjoy through life.' 

I have often heard Professor Wilson speak in the 
same, and in even stronger terms of his old friends 
in India^ and his correspondence with Pam Comul 
Sen, the grandfather of Keshub Chunder Sen, a most 
orthodox, not to say bigoted, Hindu, which has lately 
been pubHshed, shows on what intimate terms 
Englishmen and Hindus may be, if only the advances 
are made on the English side. 

There is another Professor of Sanskrit, of whom 
your University may well be proud, and who could 
speak on this subject with far greater authority than 
I can. He too will tell you, and I have no doubt 
has often told you, that if only you look ont for 



4:2 LECTURE II. 

friends ainong tlie Hindus, you will find them, and 
you may trust tbem. 

There is one book which for many years I have 
been in the habit of recommending, and another 
against which I have always been warning those 
of the candidates for the Indian Civil Service whom 
I happened to see at Oxford ; and I believe both 
the advice and the warning have in several cases 
borne the very best fruit. The book which I consider 
most mischievous, nay, which I hold responsible for 
(some of the greatest misfortunes that have happened 
[to India, is Mills History of British India, even with 
the antidote against its poison, which is supplied by 
Professor Wilson's notes. The book which I recom- 
mend, and which I wish might be published again 
in a cheaper form, so as to make it more generally 
accessible, is Colonel Sleeman's Rambles and Re- 
collections of an Indian Official, published in 1844, 
but written originally in 1835-1836. 

Mill's History, no doubt, you. all know, particularly 
the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service, who, 
I am sorry to say, are recommended to read it and are 
examined in it. Still, in order to substantiate my 
strong condemnation of the book, I shall have to give 
a few proofs : — 

Mill in his estimate of the Hindu character is 
chiefly guided by Dubois, a French missionary, and by 
Orme and Buchanan, Tennant, and Ward, all of them 
neither very competent nor very unprejudiced judges. 
Mill ^, however, picks out all that is most unfavourable 
from their works, and omits the qualifications which 
even these writers felt bound to give to their whoLscde 

^ Mill's History, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 368. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 43 

condemnation of the Hindus. He quotes as serious, 
for instance, what was said in joke ^ namely, that ' a 
Brahman is an ant's nest of lies and impostures.' 
Next to the charge of untruthfuhiess, Mill upbraids 
the Hindus for what he calls their litigiousness. He 
writes^ : ' As often as courage fails them in seeking 
more daring gratification to their hatred and re- 
venge, their malignity finds a vent in the channel of 
litigation.' Without imputing dishonourable mo- 
tives, as Mill does, the same fact might be stated in a 
different way, by saying, 'As often as their conscience 
and respect of law keep them from seeking more 
daring gratification to their hatred and revenge, say by 
murder or poisoning, their trust in English justice leads 
them to appeal to our Courts of Law.' Dr. Eobertsoii, 
in his 'Historical Disquisitions concerning India ^' 
seems to have considered the litigious subtlety of the 
Hindus as a sign of high civilisation rather than of 
barbarism, but he is sharply corrected by Mr. Mill, 
who tells him that ' nowhere is this subtlety carried 
higher than among the wildest of the Irish.' That 
courts of justice, like the English, in which a verdict 
was not to be obtained, as formerly in Mohammedan 
courts, by bribes and corruption, should at first have 
proved very attractive to the Hindus, need not sur- 
prise us. But is it really true that the Hindus are 
more fond of litigation than other nations 1 If we 
consult Sir Thomas Munro, the eminent Governor of 
Madras, and the powerful advocate of the Byotwar 
settlements, he tells us in so many words*: 'I have 
had ample opportunity of observing the Hindus in 



^ Mill's History, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 325. ^ L. c. vol. i. p. 329. 
^ P. 217. * Mill's History, vol. i. p. 329. 



44 LECTURE II. 

every situation, and I can affirm, that they are not 
litigious^.' 

But Mill goes further still, and in one place 
he actually assures his readers ^ that a ' Brahman 
may put a man to death when he lists/ In fact, 
he represents the Hindus as such a monstrous mass 
of all vices that, as Colonel Vans Kennedy ^ remarked, 
society could not have held together, if it had really 
consisted of such reprobates only, Nor does he seem 
to see the full bearing of his remarks. Surely, if 
a Brahman might, as he says, put a man to death 
whenever he lists, it would be the strongest testimony 
in their favour that you hardly ever hear of their 
availing themselves of such a privilege, to say nothing 
of the fact — and a fact it is — that, according to 
statistics, the number of capital sentences was one 
in every 10,000 in England, but only one in every 
million in Bengal *. 

Colonel Sleeman's Eambles are less known than 
they deserve to be. To give you an idea of the 
man, I must read you some extracts from the book. 

His sketches being originally addressed to his 
sister, this is how he writes to her : — 

' My dear Sister, 

'Were anyone to ask your countrymen in India, 

what had been their greatest source of pleasure 

while there, perhaps, nine in ten would say, the 

letters wdiich they receive from their sisters at 

^ ManUj VIII. 43, says : 'Neither a King jhimself nor his officers 
must ever promote litigation ; nor ever neglect a lawsuit instituted 
by others.' 

"^ Mill's History, vol. i. p. 327. ^ L. c. p. 368. 

* See Elphinstone, History of India, ed. Cowell, p. 219 note. 
' Of the 232 sentences of death 64 only were carried out in Eng- 
land, while the 59 sentences of death in Bengal were all carried out.' 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 45 

home .... And while thus contributing so much to 
our happiness, they no doubt tend to make us better 
citizens of the world, and servants of government, 
than we should otherwise be ; for in our " struggles 
through life" in India, we have all, more or less, 
an eye to the approbation of those circles which our 
kind sisters represent, — who may therefore be con- 
sidered in the exalted light of a valuable species of 
unpaid magistracy to the government of India.' 

There is a touch of the old English chivalry even 
in these few words addressed to a sister whose 
approbation he values, and with whom he hoped to 
spend the winter of his days. Having been, as he 
confesses, idle in answering letters, or rather, too 
busy to find time for long letters, he made use of 
his enforced leisure, while on his way from the 
Nerbuddah river to the Himmaleh mountains, in 
search of health, to give to his sister a full account 
of his impressions and experiences in India. Though 
what he wrote was intended at first ' to interest and 
amuse his sister only and the other members of his 
family at home,' he adds in a more serious tone : 
'Of one thing I must beg you to be assured, that 
I have nowhere indulged in fiction, either in the 
narrative, the recollections, or the conversations. 
What I relate on the testimony of others, I beheve 
to be true ; and what I relate on my own, you may 
rely upon as being so.' 

When placing his volumes before the public at 
large in 1844, he expresses a hope that they may 
' tend to make the people of India better understood 
by those of our countrymen whose destinies are cast 
among them, and inspire more kindly feeHngs towards 
them.' 



46 LECTURE II. 

You may ask why I consider Colonel Sleeman so 
trustworthy an authority on the Indian character, 
more trustworthy, for instance, than even so accurate 
and unprejudiced an observer as Professor Wilson. 
My answer is — because Wilson lived chiefly in Cal- 
cutta, while Colonel Sleeman saw India, where alone 
the true India can be seen, namely, in the village- 
communities. For many years he was employed as 
Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee. The 
Thuggs were professional assassins, who committed 
their murders under a kind of religious sanction. 
They were originally ' all Mohammedans, but for a long 
time past Mohammedans and Hindus had been indis- 
criminately associated in the gangs, the former class, 
however, still predominating ^.' 

In order to hunt up these gangs, Colonel Sleeman 
had constantly to live among the people in the 
country, to gain their confidence, and to watch the 
good as well as the bad features in their character. 

Now what Colonel Sleeman continually insists on 
is that no one knows the Indians who does not know 
them in their village-communities — what we should 
now call their communes. It is that village-life 
which in India has given its peculiar impress to the 
Indian character, more so than in any other country 
we know. When in Indian history we hear so much 
of kings and emperors, of rajahs and maharajahs, 
we are apt to think of India as an Eastern monarchy, 
ruled by a central power, and without any trace of that 
self-government which forms the pride of England. 
But those who have most carefully studied the po- 
litical life of India tell you the very opposite. 

^ Sir Cli. Treveljaiij Christianity and Hinduism, 1882, p. 42. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTEU OF THE HINDUS. 47 

The political unit, or the social cell in India has 
always been, and, in spite of repeated foreign con- 
questSj is still the village-community. Some of these 
political units will occasionally combine or be combined 
for common purposes (such a confederacy being called 
a grdmaf/^la), but each is perfect in itself. When we 
read in the laws of Manu ^ of officers appointed to 
rule over ten, twenty, a hundred, or a thousand of 
these villages, that means no more than that they I 
were responsible for the collection of^ta^^s, and I 
generally for the good behaviour of these villages. 
And when, in later times, we hear of circles of 84 
villages, the so-called Chourasees (ilaturaslti ^), and 
of 360 villages, this too seems to refer to fiscal 
arrangements only. To the ordinary Hindu, I mean 
to ninety-nine m every hundred, the village was 
his world, and the sphere of public opinion, with its 
beneficial influences on individuals, seldom extended 
beyond the horizon of his village ^. 

Colonel Sleeman was one of the first who called , 
attention to the existence of these villa2;e-communi- i 
ties in India, and their importance in the social fabric I 

^ Manu VII. 115. 

^ H. M. Elliot, Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms, p«. 151. 

^ I see from Dr. Hunter's latest statistical tables tliat the whole 
number of towns and villages in British India amounts to 493,429. 
Out of this number 448,320 have less than 1000 inhabitants, and 
may be called villages. In Bengal, where the growth of towns has 
been most encouraged through Government establishments, the 
total number of homesteads is 117.042, and more than half of 
these contain less than 200 inhabitants. Only 10,077 towns in 
Bengal have more than 1000 inhabitants, that is, no more than 
about a seventeenth part of all the settlements are anything but 
what we should call substantial villages. In the North-Western 
Provinces the last census gives us 105,124 villages, against 297 
towns. See Times, 14th Aug. 1882. 



48 LECTURE II. 

of the whole country both in ancient and in modem 
times ; and though they have since become far better 
known and celebrated through the writings of Sir 
Henry Maine, it is still both interesting and instruc- 
tive to read Colonel Sleeman's account. He writes 
as a mere observer, and uninfluenced as yet by any 
theories on the development of early social and poli- 
tical life among the Aryan nations in general. 

I do not mean to say that Colonel Sleeman was the 

first who pointed out the palpable fact that the whole 

of India is parcelled out into estates of villages. Even 

so early an observer as Megasthenes^ seems to have 

been struck by the same fact when he says that ' in 

India the husbandmen with their wives and children 

live in the country, and entirely avoid going into 

town.' What Colonel Sleeman was the first to point 

^^out was that all the native virtues of the Hindus 

fare intimately connected with their village-life. 

j That village-life, however, is naturally the least 

known to English officials, nay, the very presence of 

jan English official is often said to be sufficient to 

Idrive away those native virtues which distinguish 

I both the private life and the public administration 

lof justice and equity in an Indian village^. Take a 

man out of his village-community, and you remove 

him from all the restraints of society. He is out of 

^ Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, by 
McCrindle, p. 42. 

^ ' Perjury seems to be committed by the meanest and encouraged 
by some of the better sort among the Hindus and Mussulmans, 
with as little remorse as if it were a proof of ingenuity, or even 
a merit.' Sir W. Jones, Address to Grand Jury at Calcutta, in 
Mill's History of India, vol. i. p. 324. 'The longer we possess a 
province, the more common and grave does perjury become.' Sir G. 
Campbell, quoted by S. Johnson, Oriental Eeligions, India, p. 288. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 49 

bis element, and, under temptation, is more likely to 
go wrong than to remain true to the traditions of 
his home-life. Even between village and village the 
usual restraints of public morality are not always ? 
recognised. What would be called theft or robbery | 
at home, is called a successful raid or conquest if 
directed against distant villages ; and what would , 
be falsehood or trickery in private life is honoured 
by the name of policy and diplomacy if successful 
against strangers. On the other hand, the rules of 
hospitality applied only to people of other villages, 
and a man of the same village could never claim the 
right of an Atithi, or guests 

Let us hear now what Colonel Sleeman tells us 
about the moral character of the members of these 
village-communities 2, and let us not forget that the 
Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee had 
ample opportunities of seeing the dark as well as 
the bright ideas of the Indian character. 

He assures us that falsehood or lying between 
members of the same village is almost unknown. 
Speaking of some of the most savage tribes, the 
Gonds, for instance, he maintains that nothing would f 
induce them to tell a lie, though they would think | 
nothing of lifting a herd of cattle from a neighbour- 
ing plain. 

Of these men it might perhaps be said that they 
have not yet learned the value of a lie; yet even 
such blissful ignorance ought to count in a nation's 
character. But I am not pleading here for Gonds, or 
Bhils, or Santhals, and other non- Aryan tribes. I am 
speaking of the Aryan and more or less civilized in- 



^ Yasish^^a, translated by Buhler, VIII. 8. ^ ggg Note C. 

E 



50 LECTURE II. 

habitants of India. Now among them, where rights, 

duties, and interests begin to clash in one and the 

same village, public opinion, in its limited sphere, 

I seems strong enough to deter even an evil-disposed 

person from telling a falsehood. The fear of the 

gods also has not yet lost its power\ In most 

villages there is a sacred tree, a pipal-tree (Ficus 

Indica), and the gods are supposed to dehght to sit 

among its leaves, and listen to the music of their 

I rustling. The deponent takes one of these leaves in 

I his hand, and invokes the god, who sits above him, 

I to crush him, or those dear to him, as he crushes the 

I leaf in his hand, if he speaks anything but the truth. 

I He then plucks and crushes the leaf, and states what 

\ he has to say. 

The pipal-tree is generally supposed to be occu- 
pied by one of the Hindu deities, while the large 
eotton-tree, particularly among the wilder tribes, is 
supposed to be the abode of local gods, all the more 
terrible, because entrusted with the police of a small 
settlement only. In their punchdyets, Sleeman tells 
us, men adhere habitually and religiously to the 
truth, and ' I have had before me hundreds of cases,' 
he says, ' in which a man's property, hberty, and life 
I has depended upon his telling a lie, and he has 
I refused to tell it.' 

Could many an English judge say the same 1 
In their own tribunals under the pipal-tree or 
cotton-tree, imagination commonly did what the 
deities, who were supposed to preside, had the credit 
of doing. If the deponent told a lie, he believed 
that the god who sat on his sylvan throne above 

^ Sleemau, vol. ii. p. iii. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 51 

liim, and searched the heart of man, must know it ; 
and from that moment he knew no rest, he was 
always in dread of his vengeance. If any accident 
happened to him, or to those dear to him, it was 
attributed to this offended deity ; and if no accident 
happened, some evil was brought about by his own 
disordered imagination ^. It was an excellent super- 
stition, inculcated in the ancient law-books, that the! 
ancestors watched the answer of a witness, because, 
according as it was true or false, they themselves . 
would go to heaven or to hell ^. 

Allow me to read you the abstract of a conversation 
between an English official and a native law-officer as 
reported by Colonel Sleeman. The native lawyer 
was asked what he thought would be the effect of 
an act to dispense with oaths on the Koran and 
Ganges-water, and to substitute a solemn declaration 
made in the name of God, and under the same penal 
liabilities as if the Koran or Ganges-water had been 
in the deponent's hand. 

*I have practised in the courts,' the native said, 
* for thirty years, and during that time I have found 
only three kinds of witnesses — two of whom would, 
by such an act, be left precisely where they were, 
while the third would be released by it from a very 
salutary check.' 

'And, pray, what are the three classes into which 
you divide the witnesses in our courts ? ' 

' First, Sir, are those who will always tell the truth, 
whether they are required to state what they know 
in the form of an oath or not/ 

* Do you think this a large class ^' 

^ Sleeman, vol. ii. p. ii6. * VasisliiAa XYI. 32. 

E 2 



52 LECTURE II. 

' Yes, I think it is ; and I have found among them 
many whom nothing on earth could make to swerve 
from the truth. Do what you please, you could 
never frighten or bribe them into a deliberate 
falsehood. 

' The second are those who will not hesitate to tell 
a lie when they have a motive for it, and are not re- 
strained by an oath. In taking an oath, they are 
afraid of two things, the anger of God, and the 
odium of men. 

' Only three days ago,' he continued, ' I required a 
power of attorney from a lady of rank, to enable me 
to act for her in a case pending before the court in 
this town. It was given to me by her brother, and 
two witnesses came to declare that she had given it. 
" Now," said I, " this lady is known to live under the 
curtain, and you will be asked by the judge whether 
you saw her give this paper : what wiU you say 1 " 
They both replied — " If the judge asks us the question 
without an oath we will say 'Yes' — it will save 
much trouble, and we know that she did give the 
paper, though we did not really see her give it ; but 
if he puts the Koran into our hands, we must say 
^No,' for we should otherwise be pointed at by all 
the town as perjured wretches — our enemies would 
soon tell everybody that we had taken a false oath." 

' Now,' the native lawyer went on, ' the form of an 
oath is a great check on this sort of persons. 

' The third class consists of men who will tell lies 
whenever they have a sufficient motive, whether 
they have the Koran or Ganges-water in their hand 
or not. Nothing wiU ever prevent their doing so ; 
and the declaration which you propose would be just 
as well as any other for them.' 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 53 

' Which class do you consider the most numerous 
of the three 1 ' 

* I consider the second the most numerous, and wish 
the oath to be retained for them/ 

' That is, of all the men you see examined in our 
courts, you think the most come under the class of 
those who will, under the influence of strong motives, 
tell lies, if they have not the Koran or G-anges-water 
in their hands ? ' 

'Yes.' 

*But do not a great many of those whom you 
consider to be included among the second class come 
from the village-communities, — the peasantry of the 
country V 

'Yes/ 

*And do you not think that the greatest part of 
those men who will tell lies in the court, under the in- 
fluence of strong motives, unless they have the Koran 
or Ganges-water in their hands, would refuse to tell 
lies, if questioned before the people of their villages, 
among the circle in which they live ? ' 

' Of course I do ; three-fourths of those who do not - 
scruple to lie in the courts, would be ashamed to lie j 
before their neighbours, or the elders of their village/ ' 

* You think that the people of the village-commu- 
nities are more ashamed to tell lies before their 
neighbours than the people of towns 1' 

' Much more — there is no comparison/ 4 

' And the people of towns and cities bear in India 
but a small proportion to the people of the village- 
communities V 

' I should think a very small proportion indeed.' 

' Then you think that in the mass of the population 
of India, out of our courts, the first class, or those who 



54 LECTUKE II. 

speak truth, whether they have the Koran or Ganges- 
water in their hands or not, would be found more 
numerous than the other two V 

' Certainly I do ; if they were always to be ques- 
tioned before their neighbours or elders, so that they 
could feel that their neighbours and elders could 
know what they say.' 

It was from a simple sense of justice that I felt 
bound to quote this testimony of Colonel Sleeman 
as to the truthful character of the natives of India, 
when left to themselves. My interest lies altogether 
with the people of India, when left to themselves, and 
I historically I should like to draw a line after the 
[year one thousand after Christ. When you read the 
atrocities committed by the Mohammedan conquerors 
of India from that time to the time when England 
stepped in and, whatever may be said by her envious 
critics, made, at all events, the broad principles of our 
common humanity respected once more in India, the 
wonder, to my mind, is how any nation could have 
survived such an Inferno without being turned into 
devils themselves. 

Now, it is quite true that during the two thousand 
years which precede the time of Mahmud of Gazni, 
India has had but few foreign visitors, and few foreign 
critics ; still it is surely extremely strange that when- 
ever, either in Greek, or in Chinese, or in Persian, 
or in Arab writings, we meet with any attempts 
at describing the distinguishing features in the 
I national character of the Indians, regard for truth 
[and justice should always be mentioned first, 

Ktesias, the famous Greek physician of Artaxerxes 
Mnemon (present at the battle of Cunaxa, 404 b. c), 
the first Greek writer who teUs us anytliing about 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 55 

tlie character of the Indians, such as 'he heard it 
described at the Persian court, has a special chapter 
' On the justice of the Indians ^' 

Megasthenes^, the ambassador of Seleucus Nicator 
at the court of Sandrocottus in PaHbothra (Pa^aH- 
putra, the modern Patna), states that thefts were 
extremely rare, and that they honoured truth and 
virtue ^. 

Arrian (in the second century, the pupil of Epi- 
ctetus), when speaking of the public overseers or f 
superintendents in India, says * : ' They oversee what 
goes on in the country or towns, and report every- 
thing to the king, where the people have a king, and 
to the magistrates, where the people are self-governed, 
and it is against use and wont for these to give in a 
false report ; hut indeed no Indian is accused of lying ^. { 

The Chinese, who come next in order of time, bear \ 
the same, I believe, unanimous testimony in favour 
of the honesty and veracity of the Hindus. Let me 
quote Hiouen-thsang, the most famous of the Chinese 
Buddhist pilgrims, who visited India in the seventh 
century ^. * Though the Indians,' he writes, ' are of a 
light temperament, they are distinguished by the 
straightforwardness and honesty of their character. 
With regard to riches, they never take anything 
unjustly; with regard to justice, they make even 
excessive concessions ...... Straightforwardness is the 

^distinguishing feature of their administration/ 

^ Ktesiae Fragmenta (ed. Pidot), p. 8i. 
^ See Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 333. 

* Megasthenis Fragmenta (ed. Didot) in Fragm. Histor. Grace, 

yol. ii. p. 426 b : ^AXryOeiav re ofiolas Koi aperfju drrobex^ovTai. 

* Indica, cap. xii. 6. 

^ See McCrindle in Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 92. 
^ Yol. ii. p. 83. 



56 LECTURE 11. 

If we turn to the accounts given by the Moham- 
medan conquerors of India, we find Idrisi, in his 
Geography (written in the nth century), summing up 
their opinion of the Indians in the following words ^ : 

' The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and 
never depart from it in their actions. Their good 
faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements are 
well known, and they are so famous for these qualities 
that people flock to their country from every side.' 

In the thirteenth century we have the testimony of 
Marco Polo ^, who thus speaks of the Ahraiaman, a 
name by which he seems to mean the Brahmans who, 
though not traders by profession, might well have 
been employed for great commercial transactions by 
the king. This was particularly the case during 
times which the Brahmans would call times of dis- 
tress, when many things were allowed which at 
other times were forbidden by the laws. ' You must 
know,' Marco Polo says, ' that these Abraiaman are the 
|3est merchants in the world, and the most truthful, 
for they would not tell a lie for anything on earth.' 

In the fourteenth centurv we have Friar Jordanus, 
who goes out of his way to tell us that the people 
of Lesser India (South and Western India) are true 
in speech and eminent in justice ^. 

In the fifteenth century Kamal-eddin Abd-errazak 
Samarkandi (141 3-148 2), who went as ambassador 
of the Khakan to the prince of Kalikut and to the 
King of Vidyanagara (about 1440- 144 5), bears testi- 
mony to the perfect security which merchants enjoy 
in that country*. 



^ Elliot, History of India, vol. i. p. 88. 

2 Marco Polo, ed. H. Yule, vol. ii. p. 350. ' lb. p. 354. 

* Notices des Manuscrits, torn. xiv. p. 436. He seems to have 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 57 

In the sixteenth century, Abu Fazl, the minister 
of the Emperor Akbar, says in his Ayin Akbari : 'The 
Hindus are rehgious, affable, cheerful, lovers of justice, 
given to retirement, able in business, admirers of truth, 
grateful and of unbounded fidelity; and their soldiers 
know not what it is to fly from the field of battle ^/ 

And even in quite modern times the Mohammedans 
seem willing to admit that the Hindus, at all events 
in their dealings with Hindus, are more straight- 
forward than Mohammedans in their dealings with 
Mohammedans. 

Thus Meer Sulamut AH, a venerable old Mussul- 
man, and, as Colonel Sleeman says, a most valuable 
pubhc servant, was obliged to admit that ' a Hindu 
may feel himself authorised to take in a Mussulman, 
and might even think it meritorious to do so ; but 
he would never think it meritorious to take in one 
of his own religion. There are no less than seventy- 
two sects of Mohammedans ; and every one of these 
sects would not only take in the followers of every 
other religion on earth, but every member of every 
one of the other seventy-one sects ; and the nearer 
that sect is to his own, the greater the merit of 
taking in its members^.' 

So I could go on quoting from book after book, 
and again and again we should see how it was love 
of truth that struck all the people who came in 
contact with India, as the prominent feature in the 
national character of its inhabitants. No one ever 
accused them of falsehood. There must surely be 

been one of the first to state that the Persian text of the Kalilah 
and Dimna was derived from the wise people of India. 

^ Samuel Johnson, India, p. 294. 

^ Sleeman, Eambks, vol. i. p. 63-. 



58 LECTURE II. 

some ground for this, for it is not a remark that is 
frequently made by travellers in foreign countries, 
even in our time, that their inhabitants invariably 
speak the truth. Head the accounts, of English 
travellers in France, and you will find very little 
said about French honesty and veracity, while French 
accounts of England are seldom without a fling at 
Ferfide Albion! 

But if all this is true, how is it, you may well 

ask, that public opinion in England is so decidedly 

unfriendly to the people of India ; at the utmost 

\ tolerates and patronizes them, but will never trust 

\ them, never treat them on terms of equality ? 

I have already hinted at some of the reasons. 
Public opinion with regard to India is made up in 
England chiefly by those who have spent their lives 
in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, or some other of the 
principal towns in India. The native element in 
such towns contains mostly the most unfavourable 
specimens of the Indian population. An insight into 
the domestic life of the more respectable classes, even 
in towns, is difficult to obtain; and, when it is 
obtained, it is extremely difficult to judge of their 
manners according to our standard of what is proper, 
respectable, or gentlemanlike. The misunderstandings 
are frequent and often most grotesque ; and such, we 
must confess, is human nature, that when we hear 
the diflerent and often most conflicting accounts of 
the character of the Hindus, we are naturally sceptical 
with regard to unsuspected virtues among them, 
while we are quite disposed to accept unfavourable 
accounts of their character. 

Lest I should seem to be pleading too much on 
the native side of the question, and to exaggerate 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 59 

the difficulty of forming a correct estimate of the 
character of the Hindus, let me appeal to one of 
the most distinguished, learned, and judicious mem- 
bers of the Indian Civil Service, the author of 
the History of India, Mountstuart Elphinstone. 
' Englishmen in India \' he says, ' have less oppor- 
tunity than might be expected of forming opinions 
of the native character. Even in England, few know 
much of the people beyond their own class, and 
what they do know, they learn from newspapers 
and publications of a description which does not exist 
in India. In that country also, religion and manners 
put bars to our intimacy with the natives, and limit 
the number of transactions as well as the free com- 
munication of opinions. We know nothing of the 
interior of families but by report, and have no share 
in those numerous occurrences of life in which the 
amiable parts of character are most exhibited.' 
'Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police- 
magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and even 
diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous portionj 
of a nation, nor any portion, unless when influencedf 
by passion, or occupied by some personal interest: 
What we do see we judge by our own standard. 
We conclude that a man who cries like a child on 
slight occasions, must always be incapable of acting 
or suffering with dignity ; and that one who allows 
himself to be called a liar would not be ashamed 
of any baseness. Our writers also confound the 
distinctions of time and place ; they combine in one 
character the Maratta and the Bengalese ; and tax 
the present generation with the crimes of the heroes 
of the Mahabharata. It might be argued, in oppo- 

^ Elphinstone's History of India, eel. CoweXl, p. 213. 



m LECTURE II. 

sition to many unfavourable testimonies, that those 
who have known the Indians longest have always 
the best opinion of them ; but. this is rather a 
compliment to human nature than to them, since it is 
true of every other people. It is more in point, that 
all persons who have retired from India think better 
of the people they have left, after comparing them 
with others, even of the most justly admired nations.' 

But what is still more extraordinary than the 
ready acceptance of judgments unfavourable to the 
character of the Hindus, is the determined way in 
which public opinion, swayed by the statements of 
certain unfavourable critics, has persistently ignored 
the evidence which members of the Civil Service, 
officers and statesmen — men of the highest authority — 
have given again and again, in direct opposition to 
these unfavourable opinions. Here, too, I must ask 
to be allowed to quote at least a few of these 
witnesses on the other side. 

Warren Hastings thus speaks of the Hindus in 
general : ' They are gentle and benevolent, more 
susceptible of gratitude for kindness shown them, 
and less prompted to vengeance for wrongs inflicted 
than any people on the face of the earth ; faithful, 
afiectionate, submissive to legal authority.' 

Bishop Heber said : ' The Hindus are brave, 
courteous, intelligent, most eager for knowledge and 
improvement ; sober, industrious, dutiful to parents, 
afiectionate to their children, uniformly gentle and 
patient, and more easily affected by kindness and 
attention to their wants and feeMngs than any people 
I ever met with \' 



Samuel JohnsGn, 1, c. p. 293. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 61 

Elphinstone states : ' No set of people among the 
Hindus are so depraved as the dregs of our own 
great towns. The villagers are everywhere amiable, 
affectionate to their families, kind to their neighbours, 
and towards all but the government honest and ? 
sincere. Including the Thugs and Dacoits, the mass 
of crime is less in India than in England. The Thugs 
are almost a- separate nation, and the Dacoits are 
desperate ruffians in gangs. The Hindus are mild 
and gentle people, more merciful to prisoners than 
any other Asiatics. Their freedom from gross de- 
bauchery is the point in which they appear to most 
advantage ; and their superiority in purity of manners 
is not flattering to our self-esteem ^Z 

Yet Elphinstone can be most severe on the real 
faults of the people of India. He states that, at 
present, want of veracity is one of their prominent | 
vices, but he adds^ 'that such deceit is most com- 
mon in people connected with government, a class 
which spreads far in India, as, from the nature of the 
land-revenue, the lowest villager is often obHged to 
resist force by fraud ^.' 

Sir John Malcolm writes * : 'I have hardly ever 
known where a person did understand the language, 
or where a calm communication was made to a native 
of India, through a well-informed and trustworthy 
medium, that the result did not prove, that what had 
at first been stated as falsehood, had either proceeded 
from fear, or from misapprehension. I by no means 
wish to state that our Indian subjects are more free 
from this vice than other nations that occupy a nearly 

^ See History of India, pp. 375-381. 

^ L. c. p. 215. ^ L. c. p. 218. 

* Mill's History of India, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 370. 



62 LECTURE II. 

equal position in society, but I am positive that they 
are not more addicted to untruth.' 

Sir Thomas Munro bears even stronger testimony. 
He writes ^ : ' If a good system of agriculture, unri- 
valled manufacturing skill, a capacity to produce what- 
ever can contribute to either convenience or luxury, 
schools established in every village for teaching read- 
ing, writing, and arithmetic ^ the general practice of 
^ hospitality and charity amongst each other, and above 
I all, a treatment of the female sex full of confidence, re- 
/ spect, and delicacy, are among the signs which denote 
a civilised people — then the Hindus are not inferior to 
the nations of Europe, and if civilisation is to become 
an article of trade between England and India, I am 
convinced that England will gain by the import cargo.' 

My own experience with regard to the native 
character has been, of course, very limited. Those 
Hindus whom I have had the pleasure to know per- 
sonally in Europe may be looked upon as exceptional, 
as the best specimens, it may be, that India could 
produce. Also, my intercourse with them has natu- 

^ Mill's History, vol. i. p. 371. 

^ Sir Thomas Munro estimated tte children educated at public 
schools in the Madras presidency as less than one in three. But low 
as it was, it was, as he justly remarked, a higher rate than existed 
till very lately in most countries of Europe. Elphinstone, Hist, of 
India, p. 205. 

In Bengal there existed no less than 80,000 native schools, 
though, doubtless, for the most part, of a poor quality. According 
to a Government Eeport of 1835, there was a village school for 
every 400 persons. Missionary Intelligencer, IX. 183-193. 

Ludlow (British India, I. 62) writes: 'In every Hindu village 

which has retained its old form I am assured that the children 

generally are able to read, write, and cipher ; but where we have 

^^1 swept away the village system, as in Bengal, there the village 

I school has also disappeared.' 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 63 

rally been such that it could hardl}^ hav^e brought 
out the darker sides of human nature. {During the 
last twenty years, however, I have had some ex- 
cellent opportunities of watching a number of native 
scholars under circumstances where it is not difficult to 
detect a man's true character, I mean in literary work 
and, more particularly, in literary controversy. I have 
watched them carrying on such controversies both 
among themselves and with certain European scholars, 
and I feel bound to say that, with hardly one excep- 
tion, they have displayed a far greater respect for ' 
truth, and a far more manly and generous spirit than 
we are accustomed to even in Europe and America. [ 
They have shown strength, but no rudeness ; nay I 
know that nothing has surprised them so much as , 
the coarse invective to which certain Sanskrit scholars \ 
have condescended, rudeness of speech being, accord- 
ing to their view of human nature, a safe sign not 
only of bad breeding, but of want of knowledge. , 
When they were wrong, they have readily admitted / '/^)0^^ 
their mistakes ; when they were right, they have 
never sneered at their European adversaries. There 
has been, with few exceptions, no quibbling, no special i 
pleading, no untruthfulness on their part, and cer- ; 
tainly none of that low cunning of the scholar who ■ 
writes down and publishes what he knows perfectly 
well to be false, and snaps his fingers at those who 
stiU value truth and self-respect more highly than 
victory or applause at any price. Here, too, we might 
possibly gain by the import cargo. 

Let me add that I have been repeatedly told by 
English merchants that commercial honour stands 
higher in India than in any other country, and that 
a dishonoured bill is hardly known there. 



f.t 



4' 






rif 



64 LECTURE II. 

I have left to the last the witnesses who mio-ht 

o 

otherwise have been suspected — I mean the Hindus 
themselves. . The whole of their literature from one 
end to the other is pervaded bj expressions of love 
and reverence for truth. Their very word for truth 
is full of meaning. It is sat or satya, sat being the 
9 participle of the verb as, to be. True, therefore, 

T^/tdf f was with them simply that which is. The English 
sooth is connected with sat, also the Greek ov for eVoj/, 
and the Latin sens, in ^rmsens. 

We are all very apt to consider truth to be what 
is trowed by others, or believed in by large majorities. 
That kind of truth is easy to accept. But whoever 
has once stood alone, surrounded by noisy assertions, 
and overwhelmed by the clamour of those who ought 
to know better, or perhaps who did know better — call 
him Galileo or Darwin, Colenso or Stanley, or any 
other name — he knows what a real delight it is to 
feel in his heart of hearts, this is true — this is — this 
is sat — whatever daily, weekly, or quarterly papers, 
whatever bishops, archbishops, or popes, may say to 
the contrary. 

Another name for truth is the Sanskrit r^'ta, which 
originally seems to have meaiit straight, direct, while 
anr^ta is untrue, false. 

Now one of the highest praises bestowed upon the 
gods in the Veda is that they are satya, true, truthful, 
trustworthy^ ; and it is well known that both in 
modern and ancient times, men always ascribe to God 
or to their gods those qualities which they value 
most in themselves. 

Other words applied to the gods as truthful beings, 

' Big-veda I. 87, 4 ; 145, 5; 174, i; V. 23, 2. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 65 

are adrogha, lit. not deceiving^ Adrogha-v^^ 
means, lie whose word is never broken. Thus Indra, 
the Vedic Jupiter, is said to have been praised by the 
fathers 2 *as reaching the enemy, overcoming him, 
standing on the summit, true of speech, most powerful 
in thought.' 

Droghav^Z:^ on the contrary, is used for deceitful 
men. Thus Vasish^Aa, one of the great Yedic poets, 
says : * If T had worshipped false gods, or if I believed 
in the gods vainly — but why art thou angry with us, 
O (r^tavedas "? May liars go to destruction !' 

Satyam, as a neuter, is often used as an abstract, 
and is then rightly translated by truth. But it also 
means that which is, the true, the real ; and there are 
several passages in the Kig-veda where, instead of 
truth, I think we ought simply to translate satyam 
by the true, that is, the real, to ovtm^ ov. It sounds, 
no doubt, very well to translate Satyena uttabhit^ 
bhiimiA by 'the earth is founded on truth;' and I 
believe every translator has taken satya in that sense 
here. Ludwig translates, * Von der Wahrheit ist die 
Erde gestiitzt.' But such an idea, if it conveys any 
tangible meaning at all, is far too abstract for those 
early poets and philosophers. They meant to say 
' the earth, such as we see it, is held up, that is, rests 
on something real, though we may not see it, on some- 
thing which they called the EeaP, and to which, in 

^ Rig-veda III. 32, 9 ; VI. 5, i. 

^ Rig-veda VI. 22, 2. ^ Rig-veda III. 14, 6. 

* Sometimes they trace even this Satya or Rt\,% the Real or 
Eight, to a still higher cause and say (Rig-veda X. 190, i) : 

' The Right and Real was born from the Lighted Heat ; from 
thence was born Night, and thence the billowy sea. From the sea 
was born Samvatsara, the year, he who ordereth day and night, the 
Lord of all that moves (winks). The Maker (dhatri) shaped Sun 

F 



66 LECTURE II. 

course of time, they gave many more names, sucL. as 
jR^ta, tlie right, Brahman,' &c. 

Of course where there is that strong reverence for 
truth, there must also be the sense of guilt arising 
from untruth. And thus we hear one poet pray 
that the waters may wash him clean, and carry off 
all his sins and all untruth : 

' Carry away, ye waters ^, whatever evil there is 
in me, wherever I may have deceived, or may have 
cursed, and also all untruth (anWtam^).' 

Or again, in the Atharva-veda IV. 16 : 

' May all thy fatal snares, which stand spread out 
seven by seven and threefold, catch the man who tells 
a lie, may they pass by him who tells the truth ! ' 

From the Br^hmanas, or theological treatises of 
the Brahmans, I shall quote a few passages only : 

' Whosoever ^ speaks the truth, makes the fire on his 
own altar blaze up, as if he poured butter into the 
lighted fire. His own light grows larger, and from to- 
morrow to to-morrow he becomes better. But who- 
soever speaks untruth, he quenches the fire on his 
altar, as if he poured water into the lighted fire ; 
his own light grows smaller and smaller, and fi:om to- 
morrow to to-morrow he becomes more wicked. Let 
man therefore speak truth only*.' 

And again ^ : ' A man becomes impure by uttering 
falsehood.' 

And again ^ : * As a man who steps on the edge 

and Moon in order ; he shaped the sky, the earth, the welkin, and 
the highest heaven.' ^ Eig-veda I. 23, 22. 

* Or it may mean, ' Wherever I may have deceived, or sworn false.' 
^ ^atapatha Brahma»«.a II. 2, 2, 19. 

* Of. Muir, Metrical Translations, p. 268. 

^ fS&t. Br. III. I, 2, 10. * Taitt. AranyakaX. 9. 



TETJTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 67 

of a sword placed over a pit cries out, I shall slip, 
I sliall slip into the pit, so let a man guard himself 
from falsehood (or sin'). 

In later times we see the respect for truth carried 
to such an extreme, that even a promise, unwittingly 
made, is considered to be binding. 

In the Ka^/ia-Upanishad, for instance, a father is 
introduced offering what is called an J.ZZ-sacrifice, 
where everything is supposed to be given up. His 
son, who is standing by, taunts his father with not 
having altogether fulfilled his vow, because he has 
not sacrificed his son. Upon this, the father, though 
angry and against his will, is obliged to sacrifice his 
son. Again, when the son arrives in the lower world, 
he is allowed by the Judge of the Dead to ask for 
three favours. He then asks to be restored to Hfe, 
to be taught some sacrificial mysteries, and, as the 
third boon, he asks to know what becomes of man 
after he is dead. Yama, the lord of the Departed, 
tries in vain to be let off from answering this last 
question. But he, too, is bound by his promise, and 
then follows a discourse on life after death, or 
immortal life, which forms one of the most beautiful 
chapters in the ancient literature of India. 

The whole plot of one of the great Epic poems, 
the Il4m4ya7ia, rests on a rash promise given by 
Dasaratha, king of Ayodhy^, to his second wife, 
Kaikejl, that he would grant her two boons. In 
order to secure the succession to her own son, she 
asks that Eama, the eldest son by the king's other 
wife, should be banished for fourteen years. Much 
as the king repents his promise, E4ma, his eldest 
son, would on no account let his father break his 
word, and he leaves his kingdom to wander in the 

r 2 



68 LECTURE II. 

forest witli his wife Slt^ and his brother Lakshma7^a. 
After the father's death, the son of the second wife 
decHnes the throne, and comes to K^ma to persuade 
him to accept the kingdom of his father. But all 
in vain. E-^ma will keep his exile for fourteen years, 
and never disown his father's promise. Here follows 
a curious dialogue between a Br4hman 6^abali and 
Prince E4ma, of which I shall give some extracts ^ : 

' The Brahman, who is a priest and courtier, says, 
" Well, descendant of Eaghu, do not thou, so noble 
in sentiments, and austere in character, entertain, 
like a common man, this useless thought. What man 
is a kinsman of any other "? What relationship has 
anyone with another? A man is born alone and 
dies alone. Hence he who is attached to anyone as 
his father or his mother, is to be regarded as if he 
were insane, for no one belongs to another. Thou 
oughtest not to abandon thy father's kingdom and 
stay here in a sad and miserable abode, attended 
with many trials. Let thyself be inaugurated king 
in the wealthy Ayodhy^. Dasaratha, thy father is 
nothing to thee, or thou to him ; the king is one, 
and thou another, do therefore what is said . . . Then 
offer oblations to the departed spirits (of thy fore- 
fathers) on prescribed days; but see what a waste 
of food ! For what can a dead man eat '? If what is 
eaten by one here enters into the body of another 
(viz., of the departed), let /Sr4ddhas be offered to 
those who are travelling; they need not then get 
food to eat on their journey. These books (the 
Yedas), (which enjoin men to) sacrifice, give, con- 
secrate themselves, practise austerities, and forsake 

^ Muir, Metrical Translations, p. 218. 



/ 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 69 

the world, are composed by clever men to induce 
others to bestow gifts. Authoritative words do not 
fall from heaven. Let me, and others like yourselves, 
embrace whatever assertion is supported by reason. 
Adhere to what is apparent to the senses, and reject 
what is invisible. . . . This world is the next world; 
do thou therefore enjoy pleasure, for every virtuous 
man does not gain it. Virtuous men are greatly dis- 
tressed, while the unrighteous are seen to be happy." ' 

These positivist sentiments sound strange, par- 
ticularly from the mouth of a Brahman. But the 
poet evidently wishes to represent a Brahman living 
at court, who has an argument ready for anything 
and everything that is likely to please his king. 

But what does Eama answer? 'The words,' he 
says, 'which you have addressed to me, though 
they recommend what seems to be right and salutary, 
advise, in fact, the contrary. The sinful transgressor, 
who lives according to the rules of heretical systems, 
obtains no esteem from good men. It is good con- 
duct that marks a man to be noble or ignoble, 
heroic or a pretender to manhness, pure or impure. 
Truth and mercy are immemorial characteristics of 
a king's conduct. Hence royal rule is in its essence 
truth. On truth the world is based. Both sages and 
gods have esteemed truth. The man who speaks truth 
in this world attains the highest imperishable state. 
Men shrink with fear and horror from a liar as from 
a serpent. In this world the chief element in virtue 
is truth ; it is called the basis of everything. Truth 
is lord in the world; virtue always rests on truth. 
All things are founded on truth ; nothing is higher 
than it. Why, then, should I not be true to my 
promise, and faithfully observe the truthful injunction 



70 LECTURE II. 

given by my father 1 Neither through covetousness, 
nor delusion, nor ignorance, will I, overpowered by 
darkness, break through the barrier of truth, but 
remain true to my promise to my father. How shall 
I, having promised to him that I would thus reside 
in the forest, transgress his injunction, and do what 
Bharata recommends 1' 

The other epic poem too, the Mahabh^rata, is full 
of episodes showing a profound regard for truth and 
an almost slavish submission to a pledge once given. 
The death of Bhlshma, one of the most important 
events in the story of the Mah^bharata, is due to his 
vow never to hurt a woman. He is thus killed by 
^ikhandin, whom he takes to be a woman ^ 

Were I to quote from all the law-books, and from still 
later works, everywhere you would hear the same 
keynote of truthfulness vibrating through them all. 

We must not, however, suppress the fact that, 
under certain circumstances, a lie was allowed, or, 
at all events, excused by Indian lawgivers. Thus 
Gautama says ^ : * An untruth spoken by people under 
the influence of anger, excessive joy, fear, pain, or 
grief, by infants, by very old men, by persons labour- 
ing under a delusion, being under the influence of 
drink, or by mad men, does not cause the speaker 
to fall, or, as we should say, is a venial, not a 
mortal sin^.' 

This is a large admission, yet even in that open 
admission there is a certain amount of honesty. Again 
and again in the Mahabh^rata is this excuse pleaded*. 

^ Holtzmann, Das alte indische Epos, p. 21, note 83. 

2 V. 24. 3 See Note D. 

* I. 3412 ; III. 13844 ; YII. 8742 ; VIII. 3436, 3464- 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS, 71 

Nay there is in the Mahdbhdrata^ the well-known story 
of Kausika, called Satyav4din, the Truth-speaker, who 
goes to hell for having spoken the truth. He once 
saw men flying into the forest before robbers (dasyu). 
The robbers came up soon after them, and asked 
Kausika, which way the fugitives had taken. He 
told them the truth, and the men were caught by 
the robbers and killed. But Kausika, we are told, 
went to hell for having spoken the truth. 

The Hindus may seem to have been a priest-ridden 
race, and their devotion to sacrifice and ceremonial is 
well known. Yet this is what the poet of the Mah^- 
bhdrata dares to say : 

'Let a thousand sacrifices (of a horse) and truth 
be weighed in the balance — truth wiU exceed the 
thousand sacrifices 2.' 

These are words addressed by Sstkuntdilk, the 
deserted wife, to King Dushyanta, when he declined 
to recognise her and his son. And when he refuses 
to listen to her appeal, what does she appeal to as 
the highest authority ? — The voice of conscience. 

'If you think I am alone,' she says to the king, 
* you do not know that wise man within your heart. 
He knows of your evU deed — in his sight you com- 
mit sin. A man who has committed sin may think 
that no one knows it. The gods know it and the 
old man within^.' 

This must suffice. I say once more that I do not 
wish to represent the people of India as 253 millions 
of angels, but I do wish it to be understood and to be 



1 Mahabharata YIII. 3448. 

2 Muir, 1. c. p. 268 ; Mahabliarata I. 3095. 
^ Mahabharata I. 3015-16. 



72 LECTURE II, 

accepted as a fact, that the damaging charge of un- 
truthfulness brought against that people is utterly 
unfounded with regard to ancient times. It is not 
only not true, but the very opposite of the truth. 
As to modern times, and I date them from about 
looo after Christ, I can only say that, after reading 
the accounts of the terrors and horrors of Moham- 
j medan rule, my wonder is that so much of native 
I virtue and truthfulness should have survived. You 
might as well expect a mouse to speak the truth 
before a cat, as a Hindu before a Mohammedan judge. 
If you frighten a child, that child will tell a lie — if 
I you terrorise millions, you must not be surprised if 
I they try to escape from your fangs. Truthfulness is 
a luxury, perhaps the greatest, and let me assure you, 
the most expensive luxury in our life — and happy the 
man who has been able to enjoy it from his very child- 
hood. It may be easy enough in our days and in a free 
country, Hke England, never to tell a lie — but the 
older we grow, the harder we find it to be always 
true, to speak the truth, the whole truth and nothing 
but the truth. The Hindus too had made that dis- 
covery. They too knew how hard, nay how impos- 
sible it is, always to speak the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth. There is a short story 
in the ySatapatha Br4hma?2a, to my mind full of deep 
meaning, and pervaded by the real sense of truth, 
the real sense of the difficulty of truth. His kins- 
man said to Aruwa Aupavesi, ' Thou art^ advanced 
in years, establish thou the sacrificial fires.' He 
replied: 'Thereby you tell me henceforth to keep 
silence. For he who has established the fires 
must not speak an untruth, and only by not 
speaking at all, one^ speaks no untruth. To that 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 73 

extent the service of the sacrificial fires consists in 
truth 1/ 

I doubt whether in any other of the ancient litera- 
tures of the world you will find traces of that extreme 
sensitiveness of conscience which despairs of our ever 
speaking the truth, and which declares silence gold, 
and speech silver, though in a much higher sense 
than our proverb. 

What I should wish to impress on those who will 
soon find themselves the rulers of millions of human 
beings in India, is the duty to shake off national 
prejudices, which are apt to degenerate into a kind 
of madness. I have known people with a brown 
skin whomJT^could look up to as my betters. Look 
for them in India, and you will find them, and if 
you meet with disappointments, as, no doubt you 
will, think of the people with white skins whom you 
have trusted, and whom you can trust no more. We 
are all apt to be Pharisees in international judgments. 
I read only a few days ago in a pamphlet written 
by an enhghtened politician, the following words :— 

* Experience only can teach that nothing is so truly 
astonishing to a morally depraved people as the 
phenomenon of a race .of men in whose word perfect 
confidence may be placed ^ . . . . The natives are 
conscious of their inferiority in nothing so much as 
in this. They require to be taught rectitude of 
conduct much more than literature and science.' 

If you approach the Hindus with such feelings, 
you will teach them neither rectitude, nor science, 
nor literature. Nay, they might appeal to their 

^ /S'atapatha Brahmawa, translated by Eggeling, Sacred Books of 
the East, vol. xii. p. 313, § 20. 

^ Sir Charles Trevelyan, Christianity and Hinduism, p. 81. 



74 LECTURE II. 

own literature, even to their law-books, to teacli iis 
at least one lesson of truthfulness, truthfulness to 
ourselves, or, in other words, — humility. 

What does Y^^^avalkya say ^ 1 

' It is not our hermitage,' he says — our rehgion 
we might say — 'still less the colour of our skin, 
that produces virtue ; virtue must be practised. 
Therefore let no one do to others what he would 
not have done to himself.' 

And the Laws of the M4navas, which were so 
much abused by Mill, what do they teach ^ 1 

' Evil doers think indeed that no one sees them ; 
but the gods see them, and the old man within.' 

' Self is the witness of Self, Self is the refuge of 
Self. Do not despise thy own Self, the highest 
witness of men ^.' 

'If, friend, thou thinkest thou art self-alone, re- 
member there is the silent thinker (the Highest Self) 
always within thy heart, and he sees what is good, 
and what is evil*.' 

' friend, whatever good thou mayest have done 
from thy very birth, all wiU go to the dogs, if thou 
speak an untruth.' 

Or in Vasish^^a, XXX. i : . 

'Practise righteousness, not unrighteousness ; speak 
truth, not untruth ; look far, not near ; look up to- 
wards the Highest, not towards anything low.' 

No doubt, there is moral depravity in India, and 
where is there no moral depravity in this world 1 
But to appeal to international statistics would be, 
I believe, a dangerous game. Nor must we forget 
that our standards of morality differ, and, on some 

^ IV. 65. 2 Yiii_ 85. 3 Yiii^ go, 4 Yin. 92. 



TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 75 

points, differ considerably from those recognised in 
India ; and we must not wonder, if sons do not at 
once condemn as criminal what their fathers and 
grandfathers considered right. Let us hold by all 
means to our sense of what is right and what is 
wrong ; but in judging others, whether in public or 
in private life, whether as historians or politicians, let 
us not forget that a kindly spirit will never do any 
harm. Certainly I can imagine nothing more mis- | 
chievous, more dangerous, more fatal to the per- | 
manence of English rule in India, than for the young ' 
Civil Servants to go to that country with the idea 
that it is a sink of moral depravity, an ant's nest 
of lies ; for no one is so sure to go wrong, whether 
in public or in private life, as he who says in his 
haste : ' All men are liars.' 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT 
LITERATURE. 



LECTUEE III. 

My first Lecture was intended to remove the 
prejudice that India is and always must be a strange 
country to us, and that those who have to live there 
will find themselves stranded, and far away from that 
living stream of thoughts and Interests which carries 
us along in England and in other countries of 
Europe. 

My second Lecture was directed against another 
prejudice, namely, that the people of India with 
whom the young Civil Servants wiU have to pass the 
best years of their life are a race so depraved morally, 
and more particularly so devoid of any regard for 
truth, that they must always remain strangers to us, 
and that any real fellowship or friendship with them 
is quite out of the question. 

To-day I shall have to grapple with a tliird pre- 
judice, namely, that the literature of India, and more 
especially the classical Sanskrit literature, whatever 
may be its interest to the scholar and the antiquarian, 
has little to teach us which we cannot learn better 
from other sources, and that at aU events it is of 
little practical use to young civilians. If only they 
learn to express themselves in Hindustani or Tamil, 
that is considered quite enough ; nay, as they have 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 77 

to deal with men and with the ordinary affairs of 
life, and as, before everything else, they are to be 
men of the world and men of business, it is even 
supposed to be dangerous, if they allowed themselves 
to become absorbed in questions of abstruse scholar- 
ship or in researches on ancient rehgion, mythology, 
and philosophy, 

I take the very opposite opinion, and I should 
advise every young man who wishes to enjoy his 
life in India, and to spend his years there with profit 
to himself and to others, to learn Sanskrit, and to 
learn it well. 

I know it will be said. What can be the use of 
Sanskrit at the present day 1 Is not Sanskrit a dead 
language 1 And are not the Hindus themselves 
ashamed of their ancient literature 1 Do they not 
learn English, and do they not prefer Locke, and 
Hume, and MiU to their ancient poets and philoso- 
phers '? 

No doubt Sanskrit, in one sense, is a dead language. 
It was,_I_believe, a dead language more than two thou- 
sand years ago. Buddha, about 500 B.C., commanded 
his disciples to preach in the dialects of the people ; 
and King Asoka, in the third century B.C., when he 
put up his Edicts, which were intended to be read 
or, at least, to be understood by the people, had them 
engraved on rocks and pillars in the various local 
dialects from Cabul ^ in the North to Ballabhi in the 
South, from the sources of the Ganges and the Jum- 
nah to Allahabad and Patna, nay even down to Orissa. 
These various dialects are as different from Sanskrit 
as Italian is from Latin, and we have therefore good 

^ See Cunningham, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. i, 1877- 



78 LECTURE in. 

reason to suppose that, in the third century B.C., if 
I not earlier, Sanskrit had ceased to be the spoken 
- language of the people at large. 

There is an interesting passage in the ^ullavagga, 
where we are told that, even during Buddha's life- 
time, some of his pupils, who were Brahmans by 
birth, complained that people spoiled the words of 
Buddha by every one repeating them in his own 
k dialect (nirutti). They proposed to translate his 
I words into Sanskrit ; but he declined, and commanded 
I that each man should learn his doctrine in his own 
' language ^. 

And thei'e is another passage, quoted by Hardy in 
his Manual of Buddhism, p. i86, where we read that 
at the time of Buddha's first preaching each of the 
'■ countless Hsteners thought that the sage was looking 
towards him, and was speaking to him in his own 
; tongue, though the language used was Magadhi \ 
Sanskrit, therefore, as a language spoken by the 
people at large, had ceased to exist in the third cen- 
tury B. c. 

Yet such is the marvellous continuity between 
the past and the present in India, that in spite of 
repeated social convulsions, religious reforms, and 
foreign invasions, Sanskrit may be said to be still 
the ^ly language that is spoken over the whole 
extent of that vast country. 

Though the Buddhist sovereigns published their 
edicts in the vernaculars, public inscriptions and 
private official documents continued to be composed 

^ ^uUavagga V. 33, i. The expression used isZAandaso arope- 
ma 'ti. 

^ See Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, Sacred Books of the East, 
vol. xi. p. 142. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 79 

in Sanskrit during the last two thousand years. 
And though the language of the sacred writings 
of Buddhists and (rainas was borrowed from the 
vulgar dialects, the hterature of India never ceased 
to be written in Piwinean Sanskrit, while the few 
exceptions, as, for instance, the use of Prakrit by 
women and inferior characters in the plays of 
Kalidglsa and others, are themselves not without 
an important historical significance. 

Even at the present moment, after a century of 
English rule and English teaching, I believe that 
Sanskrit is more widely understood in India than 
Latin was in Europe at the time of Dante. 

^AQienever I receive a letter from a learned man 
in India, it is written in Sanskrit. Whenever there 
is a controversy on questions of law and religion, 
the pamphlets published in India are written in 
Sanskrit. There are Journals written in Sanskrit 
which must entirely depend for their support on 
readers who prefer that classical language to the 
vulgar dialects. There is The Pandit, published at 
Benares, containing not only editions of ancient 
texts, but treatises on modern subjects, reviews of 
books published in England, and controversial ar- 
ticles, all in Sanskrit. 

. Another paper of the same kind is the Pratna- 
Kamra-nandini, ' the Dehght of lovers of old things,' 
pubhshed likewise at Benares, and full of valuable 
materials. 

There is also the Vidyodaya, ' the Kise of Know- 
ledge,' a Sanskrit journal published at Calcutta, 
which sometimes contains important articles. There 
are probably others, which I do not know. 

There is a Monthly Serial published at Bombay, 



80 LECTURE III. 

by M. Moresliwar Kunte, called the Shad-darshana- 
Chintanikd, or ' Studies in Indian Philosophy,' giving 
the text of the ancient systems of philosophy, with 
commentaries and treatises, written in Sanskrit, 
though in this case accompanied by a Marathi and 
an English translation. 

Of the Rig-veda, the most ancient of Sanskrit 
books, two editions are now coming out in monthly 
numbers, the one published at Bombay, by what may 
be called the liberal party, the other at Prayaga 
(Allahabad) by Daylinanda Sarasvati, the represen- 
tative of Indian orthodoxy. The former gives a 
paraphrase in Sanskrit, and a Marathi and an English 
translation ; the latter a full explanation in Sanskrit, 
followed bya vernacular commentary. These books are 
published by subscription, and the list of subscribers 
among the natives of India is very considerable. 

There are other journals, which are chiefly written 
in the spoken dialects, such as Bengali, Marathi, or 
Hindi ; but they contain occasional articles in San- 
skrit, as, for instance, the IIarisZ:andra^andrik^, 
published at Benares, the TattvahodJiini, pubKshed 
at Calcutta, and several more. 

It was only the other day that I saw in the Liberal, 
the journal of Keshub Chunder Sen's party, an ac- 
count of a meeting between Brahmavrata Samadhyayi, 
a Yedic scholar of Nuddea, and Kashinath Trimbak 
Telang, a M.A. of the University of Bombay. The 
one came from the east, the other from the west, yet 
both could converse fluently in Sanskrit^. 

Still more extraordinary is the number of Sanskrit 
texts, issuing from native presses, for which there 

^ The Liberal, March 12, 1882. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 81 

seems to be a large demand, for if we write for copies 
to be sent to England, we often find that, after a year 
or two, all the copies have been bought up in India 
itself. That would not be the case with Anglo-Saxon 
texts in England, or with Latin texts in Italy ! 

But more than this, we are told that the ancient 
epic poems of the Mah4bharata and R^m^yana are stillj 
recited in the temples for the benefit of visitors, and I 
that in the villages large crowds assemble around the 
K4thaka, the reader of these ancient Sanskrit poems, 
often interrupting his recitations with tears and 
sighs, when the hero of the poem is sent into banish- 
ment, while when he returns to his kingdom, the 
houses of the village are adorned with lamps and 
garlands. Such a recitation of the whole of the Ma- 
h4bh4rata is said to occupy ninety days, or sometimes 
half a year^. The people at large require, no doubt, 
that the Brahman narrator (K^thaka) should inter- 
pret the old poem, but there must be some, few 
people present who understand, or imagine they 
understand, the old poetry of Vyasa and Yalmlki. 

There are thousands of Brahmans^ even now, when 
so little inducement exists for Vedic studies, who 
know the whole of the Rig-veda by heart and can 
repeat it ; and what applies to the Rig-veda applies 
to many other books. 

But even if Sanskrit were more of a dead language 
than it really is, all the living languages of India, 

^ See K. G. Bhandarkar, Consideration of the date of the Mah^ 
bharata, Journal of the E,. A. S. of Bombay, 1872; Talboys 
"Wheeler, History of India, ii. 365, 572; Holtzmann, tjber das 
alte indische Epos, 1881, p. i ; Phear, The Aryan Village in India 
and Ceylon, p. 19. 

^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 157. 

G 



82 LECTUEE III. 

both Aryan and Dravidian, draw their very life and 
soul from Sanskrits On this point, and on the great 
help that even a limited knowledge of Sanskrit would 
render in the acquisition of the vernaculars, I, and 
others better qualified than I am, have spoken so 
often, though without any practical effect, that I 
need not speak again. Any Candidate who knows 
but the elements of Sanskrit grammar will well 
understand what I mean, whether his special ver- 
nacular may be Bengali, Hindustani, or even Tamil. 
To a classical scholar I can only say that between 
a CivU Servant who knows Sanskrit and Hindustani, 
and another who knows Hindustani only, there is 
about the same difference in their power of form- 
ing an intelligent appreciation of India and its in- 
habitants, as there is between a traveller who visits 
Italy with a knowledge of Latin, and a party per- 
sonally conducted to Eome by Messrs. Cook and Co. 
Let us examine, however, the objection that San- 
skrit literature is a dead or an artificial literature, 
a little more carefully, in order to see whether there 
is not some kind of truth in it. Some people hold 
that the literacy works which we possess in Sanskrit 
never had any real life at all, that they were alto- 
gether scholastic productions, and that therefore they 
can teach us nothing of what we really care for, namely 

^ 'Every person acquainted with the spoken speech of India 
knows perfectly well that its elevation to the dignity and use- 
fulness of written speech has depended, and must still depend, 
upon its borrowing largely from its parent or kindred source ; that 
no man who is ignorant of Arabic or Sanskrit can write Hindustani 
or Bengali with elegance, or purity, or precision, and that the con- 
demnation of the classical languages to oblivion would consign the 
dialects to utter helplessness and irretrievable barbarism.' H. H. 
"Wilson, Asiatic Journal, Jan. 1836; vol. xix. p. 15. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 83 

the historical growth of the Hindu mind. Others 
maintain that at the present moment, at all events, 
and after a century of English rule, Sanskrit litera- 
ture has ceased to be a motive power in India, and 
that it can teach us nothing of what is passing now 
through the Hindu mind and influencing it for good 
or for evil. 

Let us look at the facts. Sanskrit literature is a 
wide and a vague term. If the Vedas, such as we 
now have them, were composed about 1 500 B.C., and 
if it is a fact that considerable works continue to be 
written in Sanskrit even now, we have before us a 
stream of literary activity extending over three 
thousand four hundred years. With the exception 
of China there is nothing like this in the whole 
world. 

It is difficult to give an idea of the enormous 
extent and variety of that literature. We are only 
gradually becoming acquainted with the untold trea- 
sures which stiU exist in manuscripts, and with 
the titles of that still larger number of works which 
must have existed formerly, some of them being stiU 
quoted by writers of the last three or four centuries^. 

The Indian Government has of late years ordered 
a" kind of bibliographical survey of India to be made, 
and has sent some learned Sanskrit scholars, both 
European and native, to places where collections 
of Sanskrit MSS. are known to exist, in order to 
examine and catalogue them. Some of these cata- 
logues have been published, and we learn from them 



^ It would be a most -useful work for any young scholar to draw 
up a list of Sanskrit books wbicb are quoted by later writers, but 
have not yet been met with in Indian libraries. 

G 2 



84 LECTURE III. 

that the number of separate works in Sanskrit, of 
which MSS. are still in existence, amounts to about 
10,000^. This is more, I believe, than the whole 
classical literature of Greece and Italy put together. 
Much of it, no doubt, will be called mere rubbish ; 
but then you know that even in our days the 
writings of a very eminent philosopher have been 
called 'mere rubbish.' What I wish you to see is 
this, that there runs through the whole history of 
India, through its three or four thousand years, a 
high road, or, it is perhaps more accurate to say, 
a high mountain-path of literature. It may be re- 
mote from the turmoil of the plain, hardly visible 
perhaps to the millions of human beings in their daily 
struggle of life. It may have been trodden by a few 
solitary wanderers only. But to the historian of the 
human race, to the student of the development of 
the human mind, those few soKtar}'- wanderers are 
after all the true representatives of India from age to 
age. Do not let us be deceived. The true history 
of the world must always be the history of the few; 
and as we measure the Himalaya by the height of 
Mount Everest, we must take the true measure 
of India from the poets of the Veda, the sages 
of the Upanishads, the founders of the Vedanta 
and Sankhya philosophies, and the authors of the 
oldest law-books, and not from the millions who are 
born and die in their villages, and who have never 
for one moment been roused out of their drowsy 
dream of life. 

To large multitudes in India, no doubt, Sanskrit 
literature was not merely a dead literature, it was 

^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 133. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 85 

simply non-existent ; but the same might be said of 
almost every literature, and more particularly of the 
literatures of the ancient world. 

Still, even beyond this, I am quite prepared to ac- 
knowledge to a certain extent the truth of the state- 
ment, that a great portion of Sanskrit literature has 
never been living and national, in the same sense in 
which the Greek and E-oman literatures reflected at 
times the life of a whole nation ; and it is quite true 
besides, that the Sanskrit books which are best known | 
to the public at large, belong to what might correctly | 
be called the Benaissance period of Indian literature, ' 
when those who wrote Sanskrit had themselves to 
learn the language, as we learn Latin, and weres^ 
conscious that they were writing for a learned and ^ 
cultivated public only, and not for the people atf 
large. f 

This will require a fuller explanation. 

We may divide the whole of Sanskrit literature, 
beginning with the Eig-veda and ending with Daya- 
nanda's Introduction to his edition of the Eig-veda, 
his by no means uninteresting Eig-veda-bh^mik^, into 
two great periods : that preceding the great Turanian 
invagignj and that following it. """^ 

The former comprises the Vedic literature and the 
ancient literature of Buddhism, the latter aU the rest. 

If I call the invasion which is generally called the 
invasion of the >Sakas, or the Scythians, or Indo-Scy- 
thians, or Turushkas, the Turanian invasion, it is 
simply because I do not as yet wish to commit myself 
more than I can help as to the nationality of the 
tribes who took possession of India, or, at least, of 
the government of India, from about the first century 
B.C. to thje third century a.d. 




86 LECTURE III. 

They are best known by the name of Yueh-chi, this 
being the name by which they are called in Chinese 
chronicles. These Chinese chronicles form the prin- 
cipal source from which we derive our knowledge of 
these tribes, both before and after their invasion of 
India. Many theories have been started as to their re- 
lationship with other races. They are described as of 
pink and white complexion and as shooting from horse- 
back; and as there was some similarity between their 
Chinese name YueJi-chi and the Gothi or Goths, they 
were identified by Kemusat^ with those German tribes, 
and by others with the Getae, the neighbours of the 
Goths. Tod went even a step further, and traced 
the 6^^ts in India and the Eajputs back to the Yueh- 
cTii and Geiae^. Some light may come in time out 
of all this darkness, but for the present we must be 
satisfied with the fact that, between the first century 
before and the third century after our era, the 
greatest pohtical revolution took place in India owing 
to the repeated inroads of Turanian, or, to use a still 
less objectionable term, of Northern tribes. Their 
presence in India, recorded by Chinese historians, is 
fully confirmed by coins, by inscriptions, and by the 
traditional history of the country, such as it is ; but 
to my mind nothing attests the presence of these 
foreign invaders more clearly than the break, or, I 
could almost say, the blank in the Brahmanical litera- 
ture of India from the first century before to the 
third century after our era ^. 

^ Kecherches sur les langues Tartares, 1820, vol. i. p. 327; 
Lassen, I. A., vol. ii. p. 359. 

^ Lassen, who at first rejected the identification of Gsits and 
Yueh-chi, was afterwards inclined to accept it. 

3 See Note E. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 87 

If we consider the political and social state of that 
country, we can easily understand what would happen 
in a case of invasion and conquest by a warlike race. 
The invaders would take possession of the strongholds 
or castles, and either remove the old Rajahs, or make 
them their vassals and agents. Everything else 
would then go on exactly as before. The rents 
would be paid, the taxes collected, and the life of 
the villagers, that is, of the great majority of the 
people of India, would go on almost undisturbed by 
the change of government. The only people who 
might suffer would be, or, at all events, might be the 
priestly caste, unless they should come to terms with 
the new conquerors. The priestly caste, however, 
was also to a great extent the literary caste, and the 
absence of their old patrons, the native Eajahs, might 
well produce for a time a complete cessation of literary 
activity. The rise of Buddhism and its formal 
adoption by King Asoka had already considerably 
shaken the power and influence of the old Brahmanic 
hierarchy. The Northern conquerors, whatever their 
religion may have been, were certainly not behevers 
in the Yeda. They seem to have made a kind of com- 
promise with Buddhism, and it is probably due to that 
compromise, or to an amalgamation of ySaka legends 
with Buddhist doctrines, that we owe the so-called 
Mah^y^na form of Buddhism, — and more particularly 
the Amit^bha worship, — which was finally settled at 
the Council under Kanishka, one of the Turanian rulers 
of India in the first century A. D. 

If then we divide the whole of Sanskrit liter- 
ature into these two periods, the one anterior to 
the great Turanian invasion, the other posterior to 
it, we may caU the literature of the former period 




88 LECTURE III. 

ancient and natural, that of the latter modern and 
artificial. 

Of the former period we possess, first, what has 
been called the Veda, i. e. Knowledge, in the widest 
sense of the word — a considerable mass of literature, 
yet evidently a wreck only, saved out of a general 
deluge ; secondly, the works collected in the Buddhist 
Tripi^aka, now known to us chiefly in what is called 
the Pali dialect, the G^tha dialects, and Sanskrit, and 
probably much added to in later times. 

The second period of Sanskrit literature compre- 
hends everything else. Both periods may be subdi- 
vided again, but this does not concern us at present. 

Now I am quite willing to admit that the literature 
of the second period, the modem Sanskrit literature, 
never was a Jiving or national literature. It here 
and there contains remnants of earlier times, adapted 
to the literary, religious, and moral tastes of a later 
period ; and whenever we are able to disentangle 
those ancient elements, they may serve to throw 
hght on the past, and, to a certain extent, supplement 
what has been lost in the hterature of the Vedic 
times. The metrical Law-books, for instance, contain 
old materials which existed during the Vedic period, 
partly in prose, as Sutras, partly in more ancient 
metres, as Gath4s. The Epic poems, the Mahabharata 
and Bam^yawa, have taken the place of the old 
Itih^sas and Akhy^nas. The Pur4?ias, even, may 
contain materials, though much altered, of what was 
called in Vedic literature the Purana^. 

But the great mass of that later hterature is 
artificial or scholastic, full of interesting compositions, 

^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 154, note. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 89 

and by no means devoid of originality and occasional 
beauty ; yet, with all that, curious only, and appealing 
to the interests of the Oriental scholar far more than 
the broad human sympathies of the historian and the 
philosopher. 

It is different with the ancient literature of India, I 
the literature dominated by the Yedic and the Bud- ' 
dhistic rehgions. That literature opens to us a chapter 
in what has been called the Education of the Human 
Bace, to which we can find no parallel anywhere 
else. Whoever cares for the historical growth of our 
language, that is, of our thoughts ; whoever cares for 
the first intelligible development of religion and 
mythology; whoever cares for the first foundation of 
what in later times we call the sciences of astronomy, 
metronomy, grammar, and etymology; whoever cares 
for the first intimations of philosophical thought, for 
the first attempts at regulating family life, village 
life, and state life, as founded on religion, ceremonial, 
tradition and contract (samaya) — must in future pay i f 
the same attention to the literature of the Vedic period ■' 
as to the literatures of Greece and Eome and Germany. / 

As to the lessons which the early literature of 
Buddhism may teach us, I need not dwell on them 
at present. If I may judge from the numerous 
questions that are addressed to me with regard to j 
that religion and its striking coincidences with Chris- | 
tianity, Buddhism has already become a subject of • 
general interest, and will and ought to become so 
more and more^. On that whole class of literature, 
however, it is not my intention to dwell in this short 
course of Lectures, which can hardly suffice even for 

1 Note F. 



90 LECTURE III. 

a general survey of Yedic literature, and for an 
elucidation of the principal lessons which, I think, 
we may learn from the Hymns, the Br^hma7ias, the 
Upanishads, and the Sutras. 

It was a real naisfortune that Sanskrit literature 
became first known to the learned public in Europe 
through specimens belonging to the second, or, what 
I called, the Kenaissance period. The Bhagavadgit^, 
the plays of Kalid^sa, such as >Sakuntal4 or Urvasi, 
a few episodes from the Mahdbharata and Eamsiyana, 
such as those of Nala and the Ya^^^adattabadha, the 
fables of the Hitopadesa, and the sentences of BhartH- 
hari are, no doubt, extremely curious ; and as, at the 
jijime when they first became known in Europe, they 
|were represented to be of ej:treme antiquity, and the 
work of a people formerly supposed to be quite 
incapable of high literary efforts, they naturally 
attracted the attention of men such as Sir William 
Jones in England, Herder and Goethe in Germany, 
who were pleased to speak of them in terms of highest 
admiration. It was the fashion at that time to speak 
of K^lid^sa, as, for instance, Alexander von Humboldt 
did even in so recent a work as his Kosmos, as ' the 
great contemporary of Virgil and Horace, who lived 
at the splendid Court of Yikram^ditya,' this Yikra- 
m^ditya being supposed to be the founder of the 
Samvat era, 56 B.C. But aU this is now changed. 
Whoever the Yikram^ditya was who is supposed to 
have defeated the /S^akas, and to have founded another 
era, the Samvat era, 56 B.C., he certainly did not live in 
the first century b. a Nor are the Indians looked upon 
any longer as an illiterate race, and their poetry as 
popular and artless. On the contrary, they are judged 
now by the same standards as Persians and Arabs, 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 91 

Italians or French ; and, measured by that standard, 
such works as Kalidasa's plays are not superior to 
many plays that have long been allowed to rest in 
dust and peace on the shelves of our libraries. 
Their antiquity is no longer believed in by any critical 
Sanskrit scholar, K^lidasa is mentioned with Bha- 
ravi as a famous poet in an inscription^ dated a.d. 
585-6 (507 ^aka era), and for the present I see no 
reason to place him much earlier. As to the Laws 
of Manu, which used to be assigned to a fabulous 
antiquity ^, and are so still sometimes by those who 
write at random or at second-hand, I doubt whether, 
in their present form, they can be older than the 
fourth century of our era, nay I am quite prepared 
to see an even later date assigned to them. I know 
this will seem heresy to many Sanskrit scholars, 
but we must try to be honest , to ourselves, . Is 
there any evidence to constrain us to assign the 
M^nava-dharma-s4stra, such as we now possess it, 
v^ritten in continuous ;S»lokas, to any date anterior 
to 300 A, D. \ And if there is not, why should we not 
openly state it, challenge opposition, and feel grate- 
ful if our doubts can be removed ? 

That Manu was a name of high legal authority 
before that time, and that Manu and the M^navam are 
frequently quoted in the ancient legal Slatras, is quite 
true ; but this serves only to confirm the conviction 
that the literature which succeeded the Turanian 



^ Publislied by Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, 1876, pp, 68-73, 
and first mentioned by Dr. Bhao Daji, Journal Asiatic Society, 
Bombay Branch, vol. ix. 

^ Sir "William Jones fixed their date at 1280 B.C.; Elphinstone 
as 900 B.C. It has recently been stated that they could not reason- 
ably be placed later than the fifth century b. g. 



92 LECTURE III. 

invasion is full of wrecks saved from the intervening 
deluge. If what we call the Laws ofManu had really 
existed as a Code of Laws, like the Code of Justinian, 
during previous centuries, is it likely that it should 
nowhere have been quoted and appealed to '? 

Var4hamihira (who died 587 A.D.) refers to Manu 
several times, but not to a M^nava-dharma-s^stra ; 
and the only time where he seems actually to quote 
a number of verses from Manu, these verses are not 
to be met with in our text ^. 



^ A very useful indication of the age of the Dharma-sutras, as 
compared with the metrical Dharma-sastras or Samhitas, is to be 
found in the presence or absence in them of any reference to ■wiittejx, 
documents. Such written documents, if they existed, could hardly 
be passed over in silence in law-books, particularly when the nature 
of witnesses is discussed in support of loans, pledges, etc. Now we see 
that in treating of the law of debt and debtors *, the Dharma-sutras 
of Gautama, Baudhayana, and Apastamba never mention evidence in 
writing. Vasishf/«a only refers to written evidence, but in a passage 
which may be interpolated t, considering that in other respects his 
treatment of the law of debt is very crude. Manu's metrical code 
shows here again its usual character. It is evidently based on 
ancient originals, and when it simply reproduces them, gives us the 
impression of great antiquity. But it freely admits more modern in- 
gredients, and does so in our case. It speaks of witnesses, fixes their 
minimum number at three, and discusses very minutely their qualifi- 
cations and disqualifications, without saying a word about written 
documents. But in one place (VIII. 1 68) it speaks of the valuelessness 
of written agreements obtained by force, thus recognising the practical 
employment of writing for commercial transactions. Professor Jolly J, 
it is true, suggests that this verse may be a later addition, particu- 
larly as it occurs totidem verbis in Narada (IV. 55); but the final 
composition of Manu's Samhita, such as we possess it, can hardly 
be referred to a period when writing was not yet used, at all events 
for commercial purposes. Manu's Law-book is older than Y%wa- 



* tJber das Indische Schuldrecht von J. Jolly, p. 291. 
t Jolly, 1. c. p. 322. X L. c. p. 290. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 93 

I believe it will be found that the century in which 
Var^hamihara lived and wrote was the age of the 
literary Benaissance in India. That K^lid^sa and 
Bh^ravi were famous at that time, we know from the 
evidence of inscriptions. We also know that during 
that century the fame of Indian literature had reached 
Persia, and that the King of Persia, Khosru Nushir- 
van, sent his physician, Barzoi, to India, in order to 
translate the fables of the Pa»A;atantra, or rather 
their original, from Sanskrit into Pahlavi. The 
famous ' Nine Gems,' or ' the nine classics,' as we 
should say, have been referred, at least in part, to 
the same age ^, and I doubt whether we shall, be a.ble /^^. , /^ 
to assign a much earlier date to anything we possess ^ iL^tj^ 
of Sanskrit literature, excepting always the "\[.Q,^ia jLud ^./, ff^jf 
Buddhistic writings. ^-^^^r^^ 

"'Xlth.ough the specimens of this modern Sanskrit 3>->.k5> , 
literature, when they first became known, served to 
arouse a general interest, and serve even now to keep 
alive a certain superficial sympathy for Indian litera- 
ture, more serious students had soon disposed of 
these compositions, and while gladly admitting their ; 
claim to be called pretty and attractive, could not 
think of allowing to Sanskrit literature a place among 

valkya's, in whicli writing has become a familiar subject. Visbwu 
often agrees literally witli Y%«avalkya, wbile Narada, as showing 
the fullest development of the law of debt, is most likely the 
latest *. 

See Brihatsamhita, ed. Kern, pref. p. 43 ; Journal of the 
R. A. S., 1875, p. 106. 

^ Kern, Preface to Brihatsamhita, p. 20. 



* Jolly, 1. c. p. 322, He places Katyayana and BWhaspati after 
Narada, possibly Yyasa and Harita also. See also Stenzler, Z. d. 
D. M. G. ix. 664. 



/ 



94 LECTURE III. 

the world-literatures, a place by the side of Greek 
and Latin, Italian, French, English or German. 

There was indeed a time when people began to 
imagine that all that was worth knowing about 
Indian literature was known, and that the only- 
ground on which Sanskrit could claim a place among 
the recognised branches of learning in a Univer- 
sity was its usefulness for the study of the Science 
of Language. 

At that very time, however, now about forty years 
ago, a new start was made, which has given to 
Sanskrit scholarship an entirely new character. The 
chief author of that movement was Burnouf, then 
Professor at the College de France in Paris, an 
excellent scholar, but at the same time a man of 
I wide views and true historical instincts, and the last 
I man to waste his life on mere Nalas and >Siakuntal4s. 
Being brought up in the old traditions of the classical 
school in France (his father was the author of the 
well-known Greek Grammar), then for a time a 
promising young barrister, with influential friends 
such as Guizot, Thiers, Mignet, Villemain, at his 
f. side, and with a brilliant future before him, he was 
' > not likely to spend his life on pretty Sanskrit ditties. 
What he wanted when he threw himself on Sanskrit 
was history, human history, world-history, and with 
an unerring grasp he laid hold of Vedic literature 
and Buddhist literature, as the two stepping-stones 
in the slough of Indian literature. He died young, 
and has left a few arches only of the building he 
wished to rear. But his spirit lived on in his pupils 
and his friends, and few would deny ihat the .fcii*-* 
impulse, directly or indirectly, to all that has.,been 
accomplished since by the students of Vedic and 



HUMAN INTEREST OE SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 95 

Buddhist literature, was sriven by Burnouf and his 
lectures at the College de F^^ance. 

What then, you may ask, do we find in that 
ancient Sanskrit literature and cannot find anywhere 
else "? My answer is, We find tliere the Aryan man, 
whom we know in his various characters, as Greek,^ 
Eoman, German, Celt, and Slave, in an entirely, .riew 
character. Whereas in his migrations northward his 
active and political energies are called out and 
brought to their highest perfection, we find the 
other side of the human character, the passive and 
meditative, carried to its fullest growth in India. 
In some of the hymns of the Eig-veda we can still 
watch an earlier phase. We see the Aryan tribes 
taking possession of the land, and under the guidance 
of such warlike gods as Indra and the Maruts, de- 
fending their new homes against the assaults of the 
black-skinned aborigines as weU as against the in- 
roads of later Aryan colonists. But that period of 
war soon came to an end, and when the great mass 
of the people had once settled down in their home- 
steads, the military and political duties seem to have 
been monopolised by what we call a caste ^, that is 



■^ During times of conquest and migration, such as are repre- 
sented to us in the hymns of the E,ig-veda, the system of castes, as it 
is described, for instance, in the Laws of Manu, would have been a 
simple impossibility. It is doubtful whether such a system was 
ever more than a social ideal, but even for such an ideal the 
materials would have been wanting during the period when the 
Aryas were first taking possession of the land of the Seven Rivers. 
On the other hand, even during that early period, there must have 
been a division of labour, and hence we expect to find and do find 
in the gramas of the Five Nations, warriors, sometimes called 
nobles, leaders, kings; counsellors, sometimes called priests, pro- 
phets, judges ; and working men, whether ploughers, or builders, or 



96 LECTUEE III. 

by a small aristocracy, while the great majority of 
the people were satisfied with spending their days 
within the narrow spheres of their villages, little con- 
cerned about the outside world, and content with 
the gifts that nature bestowed on them, without 
much labour. We read in the Mah^bharata (XIII. 
22) : 

' There is fruit on the trees in every forest, which 
every one who likes may pluck without trouble. 
There is cool and sweet water in the pure rivers here 
and there. There is a soft bed made of the twigs of 
beautiful creepers. And yet wretched people suffer 
pain at the door of the rich !' 

At first sight we may feel inclined to call this 
quiet enjoyment of Hfe, this mere looking on, a 
degeneracy rather than a growth. It seems so dif- 
ferent from what we think life ought to be. Yet, 
from a hjgher point of view it may appear that those 
Southern Aryans have chosen the good part, or at 
least the part good for them, while we, Northern 
Aryans, have been careful and troubled about many 
things. 

It is at all events a problem worth considering 
whether, as there is in nature a South and a North, 
there are not two hemispheres also in human nature, 
both worth developing — the active, combative, and 
political on one side, the passive, meditative, and 
philosophical on the other ; and for the solution of 
that problem no literature furnishes such ample ma- 
terials as that of the Veda, beginning with the 
Hymns and ending with the Upanishads. We enter 



road-makers. These three divisions we can clearly perceive even in 
the early hymns of the Eig-veda. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 97 

into a new world — not always an attractive one, least 
of all to us ; but it possesses one charm, it is real, it 
is of natural growth, and like everything of natural 
growth, I believe it had a hidden purpose, and was 
intended to teach us some kind of lesson that is 
worth learning, and that certainly we could learn 
nowhere else. We are not called upon either to admire 
or to despise that ancient Vedic literature ; we have 
simply to study and to try to understand it. 

There have been silly persons who have repre- 
sented the development of the Indian mind as supe- 
rior to any other, nay, who would make us go back 
to the Yeda or to the sacred writings of the Buddhists 
in order to find there aj^uer religion, a purer morality ^ 
and a more sublime philosophy than our own. I shall 
not even mention the names of these writers or the 
titles of their works. But I feel e(|ually impatient 
when I see other scholars criticising the ancient lite- 
rature of India as if it were the work of the nine- 
teenth century, as if it represented an enemy that 
must be defeated, and that can claim no mercy at 
our hands. That the Veda is full of childish, silly, 
even to our minds monstrous conceptions, who would 
deny'? But even these monstrosities are interest- 
ing and instructive ; nay, many of them, if we can 
but make allowance for different ways of thought and 
language, contain germs of truth and rays of light, 
all the more striking, because breaking upon us 
through the veil of the darkest night. 

Here lies the general, the truly human interest 
which the ancient literature of India possesses, and 
which gives it a claim on the attention, not only of 
Oriental scholars or of students of ancient history, 
but of every educated man and woman. 

H 



98 LECTUEE HI. 

There are problems wMch we may put aside for a 
time, aye, which we must put aside while engaged 
each in our own hard struggle for life, but which 
will recur for all that, and which, whenever they do 
recur, will stir us more deeply than we like to con- 
fess to others, or even to ourselves. It is true that 
with us one day only out of seven is set apart for rest 
and meditation, and for the consideration of what the 
Greeks called ra fxiyia-ra — 'the greatest things.' It is 
true that that seventh day also is passed by many of 
us either in mere church-going routine or in thought- 
less rest. But whether on week-days or on Sundays, 
whether in youth or in old age, there are moments, 
rare though they be, yet for all that the most critical 
moments of our life, when the old simple questions 
of humanity return to us in all their intensity, and 
we ask ourselves, What are we 1 What is this life 
on earth meant for *? Are we to have no rest here, 
but to be always toiling and building up our own 
happiness out of the ruins of the happiness of our 
neighbours ? And when we have made our home on 
earth as comfortable as it can be made with steam 
and gas and electricity, are we really so much hap- 
pier than the Hindu in his primitive homestead % 

With us, as I said just now, in these Northern 
climates, where life is and always must be a struggle, 
and a hard struggle too, and where accumulation of 
wealth has become almost a necessity to guard against 
the uncertainties of old age or the accidents inevitable 
in our complicated social life, with us, I say, and in our 
society, hours of rest and meditation are but few and 
far between. It was the same as long as we know 
the history of the Teutonic races ; it was the same 
even with Romans and Greeks. The European climate 



HUMAN INTEEEST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 99 

with its long cold winters, in many places also the 
difficulty of cultivating the soil, the conflict of in- 
terests between small communities, has developed 
the instinct of self-preservation (not to say, self- 
indulgence) to such an extent that most of the vir- 
tues and most of the vices of European society can 
be traced back to that source. Our own character 
was formed under these influences, by inheritance, by 
education, by necessity. We all lead a fighting-life ; 
our highest ideal of Hfe is a fighting-life. We work 
till we can work no longer, and are proud, Hke old 
horses, to die in harness. We point with inward 
satisfaction to what we and our ancestors have 
achieved by hard work, in founding a family, or a 
business, a town or a state. We point to the mar- 
vels of what we call civilisation — our splendid cities, 
our high-roads and bridges, our ships, our railways, 
our telegraphs, our electric light, our pictures, our 
statues, our music, our theatres. We imagine we 
have made life on earth quite perfect ; in some cases 
so perfect that we are almost sorry to leave it again. 
But the lesson which both Brahmans and Buddhists 
are never tired of teaching is that this life is but a 
journey from one village to another, and not a resting- 
place. Thus we read ^ : 

* As a man journeying to another village may enjoy 
a night's rest in the open air, but, after leaving his 
resting-place, proceeds again on his journey the next 
day, thus father, mother, wife, and wealth are all but 
like a night's rest to us — wise people do not cling to 
them for ever.' 

Instead of simply despising this Indian view of 
hfe, might we not pause for a moment and consider 

^ Boehtlingk, Spriiche, 5101. 
H 2 

L or C 



100 LECTURE III. 

whether their philosophy of life is entirely wrong, 
and ours entirely right ; whether this earth was 
really meant for work only (for with us pleasure also 
has been changed into work), for constant hurry and 
flurry; or whether we, sturdy Northern Aryans, might 
not have been satisfied with a Httle less of work, and 
a little less of so-called pleasure, but with a little 
more of thought, and a little more of rest. For, short 
as our life is, we are not mere Mayflies that are born 
in the morning to die at night. We have a past to 
look back to and a future to look forward to, and it 
may be that some of the riddles of the future find 
their solution in the wisdom of the past. 

Then why should we always fix our eyes on the 
present only 1 Why should we always be racing, 
whether for wealth or for power or for fame '? Why 
should we never rest and be thankful '? 

I do not deny that the manly vigour, the silent 
endurance, the public spirit, and the private virtues 
too of the citizens of European states represent one 
side, it may be a very important side, of the destiny 
which man has to fulfil on earth. 

But there is surely another side of our nature, and 
possibly another destiny open to man in his journey 
across this life, which should not be entirely ignored. 
If we turn our eyes to the East, and particularly to 
India, where hfe is, or at all events was, no very 
severe struggle, where the climate was mild, the soil 
fertile, where vegetable food in small quantities 
sufficed to keep the body in health and strength, 
where the simplest hut or cave in a forest was 
all the shelter required, and where social life never 
assumed the gigantic, aye monstrous proportions of 
a London or Paris, but fulfilled itself within the 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 101 

narrow boundaries of village communities, — was it 
not, I say, natural there, or, if you like, was it not 
intended there, that another side of human nature 
should be developed — not the active, the combative 
and acquisitive, but the passive, the meditative and 
reflective "? Can we wonder that the Aryans who 
stepped as strangers into some of the happy fields 
and valleys along the Indus or the Granges should 
have looked upon life as a perpetual Sunday or 
Holy day, or a kind of Long Vacation, delightful 
so long as it lasts, but which must come to an end 
sooner or later % Why should they have accumulated 
wealth \ why should they have built palaces '? why 
should they have toiled day and night '? After 
having provided from day to day for the small 
necessities of the body, they thought they had the 
right, it may be the duty, to look round upon this 
strange exile, to look inward upon themselves, upward 
to something not themselves, and to see whether 
they could not understand a little of the true purport 
of that mystery which we call life on earth. 

Of course we should call such notions of life dreamy, 
unreal, unpractical, but may not they look upon our 
notions of life as short-sighted, fussy, and, in the end, 
most unpractical, because involving a sacrifice of life 
for the sake of life % 

No doubt these are both extreme views, and they 
have hardly ever been held or realised in that extreme 
form by any nation, whether in the East or in the 
West. We are not always plodding — we sometimes 
allow ourselves an hour of rest and peace and thought — 
nor were the ancient people of India always dreaming 
and meditating on ra jueyiarra, on the great problems 
of life, but, when called upon, we know that they too 



102 



LECTURE III. 







could figlit like heroes, and that, without machinery, 
they could by patient toil raise even the meanest 
handiwork into a work of art, a real joy to the maker 
and to the buyer. 

All then that I wish to put clearly before you 
is this, that the Aryan man, who had to fulfil his 
mission in India, might naturally be deficient in many 
of the practical and fighting virtues, which were de- 
veloped in the Northern Aryans by the very struggle 
without which they could not have survived, but 
that his life on earth had not therefore been entirely 
wasted. His very view of life, though we cannot 
adopt it in this Northern climate, may yet act as 
a lesson and a warning to us, not, for the sake of 
life, to sacrifice the highest objects of life. 

The greatest conqueror of antiquity stood in silent 
wonderment before the Indian G-ymnosophists, regret- 
ting that he could not communicate with them in 
their own language, and that their wisdom could not 
reach him except through the contaminating channels 
of sundry interpreters. 

That need not be so at present, Sanskrit is no 
longer a difficult language, and I can assure every 
young Indian Civil Servant that if he will but go 
to the fountain-head of Indian wisdom, he will find 
there, among much that is strange and useless, some 
lessons of life which are worth learning, and which 
we in our haste are too apt to forget or to despise. 

Let me read you a few sayings only, which you 
may still hear repeated in India when, after the heat 
of the day, the old and the young assemble together 
under the shadow of their village tree — sayings which 
to them seem truth, to us, I fear, mere truism ! 

' As all have to sleep together laid low in the 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 103 

earth, why do foolish people wish to injure one 
another ^ '? 

'A man seeking for eternal happiness (moksha) 
might obtain it by a hundredth part of the suffer- 
ings which a foolish man endures in the pursuit of 
riches^. 

' Poor men eat more excellent bread than the rich : 
for hunger gives it sweetness \ 

'Our body is like the foam of the sea, our life like 
a bird, our company, with those whom we love does 
not last for ever ; why then sleepest thou, my son * 1 

' As two logs of wood meet upon the ocean and then 
separate again, thus do living creatures meet ^. 

'Our meeting with wives, relations, and friends 
occurs on our journey. Let a man therefore see 
clearly where he is, whither he will go, what he is, 
why tarrying here, and why grieving for anything ^. 

'Family, wife, children, our very body and our 
wealth, they all pass away. They do not belong to us. 
What then is ours 1 Our good and our evil deeds '^. 

'When thou goest away from here, no one will 
follow thee. Only thy good and thy evil deeds, they 
will follow thee wherever thou goest ^. 

'Whatever act, good or bad, a man performs, of that 
by necessity he receives the recompense ^. 

'According to the Veda^" the soul (life) is eternal, 
but the body of all creatures is perishable. When 
the body is destroyed, the soul departs elsewhere, 
fettered by the bonds of our works. 

1 Mah^bh. XL i2i. ^ Pa^^at. 11. 127 (117). 

3 Mahabh. V. 1144. * Mababh. XII. 12050. 

^ L. c. XII. 869. « L. c. XII. 872. 
' L. c. XII. 12453. ' L. c. XII. 12456. 

« L. c. III. 13846 (239). 10 L. c. III. 13864. 



104 LECTURE III. 

*If I know that my own body is not mine, and yet 
that the whole earth is mine, and again that it is both 
mine and thine, no harm can happen then ^. 

'As a man puts on new garments in this World, 
throwing aside those which he formerly wore, even 
so the Self of man pnts on new bodies which are in 
accordance with his acts ^. 

'No weapons will hurt the Self of man, no fire will 
bnrn it, no water moisten it, no wind wiU. dry it up. 

'It is not to be hurt, not to be burnt, not to be 
moistened, not to be dried up. It is imperishable, 
unchanging, immoveable, without beginning. 

'It is said to be immaterial, passing all understand- 
ing, and unchangeable. If you know the Self of man 
to be all this, grieve not. 

'There is nothing higher than the attainment of 
the knowledge of the Self ^. 

'All living creatures are the dwelling of the Self who 
lies enveloped in matter, who is immortal, and spot- 
less. Those who worship the Self, the immoveable, 
living in a moveable dwellingj become immortal. 

'Despising everything else, a wise man should 
strive after the knowledge of the Self 

We shall have to return to this subject again, for 
this knowledge of the Self is really the Veddnta, that 
is, the end, the highest goal of the Veda. The highest 
wisdom of Greece was ' to know ourselves ;' the 
highest wisdom of India is 'to know our Self.' 

If I were asked to indicate by one word the dis- 
tinguishing feature of the Indian character, as I have 



^ Kam. Nitis, i, 23 (Boelitlingk, 918). 

^ Vishmu-sutras XX. 50-53. 

^ Apastamba Dharma-sutras I. 8, 22. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 105 

here tried to sketch it, I should say it was transcen- 
dent, using that word, not in its strict technical 
sense, as fixed by Kant, but in its more general 
acceptation, as denoting a mind bent on transcending 
the limits of empirical knowledge. There are minds 
perfectly satisfied with empirical knowledge, a know- 
ledge of facts, well ascertained, well classified, and 
well labelled. Such knowledge may assume very 
vast proportions, and, if knowledge is power, it may 
impart great power, real intellectual power to the 
man who can wield and utilise it. Our own age is 
proud of that kind of knowledge, and to be content 
with it, and never to attempt to look beyond it, is, I 
believe, one of the happiest states of mind to be in. 

But, for all that, there is ^ a Beyond, and he who 
has once caught a glance of it, is like a man who has 
gazed at the sun — wherever he looks, everywhere 
he sees the image of the sun. Speak to him of finite 
things, and he will tell you that the Finite is impos- 
sible and meaningless without the Infinite. Speak to 
him of death, and he will call it birth ; speak to him 
of time, and he will call it the mere shadow of eter- 
nity. To us the senses seem to be the organs, the 
tools, the most powerful engines of knowledge ; to 
him they are, if not actually deceivers, at all events 
heavy fetters, checking the flight of the spirit. To 
us this earth, this life, all that we see, and hear, and 
touch is certain. Here, we feel, is our home, here lie 
our duties, here our pleasures. To him this earth is 
a thing that once was not, and that again will cease 
to be ; this life is a short dream from which we shall 
soon awake. Of nothing he professes greater ignor- 
ance than of what to others seems to be most certain, 
namely what we see, and hear, and touch ; and as to 



106 LECTUEE III. 

our home, wherever that may be, he knows that 
certainly it is not here. 

Do not suppose that such men are mere dreamers. 
Far from it ! And if we can only bring ourselves to be 
quite honest to ourselves, we shall have to confess that 
at times we all have been visited by these transcen- 
dental aspirations, and have been able to understand 
what Wordsworth meant when he spoke of those 

' Obstinate questionings 
Of sense and outward things, 
Fallings from us, vanishings; 
Blank misgivings of a creature 
Moving about in worlds not realised.' 

The transcendent temperament acquired no doubt 
a more complete supremacy in the Indian character 
than anywhere else : but no nation, and no individual, 
is entirely without that ' yearning beyond ; ' indeed we 
all know it under a more familiar name — namely, 
Religion. 

It is necessary, however, to distinguish between 
religion and a religion, quite as much as in another 
branch of philosophy we have to distinguish between 
language and a language or many languages. A 
man may accept a religion, he may be converted to 
the Christian religion, and he may change his own 
particular religion from time to time, just as he may 
speak different languages. But in order to have a 
religion, a man must have religion. He must once 
at least in his life have looked beyond the horizon of 
this world, and carried away in his mind an impres- 
sion of the Infinite, which will never leave him again. 
A being satisfied with the world of sense, unconscious 
of its finite nature, undisturbed by the limited or 
negative character of all perceptions of the senses. 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 107 

would be incapable of any religious concepts. Only 
when the finite character of all human knowledge 
has been perceived is it possible for the human mind 
to conceive that which is beyond the Finite, call it 
what you hke, the Beyond, the Unseen, the Infinite, 
the Supernatural, or the Divine. That step must 
have been taken before religion of any kind becomes 
possible. What kind of religion it will be, depends 
on the character of the race which elaborates it, its 
surroundings in nature, and its experience in history. 

Now we may seem to know a great many religions 
— I speak here, of course, of ancient rehgions only, of 
what are sometimes called national or autochthonous 
religions — not of those founded in later times by 
individual prophets or reformers. 

Yet, among those ancient religions we seldom 
know, what after all is the most important point, 
their origin and their gradual growth. The Jewish 
religion is represented to us as perfect and complete 
from the very first, and it is with great difficulty 
that we can discover its real beginnings and its his- 
torical growth. And take the Greek and the Koman 
religions, take the religions of the Teutonic, Slavonic 
or Celtic tribes, and you will find that their period of 
growth has always passed, long before we know 
them, and that from the time we know them, all 
their changes are purely metamor^hic — changes in 
form of substances ready at hand. 

Now let us look to the ancient inhabitants of India. 
With them, first of all, religion was not only one 
interest by the side of many. It was the all-absorb- 
ing interest; it embraced not only worship and 
prayer, but what we call philosophy, morality, law, 
and government, — all was pervaded by religion. 



108 LECTURE Til. 

Their whole life was to them a religion — everything 
else was, as it were, a mere concession made to the 
ephemeral requirements of this life. 

What then can we learn from the ancient religious 
literature of India — or from the Veda 1 

It requires no very profound knowledge of Greek 
religion and Greek language to discover in the Greek 
deities the original outlines of certain physical phe- 
nomena. Every schoolboy knows that in Zeus there 
is something of the sky, in Poseidon of the sea, in 
Hades of the lower world, in Apollo of the sun, in 
Artemis of the moon, in Se^hdestos of the fire. But 
for all that, there is, from a Greek point of view, a 
very considerable difference between Zeus and the 
sky, between Poseidon and the sea, between AjpoUo 
and the sun, between Artemis and the moon. 

Now what do we find in the Veda 1 No doubt 
here and there a few philosophical hymns which have 
been quoted so often that people have begun to ima- 
gine that the Veda is a kind of collection of Orphic 
hymns. We also find some purely mythological 
hymns, in which the Devas or gods have assumed 
nearly as much dramatic personality as in the Ho- 
meric hymns. 

But the great majority of Vedic hymns consists in 
simple invocations of the fire, the water, the sky, 
the sun, and the storms, often under the same names 
which afterwards became the proper names of Hindu 
deities, but as yet nearly free from all that can be 
called irrational or mythological. There is nothing 
irrational, nothing I mean we cannot enter into or 
sympathise with, in people imploring the storms to 
cease, or the sky to rain, or the sun to shine. I say 
there is nothing irrational in it, though perhaps it 



HUMAN INTEEEST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 109 

miglit be more accurate to say that there is nothing 
in it that would surprise anybody who is acquainted 
with the growth of human reason, or, at all events, of 
childish reason. It does not matter how we call the ten- 
dency of the childish mind to confound the manifesta- 
tion with that which manifests itself, effect with cause, 
act with agent. Call it Animism, Personification, 
Metaphor, or Poetry, we all know what is meant by 
it, in the most general sense of all these names ; we 
all know that it exists, and the youngest child who 
beats the chair against which he has fallen, or who 
scolds his dog, or who sings, ' Kain, rain, go to Spain,' 
can teach us that, however irrational all this may 
seem to us, it is perfectly rational, natural, aye in- 
evitable in the first periods, or the childish age of 
the human mind. 

Now it is exactly this period in the growth of 
ancient religion, which was always presupposed, or 
postulated, but was absent everywhere else, that is 
clearly put before us in the hymns of the Kig-veda. 
It is this ancient chapter in the history of the human 
mind which has been preserved to us in Indian lite- 
rature, while we look for it in vain in Greece or 
Borne or elsewhere. 

It has been a favourite idea of those who call 
themselves ^ students of man,' or anthropologists, that 
in order to know the earliest or so-called prehistoric 
phases in the growth of man, we should study the 
life of savage nations, as we may watch it still in 
some parts of Asia, Africa, Polynesia and America. 

There is much truth in this, and nothing can be 
more useful than the observations which we find col- 
lected in the works of such students as Waitz, Tylor, 
Lubbock, and many others. But let us be honest. 



110 LECTURE IIL 

and confess, first of all, that the materials on which 
we have here to depend are often extremely un- 
trustworthy. 

Nor is this all. What do we know of savage 
tribes beyond the last chapter of their history ? Do 
we ever get an insight into their antecedents 1 Can 
we understand, what after all is everywhere the most 
important and the most instructive lesson to learn, 
how they have come to be what they are 1 There is 
indeed their language, and in it we see traces of 
growth that point to distant ages, quite as much 
as the Greek of Homer, or the Sanskrit of the 
Vedas. Their language proves indeed that these so- 
called heathens, with their complicated systems of 
mythology, their artificial customs, their unintelligible 
whims and savageries, are not the creatures of to-day 
or yesterday. Unless we admit a special creation for 
these savages, they must be as old as the Hindus, 
the Greeks and Eomans, as old as we ourselves. We 
may assume, of course, if we like, that their life has 
been stationary, and that they are to-day what the 
Hindus were no longer 3000 years ago. But that 
is a mere guess, and is contradicted by the facts of 
their language. They may have passed through 
ever so many vicissitudes, and what we consider as 
primitive may be, for all we know, a relapse into 
savagery, or a corruption of something that was 
more rational and intelligible in former stages. 
Think only of the rules that determine marriage 
among the lowest of savage tribes. Their complica- 
tion passes all understanding, all seems a chaos of 
prejudice, superstition, pride, vanity and stupidity. 
And yet we catch a glimpse here and there that 
there was some reason in most of that unreason ; we 



HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Ill 

see how sense dwindled away into nonsense, custom 
into ceremony, ceremony into farce. Why then should 
this surface of savage life represent to us the lowest 
stratum of human life, the very beginnings of civil- 
ization, simply because we cannot dig beyond that 
surface ? 

Now, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I do 
not claim for the ancient Indian literature any more 
than I should willingly concede to the fables and 
traditions and songs of savage nations, such as we 
can study at present in what we call a state of nature. 
Both are important documents to the student of the 
Science of Man. I simply say that in the Veda we 
have a nearer approach to a beginning, and an in- 
telhgible beginning, than in the wild invocations of 
Hottentots or Bushmen. But when I speak of a be- 
ginning, I do not mean an absolute beginning, a 
beginning of all things. Again and again the question 
has been asked whether we could bring ourselves to 
believe that man, as soon as he could stand on his 
legs, instead of crawling on all fours, as he is sup- 
posed to have done, burst forth into smging Yedic 
hymns 1 But who has ever maintained this 1 Surely 
whoever has eyes to see can see in every Vedic 
hymn, aye, in every Vedic word, as many rings within 
rings as is in the oldest tree that was ever hewn 
down in the forest. 

I shall say even more, and I have said it before, 
namely, that supposing that the Vedic hymns were 
composed between 1500 and 1000 B.C., we can hardly 
understand how, at so early a date, the Indians had 
developed ideas which to us sound decidedly modern. 
I should give anything if I could escape from the 
conclusion that the collection of the Yedic Hymns, 



112 LECTURE III. 

a collection in ten books, existed at least looo B.C., 
that is about 500 years before the rise of Buddhism. 
I do not mean to say that something may not be 
discovered hereafter to enable us to refer that col- 
lection to a later date. All I say is that, so far as 
we know at present, so far as all honest Sanskrit 
scholars know at present, we cannot well bring our 
pre-Buddhistic literature into narrower limits than 
five hundred years. 

What then is to be done % We must simply keep 
our pre-conceived notions of what people call primi- 
tive humanity in abeyance for a time, and if we find 
that people three thousand years ago were familiar 
with ideas that seem novel and nineteenth-century- 
like to us, well, we must somewhat modify our con- 
ceptions of the primitive savage, and remember that 
things hid from the wise and prudent have sometimes 
been revealed to babes. 

I maintain then that for a study of man, or, if you 
like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing 
in the world equal in importance with the Veda. 
I maintain that to everybody who cares for himself, 
for his ancestors, for his history, or for his intellectual 
development, a study of Vedic literature is indis- 
pensable ; and that, as an element of liberal education, 
it is far more important and far more improving than 
the reigns of Babylonian and Persian kings, aye even 
than the dates and deeds of many of the kings of 
Judah and Israel. 

It is curious to observe the reluctance with which 
these facts are accepted, particularly by those to 
whom they ought to be most welcome, I mean the 
students of anthropology. Instead of devoting all 
their energy to the study of these documents, which 



HUMAN INTEREST OP SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 113 

have come upon us like a miracle, they seem only- 
bent on inventing excuses why they need not be 
studied. Let it not be supposed that, because there 
are several translations of the Rig-veda in English, 
French and German, therefore all that the Veda can 
teach us has been learned. Far from it. Every one 
of these translations has been put forward as tentative 
only. I myself, though during the last thirty years 
I have given translations of a number of the more 
important hymns, have only ventured to publish a 
specimen of what I think a translation of the Veda 
ought to be ; and that translation, that traduction 
raisonnee as I ventured to call it, of twelve hymns 
only, fills a whole volume. We are still on the mere 
surface of Vedic Hterature, and yet our critics are 
ready with ever so many arguments why the Veda 
can teach us nothing as to a primitive state of man. 
If they mean by primitive that which came absolutely 
first, then they ask for something which they will 
never get, not even if they discovered the private 
correspondence of Adam and Eve, or of the first 
Homo and Femina sapiens. We mean by primitive 
the earliest state of man of which, from the nature 
of the case, we can hope to gain any knowledge ; 
and here, next to the archives hidden away in the 
secret drawers of language, in the treasury of words 
common to all the Aryan tribes, and in the radical 
elements of which each word is compounded, there 
is no literary relic more full of lessons to the true 
anthropologist, to the true student of mankind, than 
the Rig-veda. 



OBJECTIONS. 



LECTURE IV. 

It may be quite true that controversy often does 
more harm than good, that it encourages the worst 
of all talents, that of plausibility, not to say dis- 
honesty, and generally leaves the world at large 
worse confounded than it was before. It has been 
said that no clever lawyer would shrink from taking 
a brief to prove that the earth forms the centre of 
the world, and, with all respect for English Juries, 
it is not impossible that even in our days he might 
gain a verdict against Galileo. Nor do I deny that 
there is a power and vitality in truth which in the 
end overcomes and survives all opposition, as shown 
by the very doctrine of Galileo which at present is 
held by hundreds and thousands who would find it 
extremely difficult to advance one single argument 
in its support. I am ready to admit also that those 
who have done the best work, and have contributed 
most largely toward the advancement of knowledge 
and the progress of truth, have seldom wasted their 
time in controversy, but have marched on straight, 
little concerned either about applause on the right 
or abuse on the left. All this is true, perfectly true, 
and yet I feel that I cannot escape from devoting 
the whole of a lecture to the answering of certain 
objections which have been raised against the views 
which I have put forward with regard to the cha- 



OBJECTIONS. 115 

racter and the historical importance of Vedic litera- 
ture. We must not forget that the whole subject 
is new, the number of competent judges small, and 
mistakes not only possible, but almost inevitable. 
Besides, there are mistakes and mistakes, and the 
errors of able men are often instructive, nay one 
might say sometimes almost indispensable for the 
discovery of truth. There are criticisms which may 
be safely ignored, criticisms for the sake of criticism, 
if not inspired by meaner motives. But there are 
doubts and difficulties which suggest themselves 
naturally, objections which have a right to be heard, 
and the very removal of which forms the best ap- 
proach to the stronghold of truth. Nowhere has 
this principle been so fully recognised and been acted 
on as in Indian literature. Whatever subject is started, 
the rule is that the argument should begin with the 
ptarvapaksha, with all that can be said against a certain 
opinion. Every possible objection is welcome, if only 
it is not altogether frivolous and absurd, and then 
only follows the uttarapaksha, with all that can be 
said against these objections and in support of the 
original opinion. Only when this process has been 
fully gone through is it allowed to represent an 
opinion as siddhanta, or established. 

Therefore, before opening the pages of the Veda, 
and giving you a description of the poetry, the reli- 
gion, and philosophy of the ancient inhabitants of 
India, I thought it right and necessary to establish, 
first of all, certain points without which it would be 
impossible to form a right appreciation of the histo- 
rical value of the Vedic hymns, and of their import- 
ance even to us who live at so great a distance from 
those early poets. 

I 2 



116 LECTUEE IV. 

The first point was purely preliminary, namely that 
the Hindus in ancient, and in modern times also, are 
a nation deserving of our interest and sympathy, 
worthy also of our confidence, and by no means 
guilty of the charge so recklessly brought against 
them — the charge of an habitual disregard of truth. 

Secondly, that the ancient literature of India is 
not to be considered simply as a curiosity and to 
be handed over to the good pleasure of Oriental 
scholars, but that, both by its language, the Sanskrit, 
and by its most ancient literary documents, the Vedas, 
it can teach us lessons which nothing else can teach, 
as to the origin of our own language, the first forma- 
tion of our own concepts, and the true natural germs 
of all that is comprehended under the name of civi- 
lisation, at least the civilisation of the Aryan race, 
that race to which we and all the greatest nations 
of the world — the Hindus, the Persians, the Greeks 
and Komans, the Slaves, the Celts, and last, not least, 
the Teutons, belong. A man may be a good and 
useful ploughman without being a geologist, with- 
out knowinof the stratum on which he takes his 
stand, or the strata beneath that give support 
to the soil on which he lives and works, and 
from which he draws his nourishment. And a man 
may be a good and useful citizen, without being an 
historian, without knowing how the world in which 
he lives came about, and how many phases mankind 
had to pass through in language, religion, and philo- 
sophy, before it could supply him with that intellec- 
tual soil on which he lives and works, and from which 
he draws his best nourishment. 

But there must always be an aristocracy of those 
who know, and who can trace back the best which 



.OBJECTIONS. 117 

we possess, not merely to a Norman Count, or a 
Scandinavian Viking, or a Saxon Earl, but to far 
older ancestors and benefactors, who thousands of 
years ago were toiling for us in the sweat of their 
face, and without whom we should never be what 
we are, — the ancestors of the whole Aryan race, 
the first framers of our words, the first poets of our 
thoughts, the first givers of our laws, the first pro- 
phets of our gods, and of Him who is God above 
all gods. 

That aristocracy of those who know, — di color eJie 
sanno, — or try to know, is open to all who are willing 
to enter, to all who have a feeling for the past, 
an interest in the genealogy of our thoughts, and 
a reverence for the ancestry of our intellect, who 
are hi fact historians in the true sense of the word, 
i. e. inquirers into that which is past, but not lost. 

Thirdly, having explained to you why the ancient 
literature of India, the really ancient literature of 
that country, I mean that of the Vedic period, de- 
serves the careful attention, not of Oriental scholars 
only, but of every educated man and woman who 
wishes to know how we, even we here in England 
and in this nineteenth century of ours, came to be 
what we are, I tried to explain to you the difierence, 
and the natural and inevitable difierence, between the 
development of the human character in such different 
climates as those of India and Europe. And while 
admitting that the Hindus were deficient in many 
of those manly virtues and practical achievements 
which we value most, I wished to point out that 
there was another sphere of intellectual activity in 
which the Hindus excelled — the meditative and 
transcendent — and that here we might learn from 



118 LECTURE IV. 

them some lessons of life which we ourselves are but 
too apt to ignore or to despise. 

Fourthly, fearing that I might have raised too high 
expectations of the ancient wisdom, the religion and 
philosophy of the Yedic Indians, I felt it my duty to 
state that, though primitive in one sense, we must 
not expect the Vedic religion to be primitive in the 
anthropological sense of the word, as containing the 
utterances of beings who had just broken their shells, 
and were wonderingly looking out for the first time 
upon this strauge world. The Yeda may be called 
primitive, because there is no other Hterary document^ 
more primitive than it : but the language, the mytho- 
logy, the religion and philosophy that meet us in 
the Veda open vistas of the past which no one would 
venture to measure in years. Nay, they contain, by 
the side of simple, natural, childish thoughts, many 
ideas which to us sound modern, or secondary and 
tertiary, as I called them, but which nevertheless are 
older than any other literary document, and give 
us trustworthy information of a period in the history 
of human thought of which we knew absolutely 
nothing before the discovery of the Vedas ^. 

But even thus our path is not yet clear. Other 
objections have been raised against the Veda as an 
historical document. Some of them are important; 
and I have at times shared them myself. Others are 
at least instructive, and will give us an opportunity 
of testing the foundation on which we stand. 



^ If we applied the name of literature to the cylindeis of Babylon 
and the papyri of Egypt, we should have to admit that some of these 
documents are more ancient than any date we dare as yet assign to 
the hymns collected in the ten books of the Rig-veda. 



OBJECTIONS. 119 

The first objection then against our treating the 
Veda as an historical document is that it is not truly- 
national in its character, and does not represent the 
thoughts of the whole of the population of India, 
but only of a small minority, namely of the Brah- 
mans, and not even of the whole class of Brahmans, 
but only of a small minority of them, namely of the 
professional priests. 

Objections should not be based on demands which, 
from the nature of the case, are unreasonable. Have 
those who maintain that the Vedic hymns do not 
represent the whole of India, that is the whole of its 
ancient population, in the same manner as they say 
that the Bible represents the Jews or Homer the 
Greeks, considered what they are asking for? So 
far from denying that the Vedic hymns represent 
only a small and, it may be, a priestly minority of 
the ancient population of India, the true historian 
would probably feel inclined to urge the same cautions 
against the Old Testament and the Homeric poems 
also. 

No doubt, after the books which compose the Old 
Testament had been coUected as a Sacred Canon, 
they were known to the majority of the Jews. But 
when we speak of the primitive state of the Jews, 
of their moral, intellectual, and religious status while 
in Mesopotamia or Canaan or Egypt, we should find 
that the different books of the Old Testament teach 
us as little of the whole Jewish race, with aU its 
local characteristics and social distinctions, as the 
Homeric poems do of all the Greek tribes, or the 
Vedic hymns of all the inhabitants of India. Surely, 
even when we speak of the history of the Greeks or 
the Romans, we know that we shall not find there 



120 LECTURE IV. 

a complete picture of the social, intellectual, and 
religious life of a whole nation. We know very little 
of the intellectual life of a whole nation, even during 
the Middle Ages, aye even at the present day. We 
may know something of the generals, of the com- 
manders-in-chief, but of the privates, of the millions, 
we know next to nothing. And what we do know 
of kings or generals or ministers is mostly no more 
than what was thought of them by a few Greek poets 
or Jewish prophets, men who were one in a million 
among their contemporaries. 

But it might be said that though the writers were 
few, the readers were many. Is that so ? I beheve 
you would be surprised to hear how small the number 
of readers is even in modern times, while in ancient 
times reading was restricted to the very smallest 
class of privileged persons. There may have been 
listeners at public and private festivals, at sacrifices, 
and later on in theatres, but readers, in our sense of 
the word, are a very modern invention. 

There never has been so much reading, reading 
spread over so large an area, as in our times. But if 
you asked publishers as to the number of copies sold 
of books which are supposed to have been read by 
everybody, say Macaulay's History of England, the 
Life of the Prince Consort, or Darwin's Origin of 
Species, you would find that out of a population of 
thirty-two millions not one million has possessed 
itself of a copy of these works. The book which of 
late has probably had the largest sale is the Eevised 
Aversion of the New Testament ; and yet the whole 
number of copies sold among the eighty millions of 
English-speaking people is probably not more than 
four millions. Of ordinary books which are called 



OBJECTIONS. 121 

books of the season, and which are supposed to have 
had a great success, an edition of three or four 
thousand copies is not considered unsatisfactory by- 
publishers or authors in England. But if you look to 
other countries, such, for instance, as Russia, it would 
be very difficult indeed to name books that could be 
considered as representative of the whole nation, or 
as even known by more than a very small minority. 

And if we turn our thoughts back to the ancient 
nations of Grreece and Italy, or of Persia and Baby- 
lonia, what book is there, with the exception perhaps 
of the Homeric poems, of which we could say that 
it had been read or even heard of by more than a 
few thousand people '? We think of Greeks and 
Romans as literary people, and so no doubt they were, 
but in a very different sense from what we mean by 
this. What we call Greeks and Romans are chiefly 
the citizens of Athens and Rome, and here again 
those who could produce or who could read such 
works as the Dialogues of Plato or the Epistles of 
Horace constituted a very small intellectual aristo- 
cracy indeed. What we call history — the memory of 
the past — has always been the work of minorities. 
Millions and millions pass away unheeded, and the 
few only to whom has been given the gift of fusing 
speech and thought into forms of beauty remain as 
witnesses of the past. 

If then we speak of times so distant as those repre- 
sented by the Rig-veda, and of a country so disin- 
tegrated, or rather as yet so little integrated as 
India was three thousand years ago, surely it 
requires but little reflection to know that what we 
see in the Yedic poems are but a few snow-clad 
peaks, representing to us, from a far distance, the 



122 LECTUEE IV. 

whole mountain-range of a nation, completely lost 
beyond the horizon of history. When we speak of the 
Vedic hymns as representing the religion, the thoughts 
and customs of India three thousand years ago, we 
cannot mean by India more than some unknown 
quantity of which the poets of the Veda are the only 
spokesmen left. When we now speak of India, we 
think of 250 millions, a sixth part of the whole human 
race, peopling the vast peninsula from the Himalayan 
mountains between the arms of the Indus and the 
Ganges, down to Cape Comorin and Ceylon, an ex- 
tent of country nearly as large as Europe. In the 
Veda the stage on which the life of the ancient kings 
and poets is acted, is the valley of the Indus and the 
Punjab, as it is now called, the Sapta Sindhasa^, the 
Seven Rivers of the Yedic poets. The land watered 
by the Ganges is hardly known, and the whole of 
the Dekkan seems not yet to have been discovered. 

Then again, when these Vedic hymns are called the 
lucubrations of a few priests, not the outpourings of 
the genius of a whole nation, what does that mean 'i 
We may no doubt call these ancient Vedic poets 
priests, if we like, and no one would deny that their 
poetiy is pervaded not only by rehgious, mytho- 
logical, and philosophical, but likewise by sacri- 
ficial and ceremonial conceits. Still a priest, if we 
trace him back far enough, is only a preshyteros or an 
elder, and, as such, those Vedic poets had a perfect 
right to speak in the name of a whole class, or of the 
village community to which they belonged. CaU 
Vasish^^a a priest by all means, only do not let us 
imagine that he was therefore very like Cardinal 
Manning. 

After we have made every possible concession to 



OBJECTIONS. 123 

arguments, most of which are purely hypothetical, 
there remains this great fact that here, in the Eig- 
veda, we have poems, composed in perfect language, 
in elaborate metre, telling us about gods and men, 
about sacrifices and battles, about the varying aspects 
of nature and the changing conditions of society, 
about duty and pleasure, philosophy and morality — 
articulate voices reaching us from a distance from 
which we never heard before the faintest whisper; 
and instead of thrilling with delight at this almost 
miraculous discovery, some critics stand aloof and 
can do nothing but find fault, because these songs 
do not represent to us primitive men exactly as they 
think they ought to have been ; not like Papuas or 
Bushmen, with arboraceous habits and half-animal 
clicks, not as worshipping stocks or stones, or be- 
lieving in fetishes, as according to Comte's inner 
consciousness they ought to have done, but rather, 
I must confess, as beings whom we can understand, 
with whom to a certain extent we can sympathise, 
and to whom, in the historical progress of the human 
intellect, we may assign a place, not very far behind 
the ancient Jews and Greeks. 

Once more then, if we mean by primitive, people 
who inhabited this earth as soon as the vanishing of 
the glacial period made this earth inhabitable, the 
Yedic poets were certainly not primitive. If we 
mean by primitive, people who were without a know- 
ledge of fire, who used unpolished flints, and ate raw 
flesh, the Yedic poets were not primitive. If we 
mean by primitive, people who did not cultivate the 
soil, had no fixed abodes, no kings, no sacrifices, no 
laws, again, I say, the Yedic poets were not primi- 
tive. But if we mean by primitive the people who 



124 LECTURE IV. 

have been the first of the Aryan race to leave behind 
literary relics of their existence on earth, then I say 
the Vedic poets are primitive, the Vedic language 
is primitive, the Vedic religion is primitive, and, 
taken as a whole, more primitive than anything 
else that we are ever likely to recover in the whole 
history of our race. 

When all these objections had failed, a last trump 
was played. The ancient Vedic poetry was said to be^ 
^^ Q ^^ ^*^^ ^^ foreign origin, at least very much infected 
^iV-^ ^ \\yj foreign, and more particularly by Semitic influ- 
I ences. It had always been urged by Sanskrit 
/ scholars as one of the chief attractions of Vedic lite- 
rature that it not only allowed us an insight into a 
very early phase of religious thought, but that the 
Vedic religion was the only one the development of 
which took place without any extraneous influences, 
and could be watched through a longer series of cen- 
turies than any other religion. Now with regard to 
the first point, we know how perplexing it is in the 
religion of ancient Eome to distinguish between 
Italian and Greek ingredients, to say nothing of 
Etruscan and Phoenician influences. We know the 
difficulty of finding out in the religion of the Greeks 
what is purely home-grown, and what is taken over 
from Egypt, Phoenicia, it may be, from Scythia ; or 
at all events, slightly coloured by those foreign rays of 
thought. Even in the religion of the Hebrews, Baby- 
lonian, Phoenician, and at a later time Persian influ- 
ences have been discovered, and the more we advance 
towards modern times, the more extensive becomes 
the mixture of thought, and the more difficult the 
task of assigning to each nation the share which it 
contributed to the common intellectual currency of 



OBJECTIONS. 125 

tlie world. In India alone, and more particularly in 
Vedic India, we see a plant entirely grown on native 
soil, and entirely nurtured by native air. For this 
reason, because the religion of the Veda was so com- 
pletely guarded from all strange infections, it is full 
of lessons which the student of religion could learn 
nowhere else. 

Now what have the critics of the Yeda to say 
against this "? They say that the Yedic poems show 
clear traces of Bahylonian influences. 

I must enter into some details, because, small as 
they seem, you can see that they involve very wide 
consequences. 

There is one verse in the Eig-veda, VIII. 78, 2 ^, 
which has been translated as follows : ' Indra, 
briug to us a brilliant jewel, a cow, a horse, an orna- 
ment, together with a golden Man4^.' 

Now what is a golden Man4 1 The word does not 
occur again by itself, either in the Yeda or anywhere 
else, and it has been identified by Vedic scholars with : 
the Latin mina, the Greek imvd, the Phoenician manah j 
(ilDtt) ^ the well-known weight which we actually I 
possess now among the treasures brought from Ba- 
bylon and Nineveh to the British Museum^. 

^ A na^ bhara vyaTi^anam gam asvam abhyaw^anam Sa^a mana 
hirawyaya. 

^ Grassman translates, 'Zugleicbmitgoldenem Gerath ;' Ludwig, 
' Zusammt mit goldenem Zierrath ;' Zimmer, ' Und eine Mana gold.' 
The Petersburg Dictionary explains mana by ' ein bestimmtes Gerath 
oder Gewicht' (Gold). 

^ According to Dr. Haupt, Die Sumeriscb-akkadische Spracbe, 
p. 272, mana is an Accadian word. 

* According to the weights of the lions and ducks preserved in 
the British Museum, an Assryian mina was = 7,747 grains. The 
same difference is still preserved to the present day, as the man of 



: 



A 



126 LECTURE IV. 

If this were so, it would be irrefragable evidence 
of at all events a commercial intercourse between 
Eabylon and India at a very early time, though it 
would in no way prove a real influence of Semitic 
on Indian thought. But is it so 1 If we translate 
saA'a man^ hiraiiyay^ by ' with a mina of gold,' we 
must take manA hiranyaya as instrumental cases. 
But saA;a never governs an instrumental case. This 
translation therefore is impossible, and although 
the passage is difficult, because man^ does not occur 
again in the Big-veda, I should think we might take 
man£i hiranyaya for a dual, and translate, ' Give us 
also two golden armlets.' To suppose that the Vedic 
poets should have borrowed this one word and this 
one measure from the Babylonians, would be against 
.^11 the rules of historical criticism. The word mana 
never occurs again in the whole of Sanskrit Hterature, 
no other Babylonian weight occurs again in. the whole 
of Sanskrit literature, and it is not likely that a poet 
who asks for a cow and a horse, would ask in the same 
breath for a foreign weight of gold, that is, for about 
sixty sovereigns. 

But this is not the only loan that India has been 
supposed to have negotiated in Babylon. The twenty- 
seven Nakshatras, or the twenty-seven constellations, 
which were chosen in India as a kind of lunar Zodiac, 
were supposed to have come from Babylon. Now 
the Babylonian Zodiac was solar, and, in spite of re- 
peated researches, no trace of a lunar Zodiac has been 
found, where so many things have been found, in 

Shiraz and Bagdad is just double that of Tabraz and Bushir, the 
average of the former being 14.0 and that of the latter only 6.985. 
See Cunningham, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1881, 
p. 163. 



OBJECTIONS. 127 

tlie cuneiform inscriptions. But supposing even that 
a lunar Zodiac had been discovered in Babylon, no one 
acquainted with Yedic literature and with the ancient 
Vedic ceremonial would easily allow himself to be 
persuaded that the Hindus had borrowed that simple 
division of the sky from the Babylonians. It is well 
known that most of the Yedic sacrifices depend on 
the moon, far more than on the sun ^ As the Psalmist 
says, ' He appointed the moon for seasons ; the sun 
knoweth his going down,' we read in the Eig-veda 
X. 85, 18, in a verse addressed to sun and moon, 
* They walk by their own power, one after the other 
(or from east to west), as playing children they go 
round the sacrifice. The one looks upon all the 
worlds, the other is born again and again, deter- 
mining the seasons. 

' He becomes new and new, when he is born ; as 
the herald of the days, he goes before the dawns. 
By his approach he determines their share for the 
gods, the moon increases a long life.' 

The moon, then, determines the seasons, the Wtus, the 
moon fixes the share, that is, the sacrificial oblation for 
all the gods. The seasons and the sacrifices were in fact 
so intimately connected together in the thoughts of 
the ancient Hindus, that one of the commonest names 
for priest was ritv-ig, literally, the season-sacrificer. 

Besides the rites which have to be performed every 
day, such as the five Mah^ya^^as, and the Agnihotra 
in the morning and the evening, the important sacri- 
fices in Vedic times were the Full and New-moon 
sacrifices (darsapurnam^sa) ; the Season-sacrifices (/ca- 
turm^sya), each season consisting of four months 2; 

^ Preface to the fourtli volume of my edition of the Rig-veda, p. li. 
^ Vaisvadevam on the full-moon of Phalguna, Varu»^apraghasaA 



128 LECTURE IV. 

and the Half-yearly sacrifices, at the two solstices. 
There are other sacrifices (4graya?ia, &c.) to be per- 
formed in autumn and summer, others in winter and 
spring, whenever rice and barley are ripening ^. 

The regulation of the seasons, as one of the funda- 
mental conditions of an incipient society, seems in 
fact to have been so intimately connected with the 
worship of the gods, as the guardians of the seasons 
and the protectors of law and order, that it is sometimes 
difficult to say whether in their stated sacrifices the 
maintenance of the calendar or the maintenance of 
the worship of the gods was more prominent in the 
minds of the old Vedic priests. 

The twenty-seven Nakshatras then were clearly 
suggested by the moon's passaged Nothing was 
more natural for the sake of counting days, months, 
or seasons than to observe the twenty-seven places 
which the moon occupied in her passage from any 
point of the sky back to the same point. It was far 
easier than to determine the sun's position either 
from day to day, or from month to month ; for the 
stars, being hardly visible at the actual rising and 
setting of the sun, the idea of the sun's conjunction 
with certain stars could not suggest itself to a hstless 
observer. The moon, on the contrary, progressing 
from night to night, and coming successively in con- 
tact with certain stars, was like the finger of a clock, 
moving round a circle, and coming in contact with 
one figure after another on the dial-plate of the sky. 
Nor would the portion of about one- third of a 

on the full-moon of Ashsidha, Sakamedha^ on the full-moon of 
KHttika ; see Boehtlingk, Dictionary, s. v. 

^ See Yishjiu-smriti, eel. Jolly, LIX. 4 ; Aryabhaia, Introduction. 

^ See Preface to vol. iv of Rig-veda, p. li (1862). 



OBJECTIONS. 129 

lunation in addition to the twenty-seven stars from 
new moon to new moon, create much confusion in 
the minds of the rough-and-ready reckoners of those 
early times. All they were concerned with were the 
twenty-seven celestial stations which, after being 
once traced out by the moon, were fixed, like so 
many mile-stones, for determining the course of all 
the celestial travellers that could be of any interest for 
signs and for seasons, and for days and for years. A 
circle divided into twenty-seven sections, or any 
twenty-seven poles planted in a circle at equal dis- 
tances round a house, would answer the purpose of a 
primitive Vedic observatory. All that was wanted 
to be known was between which pair of poles the 
moon, or afterwards the sun also, was visible at their 
rising or setting, the observer occupying the same 
central position on every day. 

Our notions of astronomy cannot in fact be too 
crude and too imperfect if we wish to understand the 
first beginnings in the reckoning of days and seasons 
and years. We cannot expect in those days more 
than what any shepherd would know at present of 
the sun and moon, the stars and seasons. Nor can 
we expect any observations of heavenly phenomena 
unless they had some bearing on the practical wants 
of primitive society. 

If then we can watch in India the natural, nay 
inevitable, growth of the division of the heaven into 
twenty-seven equal divisions, each division marked 
by stars, which may have been observed and named 
long before they were used for this new purpose — if, 
on the other hand, we could hardly understand the 
growth and development of the Indian ceremonial 
except as determined by a knowledge of the lunar 

K 



130 LECTUHE IV. 

asterlsms, the lunar months, and the lunar seasons, 
surely it would be a senseless hypothesis to ima- 
gine that the Yedic shepherds or priests went to 
Babylonia in search of a knowledge which every 
shepherd might have acquired on the banks of the 
Indus, and that, after their return from that country 
only, where a language was spoken which no Hindu 
could understand, they set to work to compose their 
sacred hymns, and arrange their simple ceremonial. 
We must never forget that what is natural in one 
place is natural in other places also, and we may 
sum up without fear of serious contradiction, that no 
case has been made out in favour of a foreign origin 
of the elementary astronomical notions of the Hindus 
as found or presupposed in the Vedic hymns \ 

The Arabs, as is well known, have twenty-eight 
lunar stations, the Manzil, and I can see no reason why 
Mohammed and his Bedouins in the desert should 
not have made the same observation as the Vedic 
poets in India, though I must admit at the same 
time that Colebrooke has brought forward very 
cogent arguments to prove that, in their scientific 
employment at least, the Arabic Manzil were really 
borrowed from an Indian source ^. 

The Chinese, too, have their famous lunar stations, 
the Sieu, originally twenty-four in number, and after- 
wards raised to twenty-eight ^. But here again there 
is no necessity whatever for admitting, with Biot, 
Lassen and others, that the Hindus went to China 
to gain their simplest elementary notions of lunar 
chrononomy. First of all, the Chinese began with 



^ See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 352-357. 
^ L. c. p. Ixx. ^ L. c. p. xlvii. 



OBJECTIONS. 131 

twentv-foiir, and raised them to twenty-eight ; the 
Hindus began with twenty-seven, and raised them to 
twenty-eight. Secondly, out of these twenty-eight 
asterisms, there are seventeen only which can really be 
identified with the Hindu stars (t£ir4s). Now if a scien- 
tific sj^stem is borrowed, it is borrowed complete. But, 
in our case, I see really no possible channel through 
which Chinese astronomical knowledge could have 
been conducted to India so early as looo before our 
era. In Chinese literature India is never mentioned 
before the middle of the second century before Christ ; 
and if the ^nas in the later Sanskrit literature are 
meant for Chinese, which is doubtful, it is important 
to observe that that name never occurs in Vedic 
literature ^. 



^ In the Maliabliarata and elsewhere the iTinas are mentioned 
among the Dasyus or non-Aryan races in the IsTorth and in the 
East of India. King Bhagadatta is said to have had an army of 
JTinas and Kiratas*, and the PawcZavas are said to reach the town 
of the King of the Kulindas, after having passed through the 
countries of ^inas, Tukharas, and Daradas. All this is as vague as 
ethnological indications generally are in the late epic poetry of India. 
The only possibly real element is that Kirata and Kina soldiers 
are called kaw^ana, gold or yellow coloured t, and compared to a 
forest of Karwikaras, which were trees with yellow flowers J. In 
Mahabh. VI. 9, v. 373, vol. ii. p. 344, the ^inas occur in company 
with Kambo^as and Yavanas, which again conveys nothing definite. 

Chinese scholars tell us that the name of China is of modern 
origin, and only dates from the Thsin dynasty or from the famous 
Emperor Shi-hoang-ti, 247 B.C. But the name itself, though in a 
more restricted sense, occurs in earlier documents, and may, as , 
Lassen thinks §, have become known to the "Western neighbours of- 



* Lassen, i.p. 1029 ; Mahabh. III. 117, v. 12350 ; vol. i. p. 619, 

+ Mahabh. V. 18, v. 584 ; vol. ii. p. 106. 

+ See Va^aspatya s. v. ; Kas^it Karwikaragaura^. 

§ Lassen, vol. i. p. 1029, n. 2. 

K 2 



132 LECTURE IV. 

When therefore the impossibility of so early a 
communication between China and India had at last 
been recognised, a new theory was formed, namely 
' that the knowledge of Chinese astronomy was not 
imported straight from China to India, but was 
carried, together with the Chinese system of division 
of the heavens into twenty-eight mansions, into 
Western Asia, at a period not much later than iioo 
B.C., and was then adopted by some Western people, 
either Semitic or Iranian. In their hands it was 
supposed to have received a new form, such as adapted 
it to a ruder and less scientific method of observation, 
the limiting stars of the mansions being converted 
into zodiacal groups or constellations, and in some 
instances altered in position, so as to be brought 
nearer to the general planetary path of the ecliptic. 
In this changed form, having become a means of 
roughly determining and describing the places and 
movements of the planets, it was believed to have 
passed into the keeping of the Hindus, very probably 
along with the first knowledge of the planets them- 
selves, and entered upon an independent career of 
history in India. It still maintained itself in its old 
seat, leaving its traces later in the Bundahash ; and 
made its way so far westward as finally to become 
known and adopted by the Arabs.' With due respect 
for the astronomical knowledge of those who hold this 
view, all I can say is that this is a novel, and nothing 
but a novel, without any facts to support it, and that 
the few facts which are known to us do not enable a 



jCtiina. It is certainly strange that the Sinim too, mentioned in 
jlsaiah xlix. 1 2, have been taken by the old commentators for people 
|of China, visiting Babylon as merchants and travellers. 



OBJECTIONS. 133 

careful reasoner to go beyond the conclusions stated 
many years ago by Colebrooke, that the 'Hindus 
had undoubtedly made some progress at an early 
period in the astronomy cultivated by them for the 
regulation of time. Their calendar, both civil and 
religious, was governed chiefly, not exclusively, by 
the moon and the sun : and the motions of these 
luminaries were carefully observed by them, and with 
such success, that their determination of the moon's— 
synodical revolution, which was what they were 
principally concerned with, is a much more correct 
one than the Greeks ever achieved. They had a 
division of the ecliptic into twenty-seven and twenty- 
eight parts, suggested evidently by the moon's period 
in days, and seemingly their own ; it was certainly 
borrowed by the Arabians.' 

There is one more argument which has been u 
adduced in support of a Babylonian, or, at all events, I 
a Semitic influence to be discovered in Vedic litera- 1 
ture which we must shortly examine. It refers to ' 
the story of the Deluge. 

That story, as you know, has been traced in the 
traditions of many races, which could not well have 
borrowed it from one another ; and it was rather a 
surprise that no allusion even to a local deluge should 
occur in any of the Yedic hymns, particularly as 
very elaborate accounts of difierent kinds of deluges 
are found in the later Epic poems, and in the still 
later Puranas, and form in fact a very familiar subject 
in the religious traditions of the people of India. 

Three of the Avatdras or incarnations of Vish?2u 
are connected with a deluge, that of the Fish, 
that of the Tortoise, and that of the Boar, Yishnu 
in each case rescuing mankind from destruction by 



134 LECTURE IV. 

water, by assuming the form of a fish, or a tortoise, 
or a boar. 

This being so, it seemed a very natural conclusion 
to make that, as there was no mention of a deluge 
in the most ancient literature of India, that legend 
had penetrated into India from without at a later 
time. 

When, however, the Vedic literature became more 
generally known, stories of a deluge were discovered, 
if not in the hj^mns, at least in the prose writings, 
belonging to the second period, commonly called the 
Brahmana period. Not only the story of Manu and 
the Fish, but the stories of the Tortoise and of the 
Boar also, were met with there in a more or less 
complete form, and with this discovery the idea of 
a foreign importation lost much of its plausibility. 
I shall read you at least one of these accounts of a 
Deluge which is found in the ySatapatha BrahmaTia, 
and you can then judge for yourselves whether the 
similarities between it and the account in Genesis 
are really such as to require, nay as to admit, the 
hypothesis that the Hindus borrowed their account 
of the Deluge from their nearest Semitic neighbours. 

We read in the >Sfatapatha Brahma^ia I. 8, i : 

' In the morning they brought water to Manu for 
washing, as they bring it even now for washing our 
hands. 

' While he was thus washing, a fish came into his 
hands. 

' 2. The fish spoke this word to Manu : " Keep me, 
and I shall save thee." 

' Manu said : " From what wilt thou save me ?" 

' The fish said : " A flood will carry away all these 
creatures, and I shall save thee from it," 



OBJECTIONS. 135 

* Manu said : " How canst tliou be kept ? " 

' 3. The fish said : " So long as we are small, there 
is much destruction for us, for fish swallows fish. 
Keep me therefore first in a jar. When I outgrow 
that, dig a hole and keep me in it. When I out- 
grow that, take me to the sea, and I shall then be 
bevond the reach of destruction." 

' 4. He became soon a large fish (^^asha), for such 
a fish grows largest. The fish said : " In such and such 
a year the flood will come. Therefore when thou hast 
built a ship, thou shalt meditate on me. And when 
the flood has risen, thou shalt enter into the ship, and 
I will save thee from the flood." 

' 5. Having thus kept the fish, Manu took him to 
the sea. Then in the same year which the fish had 
pointed out, Manu, having built the ship, meditated on 
the fish. And when the flood had risen, Manu entered 
into the ship. Then the fish swam towards him, and 
Manu fastened the rope of the ship to the fish's horn, 
and he thus hastened towards ^ the Northern Moun- 
tain. 

'6. The fish said : " I have saved thee ; bind the 
ship to a tree. May the water not cut thee off, 
while thou art on the mountain. As the water sub- 
sides, do thou gradually slide down with it." Manu 
then slid down gradually with the water, and there- 
fore this is called "the Slope of Manu" on the 
Northern Mountain. Now the flood had carried away 
all these creatures, and thus Manu was left there 
alone. 

' 7. Then Manu went about singing praises and 

^ I prefer now the reading of the Kawva-sakha, abhidudrava, 
instead of atidudrava or adhidudrava of -the other MSS. See 
Weber, Ind. Streifen, i. p. 11. 



136 LECTURE IV. 

toiling, wishing for offspring. And lie sacrificed 
there also witli a Paka-sacrifice. He poured clari- 
fied butter, thickened milk, whey, and curds in the 
water as a libation. In one year a woman arose 
from it. She came forth as if dripping, and clarified 
butter gathered on her step. Mitra and Ysirana, 
came to meet her. 

' 8. They said to her : "Who art thou ?" She said : 
"The daughter of Manu." They rejoined: "Say 
that thou art ours." " No," she said, " he who has 
begotten me, his I am." 

' Then they wished her to be their sister, and she 
half agreed and half did not agree, but went away, 
and came to Manu. 

' 9. Manu said to her : " Who art thou 1 " She said : 
"I am thy daughter." "How, lady, art thou my 
daughter 1" he asked. 

' She replied : "The libations which thou hast poured 
into the water, clarified butter, thickened milk, whey 
and curds, by them thou hast begotten me. I am 
a benediction — perform (me) this benediction at the 
sacrifices. If thou perform (me) it at the sacrifice, thou \ 
wilt he rich in offspring and cattle. And whatever 
blessing thou wilt ask by me, will always accrue to 
thee." He therefore performe 1 that benediction in 
the middle of the sacrifice, for the middle of the 
sacrifice is that which comes between the introductory 
and the final offerings. 

' 10. Then Manu went about with her, singing 
praises and toiling, wishing for offspring. And 
with her he begat that offspring which is called the 
offspring of Manu ; and whatever blessing he asked 
with her, always accrued to him. She is indeed Id2i, 
and whosoever, knowing this, goes about (sacrifices) 



OBJECTIONS. 137 

with IJa, begets the same offspring which Mann 
begat, and whatever blessing he asks with her, 
always accrues to him/ 

This, no doubt, is the account of a deluge, and 
Mann acts in some respects the same part which is 
assigned to Noah in the Old Testament. But if 
there are similarities, think of the dissimilarities, 
and how they are to be explained. It is quite 
clear that, if this story was borrowed from a Semitic 
source, it was not borrowed from the Old Testament, 
for in that case it would really seem impossible to 
account for the differences between the two stories. 
That it may have been borrowed from some un- 
known Semitic source cannot, of course, be dis- 
proved, because no tangible proof has ever been 
produced that would admit of being disproved. But 
if it were, it would be the. only Semitic loan in 
ancient Sanskrit literature — and that alone ought 
to make us pause ! 

The story of the boar and the tortoise too, can be 
traced back to the Vedic literature. For we read in 
the Taittirlya Samhit^ ^ : 

' At first this was water, fluid. Pra^apati, the lord 
of creatures, having become wind, moved on it. He 
saw this earth, and becoming a boar, he took it up. 
Becoming Visvakarman, the maker of all things, he 
cleaned it. It spread and became the wide-spread 
Earth, and this is why the Earth is called Pr^thivi, 
the wide-spread^.' 

And we find in the ^S^atapatha Br4hma?^a^ the fol- 
lowing slight allusion at least to the tortoise myth : 

^ VII. I, 5, I seq. ; Muir, i. p. 52 ; Colehrooke, Essays, i. 75. 

2 See Note H. 

I VII. 5, 1, 5 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i. p. 54. 



138 LECTURE IV. 

' Pra^^pati, assuming the form of a tortoise (Kurma), 
brought forth all creatures. In so far as he brought 
them forth, he made them (akarot), and because he 
made them he was (called) tortoise (Kurma). A tor- 
toise is (called) Kasyapa, and therefore all creatures 
are called K4syapa, tortoise-like. He who was this 
tortoise (Ktirma) was really Aditya, (the sun).' 

One other allusion to something like a deluge^, 

important chiefly on account of the name of Manu 

; occurring in it, has been pointed out in the Kd^^aka 

j (XI. 2), where this short sentence occurs: 'The waters 

f cleaned this, Manu alone remained.' 

All this shows that ideas of a deluge, that is, of a 

,- submersion of the earth by water and of its rescue 

i through divine aid, were not altogether unknown in 

I the early traditions of India, while in later times they 

f were embodied in several of the Avataras of Vishw-u. 

When we examine the numerous a£.cc)jants of a 

deluge, among: different nations m alrnost every part 

of the world, we can easily perceive that they do 

not refer to one single historical event, but to a 

--.-natural phenomenon repeated everyyear, namely the 

deluge or flood of the rainy season or the winter 2. 

This is nowhere clearer than in Babylon. Sir 
Henry Eawlinson was the first to point out that 
the twelve cantos of the poem of Izdubar or Nimrod 
refer to the twelve months of the year and the 
twelve representative signs of the Zodiac. Dr. 
Haupt afterwards pointed out that Eab^nl, the wise 
bull-man in the second canto, corresponds to the 
second month, Ijjar, April-May, represented in the 
Zodiac by the bull ; that the union between Eabani 

■^ Weber, Indische Streifen, i. p. 11. 
2 See Lecture V, p. 152. 



OBJECTIONS. 139 

and Nimrod in the third canto corresponds to the 
third month, Sivan, May-June, represented in the 
Zodiac by the twins ; that the sickness of Nimrod 
in the seventh canto corresponds to the seventh 
month, Tishri, September-October, when the sun 
begins to wane ; and that the flood in the eleventh 
canto corresponds to the eleventh month, Shaba^, 
dedicated to the storm-god Eimmon, represented in 
the Zodiac by the waterman ^ 

If that is so, we have surely a right to claim the 
same natural origin for the story of the Deluge in 
India which we are bound to admit in other countries. 
And even if it could be proved that in the form in 
which these legends have reached us in India they 
show traces of _ foreign influences ^, the fact would . 
still remain that such influences have been per- j | 
ceived in comparatively modern treatises^, pnly, and ''( ;' 
not in the ancient hymns ^. the Rig-veda. ^ 

Other conjectures have been made with even less 
foundation than that which would place the ancient 
poets of India under the influence of Babylon. China 
has been appealed to, nay even Persia, Parthia, and f 
Bactria, countries beyond the reach of India at that * 
early time of which we are here speaking, and pro- 
bably not even then consolidated into independent 
nations or kingdoms. I only wonder that traces of 4^y<fi^ 
the lost Jewish tribes have not been discovered in '^i*»"Vj. 
the Vedas, considering that Afghanistan has so often 
been pointed out as one of their favourite retreats. 

After having thus carefully examined all the traces /Lf^ cs-.t 
of supposed foreign influences that have been brought 

^ See Haupt, Der Keilinschriftliche Sintflutlibericlit, 1881, p. 10. 
^ See M. M., Genesis and Avesta (German translation), i. p. 148. 




140 LECTURE IV. 

porward by various scliolars, I think I may say that 
fthere really is no trace whatever of any foreign influ- 
ence in the language, the religion, or the ceremonial 
of the ancient Yedic literature of India. As it stands 
before us now, so it has grown up, protected by the 
mountain ramparts in the North, the Indus and the 
Desert in the West, the Indus or what was called 
the sea in the South, and the Ganges in the East, 
It presents us with a home-grown poetry, and a 
home-grown religion ; and history has preserved to 
us at least this one relic, in order to teach us what 
the human mind can achieve if left to itself, sur- 
rounded by a scenery and by conditions of life that 
might have made man's life on earth a paradise, if 
man did not possess the strange art of turning even 
a paradise into a place of misery. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 



J^hd 



LECTUEE V. 

Although there is hardly any department of j | 
learning which has not received new light and new 
life from the ancient literature of India, yet nowhere 
is the light that comes to us from India so important, '^ 

so novel, and so rich as in the study of religion jan.d 
mythology. It is to this subject therefore that I 
mean to devote the remaining lectures of this course. 
I do so, partly because I feel myself most at home in 
that ancient world of Vedic literature in which the 
germs of Aryan religion have to be studied, partly 
because I believe that for a proper understanding of 
the deepest convictions, or, if you like, the strongest 
prejudices of the modern Hindus, nothing is so useful 
as a knowledge of the Veda. It is perfectly true that 
nothing would give a falser impression of the actual 
Brahmanical religion than the ancient Vedic litera- 
ture, supposing we were to imagine that three 
thousand years could have passed over India without 
producing any change. Such a mistake would be 
nearly as absurd as to deny any difference between 
the Vedic Sanskrit and the spoken Bengali. But 
no one will gain a scholarlike knowledge or a true 
insight into the secret spriogs of Bengali who is ig- 
norant of the grammar of Sanskrit ; and no one will 
ever understand the present religious, philosophical, 



142 LECTURE V. 

legal, and social opinions of the Hindus who is unable 
to trace them back to their true sources in the Veda. 

I still remember how, many years ago, when I 
began to publish for the first time the text and the 
commentary of the Kig-veda, it was argued by a 
certain, perhaps not quite disinterested party, that 
the Veda was perfectly useless, that no man in India, 
however learned, could read it, and that it was of no 
use either for missionaries or for any one else who 
wished to study and to influence the native mind. 
It was said that we ought to study the later San- 
skrit, the Laws of Manu, the epic poems, and, more 
particularly, the Pura?^as. The Yeda might do very 
well for German students, but not for Englishmen. 

There was no excuse for such io^norant assertions 
even thirty years ago, for in these very books, in the 
Laws of Manu, in the Mahabh^rata, and in the 
Pur422as, the Yeda is everywhere proclaimed as the 
highest authority in all matters of religion^. * A Brah- 
man,'" says Manu, ' unlearned in holy writ, is ex- 
tinguished in an instant like dry grass on fire.' 
' A twice-born man (that is a Brahmana, a Kshatriya, 
and a Yaisya) not having studied the Veda, soon 
falls, even when living, to the condition of a >Stidra, 
and his descendants after him.' 

How far this license of ignorant assertion may be 
carried is shown by the same authorities who denied 
the importance of the Veda for a historical study of 
Indian thought, boldly charging those wily priests, 
the Brahmans, with having withheld their sacred 
literature from any but their own caste. Now so far 
from withholding it, the Brahmans have always been 

^ Wilson, Lectures, p. 9. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 143 

striving, and often striving in vain, to make the 
study of their sacred literature obligatory on all 
castes, except the /Sudras, and the passages just 
quoted from Manu show what penalties were threat- 
ened, if children of the second and third castes, the 
Kshatriyas and Vaisyas, were not instructed in the 
sacred literature of the Brahmans. 

At present the Brahmans themselves have spoken, 
and the reception they have accorded to my edition 
of the Kig-veda^ and its native commentary, the zeal 
with which they have themselves taken up the study 
of Vedic literature, and the earnestness with which 
different sects are still discussing the proper use that 
should be made of their ancient religious writings, 
show abundantly that a Sanskrit scholar ignorant of, 
or, I should rather say, determined to ignore the 
Veda, would be not much better than a Hebrew 
scholar ignorant of the Old Testament. 

I shall now proceed to give you some characteristic 
specimens of the religion and poetry of the Kig- 
veda. They can only be few, and as there is 
nothing like system or unity of plan in that coUec- 

^ As it has been doubted, and even denied, that the publication 
of the E,ig-veda and its native commentary has had^ome important 
bearing on the resuscitation of the religious life of India, I feel bound 
to give at least one from the many- testimonials which I have 
received from India. It comes from the Adi Brahma Samaj, 
founded by Ram Mohun Roy, and now represented by its three 
branches, the Adi Brahma Samaj, the Brahma Samaj of India, and 
the Sadharano Brahma Samaj. ' The Committee of the Adi Brahma 
Samaj beg to offer you their hearty congratulations on the com- 
pletion of the gigantic task which has occupied you for the last 
quarter of a century. By publishing the Big-veda at a time when 
Vedic learning has by some sad fatality become almost extinct in 
the land of its birth, you have conferred a boon upon us Hindus, 
for which we cannot but be eternally grateful.' 



t^^r*^ ifKiJs 



144 LECTURE V. 

tion of 1017 hymns, which we call the Samhita of 
the Rig-veda, I cannot promise that they will give 
you a complete panoramic view of that intellectual 
world in which our Yedic ancestors passed their life 
on earth. 

I could not even answer the question, if you were 
to ask it, whether the rehgion of the Veda was poly- 
theistic, or monotheistic. Monotheistic, in the usual 
sense of that word, it is decidedly not, though there 
are hymns that assert the unity of the Divine as fear- 
lessly as any passage of the Old Testament, or the 
New Testament, or the Koran. Thus one poet says 
(Kig-veda I. 1 64, 46) : ' That which is one, sages name it 
in various ways — they call it Agni, Yama, M4tarisvan.' 

Another poet says : ' The wise poets represent by 
their words Him who is one with beautiful wings, 
in many ways'.' 

And again we hear of a being called Hira?iya- 
garbha, the golden germ (whatever the original of 
that name may have been), of whom the poet says^: 
* In the beginning there arose Hira?^yagarbha ; he 
was the one born lord of all this. He established 
the earth and this sky. Who is the god to whom 
we shall offer our sacrifice '? ' That Hira?^yagarbha, 
the poet says, 'is alone God above all gods' (ya/^ 
deveshu adhi deva^^ ekaA asit) — an assertion of the 
unity of the Divine which could hardly be exceeded 
in strength by any passage from the Old Testament. 

But by the side of such passages, which are few 
in number, there are thousands in which ever so 
many divine beings are praised and prayed to. Even 
their number is sometimes given as 'thrice eleven^' 

^ Kig-veda X. 114, 5. . ^ Rig-veda X. 121. ^ Muir, iv. 9. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 145 

or thirty-three, and one poet assigns eleven gods 
to the sky, eleven to the earth, and eleven to the 
waters^, the waters here intended being those of the 
atmosphere and the clouds. These thirty-three gods 
have even wives apportioned to them^, though few 
of these only have as yet attained to the honour 
of a name ^. 

These thirty-three gods, however, by no means 
include all the Vedic gods, for such important deities 
as Agni, the fire, Soma, the rain, the Maruts or Storm- 
.gods, the Asvins, the gods of Morning and Evening, 
the Waters, the Dawn, the Sun are mentioned sepa- 
rately; and there are not wanting passages in which 
the poet is carried away into exaggerations, till he 
proclaims the number of his gods to be, not only 
thirty-three, but three thousand three hundred and 
thirty-nine*. 

If therefore there must be a name for the religion 
of the Rig-veda, polytheism would seem at first sight 
the most appropriate. Polytheism, however, has as- 
sumed with us a meaning which renders it totally 
inapplicable to the Vedic religion. 

Our ideas of polytheism being chiefly derived from 
Greece and Eome, we understand by it a certain more 
or less organised system of gods, different in power 
and rank, and all subordinate to a supreme God, a 

■^ E,ig-veda 1. 139, 11. 

^ Rig-veda III. 6, 9. 

^ The following names of Devapatnis or wives of the gods are 
given in the Vaitana Sutra XY. 3 (ed. Garbe) : Prithivi, the wife 
of Agni, Y&k of Vata, Sena of Indra, Dhena of Brihaspati, Pathya ^ ^f^JUf^f 
of Pushan, Gayatri of Vasu, Trishiubh of Rudra, 6^agati of Aditya, ^. ^ ^ 

Anushiubh of Mitra, Vir% of Varuwa, Pahkti of Vishwu, Diksha of ^''*^'~" '*'" ^' 
Soma. 

* Eig-veda III. 9, 9. 

L 



/^^^tU.^r^< 



146 LECTURE V. 

Zeus or Jupiter. The Vedic polytheism differs from 
the Greek and Eoman polytheism, and, I may add, 
likewise from the polytheism of the Ural-Altaic, the 
Polynesian, the American, and most of the African 
races, in the same manner as a confederacy of village 
communities differs from a monarchy. There are 
traces of an earlier stage of village-community life 
to be discovered in the later republican and monar- 
chical constitutions, and in the same manner nothing 
can be clearer, particularly in Greece, than that the 
monarchy of Zeus was preceded by what may be 
called the septarchy of several of the great gods of 
Greece. The same remark applies to the mythology 
of the Teutonic nations also \ In the Veda, however, 
the gods worshipped as supreme by each sept stand 
still side by side. No one is first always, no one is 
last always. Even gods of a decidedly inferior and 
limited character assume occasionally in the eyes 
of a devoted poet a supreme place above all other 
gods^. It was necessary, therefore, for the purpose 
of accurate reasoning to have a name, different from 
joolytheism, to signify this worship of single gods, each 
occupying for a time a supreme position, and I pro- 

^ Grimm showed that Thorr is sometimes the supreme god, 
while at other times he is the sou of Odinn. This, as Professor 
Zimmer truly remarks, need not be regarded as the result of a revo- 
lution, or even of gradual decay, as in the case of Dyaus and Tyr, 
but simply as inherent in the character of a nascent polytheism. 
See Zeitschrift fiir D. A., vol. xii. p. 174. 

^ ' Among not yet civilised races prayers are addressed to a god 
with a special object, and to that god who is supposed to be most 
powerful in a special domain. He becomes for the moment the 
highest god to whom all others must give place. He may be 
invoked as the highest and the only god, without any slight being 
intended for the other gods.' Zimmer, 1. c. p. 175. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 147 

posed for it the name of KatJienotheism, that is a 
worship of one god after another, or of Henotheism, 
the worship of single gods. This shorter name of 
Henotheism has found more general acceptance, as 
conveying more definitely the opposition between 
Monotheism, the worship of one only God, and Heno- 
theism, the worship of single gods; and, if but 
properly defined, it will answer its purpose very 
well. However, in researches of this kind we can- 
not be too much on our guard against technical 
terms. They are inevitable, I know ; but they are 
almost always misleading. There is, for instance, 
a hymn addressed to the Indies and the rivers that 
fall into it, of which I hope to read you a transla- 
tion, because it determines very accurately the geo- 
graphical scene on which the poets of the Veda passed 
their life. Now native scholars call these rivers de- 
vat^s or deities, and European translators too speak 
of them as gods and goddesses. But in the language 
used by the poet with regard to the Indus and the 
other rivers, there is nothing to justify us in saying 
that he considered these rivers as gods and goddesses, 
unless we mean hj gods and goddesses something very 
different from what the Greeks called Biver-gods and 
Biver-goddesses, Nymphs, Najades, or even Muses. 

And what applies to these rivers, applies more or 
less to all the objects of Vedic worship. They all are 
still oscillating between what is seen by the senses, 
what is created by fancy, and what is postulated by the 
understanding ; they are things, persons, causes, ac- 
cording to the varying disposition of the poets : and 
if we call them gods or goddesses, we must remember 
the remark of an ancient native theologian, who re- 
minds us that by devata or deity he means no more 

L 2 



148 LECTUEE V. 

than the object celebrated in a hymn, while Bishi or 
seer means no more than the subject or the author 
of a hymn. 

It is difficult to treat of the so-called gods cele- 
brated in the Veda according to any system, for the 
simple reason that the concepts of these gods and the 
hymns addressed to them sprang up spontaneously 
and without any pre-established plan. It is best 
perhaps for our purpose to follow an ancient Brah- 
manical writer, who is supposed to have hved about 
400 B. c. He tells us of students of the Yeda, before 
his time, who admitted three deities only, viz. Agni 
or fire, whose place is on the earth ; Ykju or Indra, 
the wind and the god of the thunderstorm, whose 
place is in the air; and Surya, the sun, whose place 
is in the sky. These deities, they maintained, re- 
ceived severally many appellations, in consequence 
of their greatness, or of the diversity of their functions, 
just as a priest, according to the functions which he 
performs at various sacrifices, receives various names. 

This is one view of the Vedic gods, and, though too 
narrow, it cannot be denied that there is some truth 
in it. A very useful division of the Vedic gods 
might be made, and has been made by Yaska, into 
terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, and if the old Hindu 
theologians meant no more than that all the mani- 
festations of divine power in nature might be traced 
back to three centres of force, one in the sky, one in 
the air, and one on the earth, he deserves great credit 
for his sagacity. 

But he himself perceived evidently that this gene- 
ralisation was not quite applicable to all the gods, and 
he goes on to say, ' Or, it may be, these gods are all 
distinct beings, for the praises addressed to them are 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 149 

distinct, and their appellations also.' This is quite 
right. It is the very object of most of these divine 
names to impart distinct individuality to the mani- 
festations of the powers of nature ; and though the 
philosopher or the inspired poet might perceive that 
these numerous names were but names, while that 
which was named was one and one only, this was 
certainly not the idea of most of the Vedic i^^shis 
themselves, still less of the people who listened to 
their songs at fairs and festivals. It is the peculiar 
character of that phase of religious thought which 
we have to study in the Veda, that in it the Divine 
is conceived and represented as manifold, and that 
many functions are shared in common by various 
gods, no attempt having yet been made at organising 
the whole body of the gods, sharply separating one 
from the other, and subordinating all of them to 
several or, in the end, to one supreme head. 

Availing ourselves of the division of the Vedic 
gods into terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, as proposed 
by some of the earliest Indian theologians, we should 
have to begin with the gods connected with the earth. 

Before we examine them, however, we have first 
to consider one of the earliest objects of worship and 
adoration, namely Earth and Heaven, or Heaven 
and Earth, conceived as a divine couple. Not only 
in India, but among many other nations, both 
savage, half-savage, or civilised, we meet with 
Heaven and Earth as one of the earliest objects, 
pondered on, transfigured, and animated by the early 
poets, and more or less clearly conceived by early 
philosophers. It is surprising that it should be so, 
for the conception of the Earth as an independent 
being, and of Heaven as an independent being, and 



150 LECTUEE V. 

then of both together as a divine couple embracing 
the whole universe, requires a considerable effort of 
abstraction, far more than the concepts of other 
divine powers, such as the Fire, the Bain, the Light- 
ning, or the Sun. 

Still so it is, and as it may help us to under- 
stand the ideas about Heaven and Earth, as we find 
them in the Yeda, and show us at the same time the 
strong contrast between the mythology of the Aryans 
and that of real savages (a contrast of great im- 
portance, though I admit very difficult to explain), 
I shall read you first some extracts from a book, 
published by a friend of mine, the Rev. William 
Wyatt Gill, for many years an active and most 
successful missionary in Mangaia, one of those Poly- 
iiesian islands that form a girdle round one quarter 
5f our globe ^, and all share in the same language, 
the same religion, the same mythology, and the same 
/customs. The book is called 'Myths and Songs 
I from the South Pacific^,' and it is full of interest to 
the student of mythology and religion. 

The story, as told him by the natives of Mangaia, 
runs as follows ^: 

' The sky is built of sohd blue stone. At one time 
it almost touched the earth ; resting upon the stout 
broad leaves of the teve (which attains the height of 

^ ' Es handelt sich hier nicht um amerikanische oder afrikanische 
Zersplitterung, sondern eine iiberrasclieude Gleichartigkeit delmt 
sich durch die Weite und Breite des Stillen Oceans, und wenn wir 
Oceanien in der voUen Auffassung nelimen mit Einschluss Mikro- 
und Mela-nesiens (bis Malaya), selbst weiter. Es lasst sich sagen, 
dass ein einheitlicher Gedankenbau, in etwa 120 Langen und 70 
Breitegraden, ein Viertel unsers Erdglobus iiberwolbt/ Bastian, 
Die Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 57. 

2 Hemy S. King & Co., London, 1876. ^ P. 58. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 151 

abovit six feet) and the delicate indigenous arrow-root 

(whose slender stem rarely exceeds three feet) 

In this narrow space between earth and sky the inha- 
bitants of this world were pent up. Ru, whose usual 
residence was in Avaiki, or the shades, had come up 
for a time to this world of ours. Pitying the wretched 
confined residence of the inhabitants, he employed 
himself in endeavouring to raise the sky a little. 
For this purpose he cut a number of strong stakes 
of dijBPerent kinds of trees, and firmly planted them 
in the ground at Eangimotia, the centre of the island, 
and with him the centre of the world. This was a 
considerable improvement, as mortals were thereby 
enabled to stand erect and to walk about without in- 
convenience. Hence Eu was named '^ The sky-sup- 
porter." Wherefore Teka sings (1794) : 

"Force up the sky, O Ru, 
And let the space be clear ! " 

' One day when the old man was surveying his 
work, his graceless son M4ui contemptuously asked 
him what he was doing there. Eu replied, " Who 
told youngsters to talk '? Take care of yourself, or 
I will hurl you out of existence.^' 

' " Do it, then," shouted M4ui. 

' Eu was as good as his word, and forthwith seized 
Maui, who was small of stature, and threw him to a 
great height. In falling Msiui assumed the form of 
a bird, and lightly touched the ground, perfectly un- 
harmed. M^ui, now thirsting for revenge, in a mo- 
ment resumed his natural form, but exaggerated to 
gigantic proportions, and ran to his father, saying : 

" Hu, who supportest the many heavens, 
The third, even to the highest, ascend!" 

Inserting his head between the old man's legs, he 



152 LECTUKE V. 

exerted all his prodigious strength, and hurled poor 
E,u, sky and all, to a tremendous height, — so high, 
indeed, that the blue sky could never get back 
again. Unluckily, however, for the sky-supporting 
Bu, his head and shoulders got entangled among the 
stars. He struggled hard, but fruitlessly, to extri- 
cate himself. Maui walked ojff well pleased with 
having raised the sky to its present height, but left 
half his father's body and both his legs ingloriously 
suspended between heaven and earth. Thus perished 
Ku. His body rotted away, and his bones came 
tumbling down from time to time, and were shivered 
on the earth into countless fragments. These shivered 
bones of Ku are scattered over every hill and valley 
of Mangaia, to the very edge of the sea.' 

What the natives call ' the bones of Ru' (te ivi o 
Ku) are pieces of pumice-stone. 

Now let us consider, first of all, whether this story, 
which with slight variations is told all over the 
Polynesian islands^, is pure non-sense, or whether 
there was originally some sense in it. My conviction 
is that non-sense is everywhere the child of sense, only 
that unfortunately many children, like that youngster 
Mgbui, consider themselves much wiser than their 
fathers, and occasionally succeed in hurhng them out 
; of existence. 

I It is a peculiarity of many of the ancient myths 
I that they represent events which happen every day, 
I or every year, as haviDg happened once upon a time ^. 
f The daily battle between day and night, the yearly 
battle between winter and spring, are represented 

^ There is a second version of the story even in the small island 
of Mangaia; see Myths and Songs, p. 71. 
^ See before, p. 138. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 153 

almost like historical events, and some of the episodes 
and touches belonging originally to these constant 
battles of_ nature, have certainly been transferred 
into and mixed up with battles that took place. at 
a certain time, such as, for instance, the siege of 
Troy. When historical recollections failed, legendary 
accounts of the ancient battles between Night 
and Morning, Winter and Spring, were always at 
hand ; and, as in modern times we constantly hear 
' good stories/ which we have known from our child- 
hood, told again and again of any man whom they 
seem to fit, in the same manner, in ancient times, any 
act of prowess, or daring, or mischief, originally told of 
the sun, 'the orient Conqueror of gloomy Night,' was 
readily transferred to and believed of any local hero 
who might seem to be a second Jupiter, or Mars, or 
Hercules. 

I have little doubt therefore that as the accounts 
of a deluge, for instance, which we find almost every- 
where, are originally recollections of the annual _ 
torrents of rain or snow that covered the little] 
worlds within the ken of the ancient village-bardsj 
this tearing asunder of heaven and earth too was^ 
originally no more than a description of what might 
be seen every morning. During a dark night the 
sky seemed to cover the earth ; the two seemed to 
be one, and could not be distinguished one from the 
other. Then came the Dawn, which with its bright 
rays lifted the covering of the dark night to a certain 
point, till at last Maui appeared, small in stature, 
a mere child, that is, the sun of the morning — thrown 
up suddenly, as it were, when his first rays shot 
through the sky from beneath the horizon, then 
falling back to the earth, like a bird, and rising in 



154 LECTURE V. 

gigantic form on the morning sky. The dawn now 
was hurled away, and the sky was seen lifted high 
above the earth ; and Maui, the sun, marched on 
well pleased with having raised the sky to its present 
height. 

Why pumice-stone should be called the bones of 
Ku, we cannot tell, without knowing a great deal more 
of the language of Mangaia than we do at present. 
It is most likely an independent saying, and was 
afterwards united with the story of Eu and Maui. 

Now I must quote at least a few extracts from 
a Maori legend as written down by Judge Manning ^ : 

' This is the Genesis of the New Zealanders : 

' The Heavens which are above us, and the Earth 
which lies beneath us, are the progenitors of men, 
and the origin of all thiugs. 

'Formerly the Heaven lay upon the Earth, and 
all was darkness. . . . 

' And the children of Heaven and Earth sought to 
discover the difference between light and darkness, 
between day and night. . . . 

'So the sons of Eangi (Heaven) and of Papa 
(Earth) consulted together, and said : " Let us seek 
means whereby to destroy Heaven and Earth, or to 
separate them from each other." 

' Then said Tumataueuga (the God of War), " Let 
us destroy them both." 

' Then said Tane-Mahuta (the Forest God), " Not so ; 
let them be separated. Let one of them go upwards 
and become a stranger to us ; let the other remain 
below and be a parent for us." 

' Then four of the gods tried to separate Heaven 

^ Bastiap, Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 36. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 155 

and Earth, but did not succeed, while the fifth, Tane, 
succeeded. 

' After Heaven and Earth had been separated, great 
storms arose, or, as the poet expresses it, one of their 
sons, Tawhiri-Matea, the god of the winds, tried to 
revenge the outrage committed on his parents by 
his brothers. Then follow dismal dusky days, and 
dripping chilly skies, and arid scorching blasts. All 
the gods fight, tiU at last Tu only remains, the god 
of war, who had devoured all his brothers, except 
the Storm. More fights follow, in which the greater 
part of the earth was overwhelmed by the waters, 
and but a small portion remained dry. After that, 
light continued to increase, and as the light increased, 
so also the people who had been hidden between 
Heaven and Earth increased. . . . And so generation 
was added to generation down to the time of M^ui- 
Potiki, he who brought death into the world. 

* Now in these latter days Heaven remains far re- 
moved from his wife, the Earth ; but the love of the 
wife rises upward in sighs towards her husband. These 
are the mists which fly upwards from the mountain- 
tops ; and the tears of Heaven fall downwards on his 
wife ; behold the dew-drops ! ' 

So far the Maori Genesis. 

Let us now return to the Veda, and compare these 
crude and somewhat grotesque legends with the 
language of the ancient Aryan poets. In the hymns 
of the Big-veda the separating and keeping apart of 
Heaven and Earth is several times alluded to, and 
here too it is represented as the work of the most 
valiant gods. In I. 67, 3 it is Agni, fire, who holds 
the earth and supports the heaven ; in X. 89, 4 it is 
Indra who keeps them apart ; in IX. loi, 15 Soma is 



156 LECTURE V. 

celebrated for tlie same deed, and in III. 31, 12 other 
gods too share the same honour \ 

In the Aitareya Br4hma9^a we read ^ : ' These two 
worlds (Heaven and Earth) were once joined together. 
They went asunder. Then it did not rain, nor did 
the sun shine. And the five tribes did not ao-ree 
with one another. The gods then brought the two 
(Heaven and Earth) together, and when they came 
together, they performed a wedding of the gods.' 

Here we have in a shorter form the same funda- 
mental ideas ; first, that formerly Heaven and Earth 
were together ; that afterwards they were separated ; 
that when they were thus separated there was war 
throughout nature, and neither rain nor sunshine ; 
that, lastly, Heaven and Earth were conciliated, and 
that then a great wedding took place. 

Now I need hardly remind those who are acquainted 
with Greek and Eoman literature, how familiar these 
and similar conceptions about a marriage between 
Heaven and Earth were in Greece and Italy. They 
seem to possess there a more special reference to the 
annual reconciliation between Heaven and Earth, 
which takes place in spring, and to their former 
estrangement during winter. But the first cosmo- 
logical separation of the two always points to the 
want of light and the impossibility of distinction 
during the night, and the gradual lifting up of the 
blue sky through the rising of the sun ^. 

In the Homeric hymns * the Earth is addressed as 

' Mother of Gods, the wife of the starry Heaven ^ ; ' 

^ Bergaigne, La Religion Yedique, p. 240. 

^ Ait. Br. IV. 27 ; Muir, iv. p. 23. 

^ See Muir, iv. p. 24. * Homer, Hymn xxx. 17. 

Xaipe 6ea)V fJ-rjTrjp, aXox Ovpavov dcTTepoevTOs. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 157 

and tlie Heaven or ^ther is often called the father. 
Their marriage too is described, as, for instance, by 
Euripides, when he says : 

' There is tlie mighty Earth, Jove's ^ther : 

He (the uEther) is the creator of men and godsj 
The earth receiving the moist drops of rain, 

Bears mortals, 
Bears food, and the tribes of animals. 
Hence she is not unjustly regarded 
As the mother of alP.' 

And what is more curious still is that we have 
evidence that Euripides received this doctrine from 
his teacher, the philosopher Anaxagoras. For Dio- 
nysius of Halicarnassus ^ tells us that Euripides 
frequented the lectures of Anaxagoras. Now, it was 
the theory of that philosopher that originally all 
things were in all things, but that afterwards they be- 
came separated. Euripides later in life associated with 
Sokrates, and became doubtful regarding that theory. 
He accordingly propounds the ancient doctrine by 
the mouth of another, namely Melanippe, who says : 

' This saying (myth) is not mine, but came from 
my mother, that formerly Heaven and Earth were 
one shape ; but when they were separated from each 
other, they gave birth and brought all things into 
the hght, trees, birds, beasts, and the fishes whom 
the sea feeds, and the race of mortals.' 

^ Euripides, Chrysippus, fragm. 6 (edit. Didot, p. 824): — 
Taia fxeyia-Tr] Koi Aios aWrjp, 
6 [lev avOpanav Koi deaiv yeverap, 
fj S' iiypo^oXovs (TTayovas votiovs 
TTapahe^ap-evj] TiKTei dvarovs, 
TiKTei 8e j3opav, fpvXd re Orjpav, 
odev ova ciSlkcos 
lu,r)TTjp TTavrav vevoptCTTai. 

^ Dionysius Halic.vol. v. p. 355; Muir, v. p. 27. 



158 LECTURE V. 

Thus we have met with the same idea of the ori- 
ginal union, of a separation, and of a subsequent 
re-union of Heaven and Earth in Greece, in India, 
and in the Polynesian islands. 

Let us now see how the poets of the Veda address 
these two beings, Heaven and Earth. 

They are mostly addressed in the dual, as two 
beings forming but one concept. We meet, however, 
with verses which are addressed to the Earth by 
herself, and which speak of her as ' kind, without 
thorns, and pleasant to dwell on^,' while there are clear 
traces in some of the hymns that at one time Dyaus, 
the sky, was the supreme deity ^. When invoked 
together they are called Dyav^pr^thivyau, from 
dyu, the sky, and pr^'thivi, the broad earth. 

If we examine their epithets, we find that many 
of them reflect simply the physical aspects of Heaven 
and Earth. Thus they are called uru, wide, uru- 
vyaZ:as, widely expanded, dure-ante, with limits 
far apart, gabhlra, deep, ghritavat, giving fat, 
madhudugha, yielding honey or dew, payasvat, 
full of milk, bhuri-retas, rich in seed. 

Another class of epithets represents them already 
as endowed with certain human and superhuman 
qualities, such as asas^at, never tiring, a^ara, not 
decaying, which brings us very near to immortal ; 
adruh, not injuring, or not deceiving, praA;etas, 
provident, and then pit^-m^t^, father and mother, 
devaputra, having the gods for their sons, r^ta- 
vr^'dh and r^'tavat, protectors of the i?^ta, of what is 
right, guardians of eternal laws. 

Here you see what is so interesting in the Yeda, 

^ E,ig-veda I. 22, 15. 

'■'■ See Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. p. 468. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 159 

the gradual advance from the material to the spi- 
ritual, from the sensuous to the supersensuous, from 
the human to the superhuman and the divine. 
Heaven and Earth were seen, and, according to our 
notions, they might simply be classed as visible and 
finite beings. But the ancient poets were more honest 
to themselves. They could see Heaven and Earth, but 
they never saw them in their entirety. They felt 
that there was something beyond the purely finite 
aspect of these beings, and therefore they thought of 
them, not as they would think of a stone, or a tree, 
or a dog, but as something not-finite, not altogether 
visible or knowable, yet as something important to 
themselves, powerful, strong to bless, but also strong 
to hurt. Whatever was between Heaven and Earth 
seemed to be theirs, their property, their realm, their 
dominion. They held and embraced all ; they seemed 
to have produced all. The Devas or bright beings, 
the sun, the dawn, the fire, the wind, the rain, were 
all theirs, and were called therefore the offspring of 
Heaven and Earth. Thus Heaven and Earth became 
the Universal Father and Mother. 

Then we ask at once, ' Were then these Heaven 
and Earth gods 1 But gods in what sense 1 In our 
sense of God 1 Why, in our sense, God is altogether 
incapable of a plural. Then in the Greek sense of 
the word 1 No, certainly not, for what the Greeks 
called gods was the result of an intellectual growth 
totally independent of the Yeda or of India. We 
must never forget that what we call gods in ancient 
mythologies are not substantial, living, individual 
beings, of whom we can predicate this or that. 
Deva, which we translate by god, is nothing but an 
adjective, expressive of a quality shared by heaven 



160 LECTURE V. 

and earth, by the sun and the stars and the dawn 
and the sea, namely hrightness ; and the idea of god, 
at that early time, contains neither more nor less 
than what is shared in common by all these bright 
beings. That is to say, the idea of god is not an 
idea ready-made, which could be applied in its abstract 
purity to heaven and earth and other such like 
beings ; but it is an idea, growing out of the con- 
cepts of heaven and earth and of the other bright 
beings, slowly separating itself from them, but never 
containing more than what was contained, though 
confusedly, in the objects to which it was successively 
applied. 

Nor must it be supposed that heaven and earth, 
having once been raised to the rank of undecaying 
or immortal beings, of divine parents, of guardians 
of the laws, were thus permanently settled in the 
religious consciousness of the people. Far from it. 
When the ideas of other gods, and of more active 
and more distinctly personal gods had been elabo- 
rated, the Yedic itzshis asked without hesitation. 
Who then has made heaven and earth 1 not exactly 
Heaven and Earth, as conceived before, but heaven 
and earth as seen every day, as a part of what began 
to be called Nature or the Universe. 

Thus one poet says ^ : 

'He was indeed among the gods the cleverest 
workman who produced the two brilliant ones (heaven 
and earth), that gladden all things ; he who measured 
out the two bright ones (heaven and earth) by his 
wisdom, and established them on everlasting sup- 
ports.' 

^ Rig-veda I. i6o, 4. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 161 

And again ^ : ' He was a good workman who pro- 
duced heaven and earth ; the wise, who by his 
might brought together these two (heaven and earth), 
the wide, the deep, the well-fashioned in the bottom- 
less space/ 

Yery soon this great work of making heaven and 
earth was ascribed, like other mighty works, to the 
mightiest of their gods, to Indra. At first we read 
that Indra, originally only a kind of Jujpiter pluvius, 
or god of rain, stretched out heaven and earth, like 
a hide ^ ; that he held them in his hand ^, that he 
upholds heaven and earth *, and that he grants heaven 
and earth to his worshippers ^ But very soon Indra 
is praised for having made Heaven and Earth ^ ; and 
then, when the poet remembers that Heaven and 
Earth had been praised elsewhere as the parents 
of the gods, and more especially as the parents of 
Indra, he does not hesitate for a moment, but says '^ : 
'What poets living before us have reached the end 
of all thy greatness % for thou hast indeed begotten 
thy father and thy mother together ^ from thy own 
body!' 

That is a strong measure, and a god who once 
could do that, was no doubt capable of anything 
afterwards. The same idea, namely that Indra is 
greater than heaven and earth, is expressed in a less 
outrageous way by another poet, who says ^ that 
Indra is greater than heaven and earth, and that 

1 Rig-veda IV. 56, 3. ^ L. c. VIII. 6, 5. 

^ L. c. III. 30, 5. * L. c. III. 32, 8. 

' L. c. III. 34, 8. « L. c. VIII. 36, 4. ' L. c. X. 54, 3- 
^ Cf. lY. 17, 4, where Dyaus is the father of Indra; see however 
Muir, iv. 31, note. 
® Eig-vedaVI. 30, i. 

M 



162 LECTURE V. 

both, together are only a half of Indra. Or again '^ : 
* The divine Dyaus bowed before Indra, before Indra 
the great Earth bowed with her wide spaces.' ' At 
the birth of thy splendour Dyaus trembled, the Earth 
trembled for fear of thy anger ^.' 

Thus, from one point of view, Heaven and Earth 
were the greatest gods, they were the parents of 
everything, and therefore of the gods also, such as 
Indra and others. 

But, from another point of view, every god that 
was considered as supreme at one time or other, 
must necessarily have made heaven and earth, must 
at all events be greater than heaven and earth, and 
thus the child became greater than the father, aye, 
became the father of his father. Indra was not 
the only god that created heaven and earth. In one 
hymn ^ that creation is ascribed to Soma and Pushan, 
by no means very prominent characters; in another* 
to Hirawyagarbha (the golden germ); in another 
again to a god who is simply called Dhktri, the 
Creator ^, or Yisvakarman ^, the maker of all things. 
Other gods, such as Mitra and SavitW, names of 
the sun, are praised for upholding Heaven and Earth, 
and the same task is sometimes performed by the 
old god YaruTia '^ also. 

What I wish you to observe in all this is the 
perfect freedom with which these so-called gods or 
Devas are handled, and particularly the ease and 
naturalness with which now the one, now the other 
emerges as supreme out of this chaotic theogony. 

^ Eig-veda I. 131, i. ^ L. c. IV. 17, 2. 

^ L. c. II. 40, I. * L. c. X. 121, 9. 

^ L. c. X. 190, 3. « L. c. X. 81, 2. 
^ L. c. VI. 70, I. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 163 

This is the peculiar character of the ancient Vedic I 
religion, totally different both from the Polytheism f 
and from the Monotheism as we see it in the Greek i 
and the Jewish religions ; and if the Yeda had taught j 
us nothing else but this henQthdstic phase, which | 
must everywhere have preceded the more highly 
organised phase of Polytheism which we see in 
Greece, in Rome, and elsewhere, the study of the 
Veda would not have been in vain. 

It may be quite true that the poetry of the Yeda 
is neither beautiful, in our sense of the word, nor 
very profound ; but it is instructive. When we see 
those two giant spectres of Heaven and Earth on 
the background of the Vedic religion, exerting their 
influence for a time, and then vanishing before the 
light of younger and more active gods, we learn a 
lesson which it is well to learn, and which we can 
hardly learn anywhere else — the lesson how gods were 
made and unmade — how the Beyond or the Infinite 
was named by different names in order to bring it 
near to the mind of man, to make it for a time com- 
prehensible, until, when name after name had proved 
of no avail, a nameless God was felt to answer best 
the restless cravings of the human heart. 

I shall next translate to you the hymn to which I 
referred before as addressed to the E,ivers. If the 
Rivers are to be called deities at all, they belong to 
the class of terrestrial deities. But the reason why 
I single out this hymn is not so much because it 
throws new light on the theogonic process, but 
because it may help to impart some reality to the 
vague conceptions which we form to ourselves of the 
ancient Vedic poets and their surroundings. The 
rivers invoked are, as we shall see, the real rivers of 

M 2 



164 LECTURE V. 

the Punjab, and the poem shows a much wider geo- 
graphical horizon than we should expect from a mere 
village bard ^. 

1 . ' Let the poet declare, Waters, your exceeding 
greatness, here in the seat of Vivasvat^. By seven 
and seven they have come forth in three courses, but 
the Sindhu (the Indus) exceeds all the other wander- 
ing rivers by her strength. 

2. 'Yaruna dug out paths for thee to walk on, 
when thou rannest to the race^. Thou proceedest 

^ Rig-veda X. 75. See Hibbert Lectures, Lect. iv. 

^ Vivasvat is a name of the sun, and the seat or home of Yivasvat 
can hardly be anything but the earth, as the home of the sun, or, 
in a more special sense, the place where a sacrifice is offered. 

* I formerly translated yat vafjran abhi ^dvavah tvam by ' when 
thou rannest for the prizes/ Grassman had translated similarly, 
' When thou, O Sindhu, rannest to the prize of the battle,' while 
Ludwig wrote, * "When thou, Sindliu, wast flowing on to greater 
powers.' V%a, connected with vegeo, vigeo, vigil, wacker (see 
Curtius, Grundziige, liTo. 159), is one of the many difficult words in 
the Veda the general meaning of which may be guessed, but in 
many places cannot yet be determined with certainty. Va^a occurs 
very frequently, both in the singular and the plural, and some of 
its meanings are clear enough. The Petersburg Dictionary gives 
the following list of them — swiftness, I'ace, prize of race, gain, 
treasure, race-horse, etc. Here we perceive at once the difficulty 
of tracing all these meanings back to a common source, though it 
might be possible to begin with the meanings of strength, strife, 
contest, race, whether friendly or warKke, then to proceed to what 
is won in a race or in war, viz. booty, treasure, and lastly to take 
vaga/i in the more general sense of acquisitions, goods, even goods 
bestowed as gifts. We have a similar transition of meaning in the 
Greek adXos, contest, contest for a prize, and aSXov, the prize of 
contest, reward, gift, while in the plural to. a6\a stands again for 
contest, or even the place of combat. The Yedic vaj/ambhara may 
in fact be rendered by a.0Xo(p6pos, vat/asati by ddXoavvr]. 

The transition from fight to prize is seen in passages such as : 

Rig-veda YI. 45, 12, va^an indra sravayyan tvdya ^eshma hitam 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 165 

on a precipitous ridge of the earth, when thou art 
lord in the van of all the moving streams. 

3. ' The sound rises up to heaven above the earth ; 
she stirs up with splendour her endless power ^. As 
from a cloud, the showers thunder forth, when the 
Sindhu comes, roaring like a bull. 

4. ' To thee, Sindhu, they (the other rivers) come 
as lowing mother-cows (run) to their young with their 
milk 2. Like a king in battle thou leadest the two 
wings, when thou reachest the front of these down- 
rushing rivers. 

5. 'Accept, Ganga (Ganges), Yamun^ (Jumna), 
Sarasvati (Surstiti), >S^utudri (Sutlej), Parushni (Ira- 
vati, E-avi), my praise ^ ! With the Asikni (Akesines) 
listen, Marudvr*dh^*, and wdth the Yitasta (Hy- 

dhanam, ' May we with thy help, Indra, win the glorious fights, 
the offered prize ' (cf. d6Xo6eTj]s). 

Eig-veda VIII. 19, 18, te it v%ebhiA grigyu/i mah^t dhanam, 
'They won great wealth by battles.' 

What we want for a proper understanding of our verse, are 
passages where we have, as here, a movement towards Ya.ga,s in the 
plural. Such passages are few ; for instance : X. 53, 8, £tra 
5'ahama ye dsan d^evaA sivan vaydm tit tarema abhi va^an, ' Let 
us leave here those who were unlucky (the dead), and let us get up 
to lucky toils.' No more is probably meant here when the Sindhu 
is said to run towards her va^as, that is, her struggles, her fights, 
her race across the mountains with the other rivers. 

•^ On sushma, strength, see Eig-veda, translation, vol. i. p. 105. 
We find subhram sushmam II. 11, 4; and iyarti with sushmam 
IV. 17, 12. 

^ See Muir, Sanskrit Tests, v. p. 344. 

^ * Marudvridha with Asikni, Vitasta ; Ar^^ikiya, listen with 
the Sushoma,' Ludivig. ' Asikni and Vitasta and Marudvridha, 
with the Sushoma, hear us, Ar^lkiya,' Grassmann. 

* Marudvr^dha, a general name for river. According to Roth 
the combined course of the Akesines and Hydaspes, before the 
junction with the Hydraotes : according to Ludwig, the river after 



166 LECTUKE V. 

daspes, Behat) ; Ar^lklj4 ^ listen with the Susr 
hom4 ^. 

6. 'First thou goest united with the T'r^sh^ama 
on thy journey, with the Susartu, the Kasa (Kamha, 
Araxes^ 1), and the Sveti, — Sindhu, with the Kubhi 
(Kophen, Cabul river) to the Gomatl (Gomal), with 
the Mehatnu to the Krumu (Kurum) — with whom 
thou proceedest together. 

7 ' Sparkling, bright, with mighty splendour she 
carries the waters across the plains — the unconquered 
Sindhu, the quickest of the quick, like a beautiful 
mare — a sight to see. 

8. 'Kich in horses, in chariots, in garments, in 
gold, in booty*, in wool^ and in straw ^, the Sindhu, 

the junction with Hydraotes. Zimmer (Altindisches Leben, p. 12) 
adopts Roth's, Kiepert in his maps follows Lndwig's opinion. 

^ According to Yaska the Ar^ikiya is the Vipas. Vivien de Saint- 
Martin takes it for the country watered by the Suwan, the Soanos 
of Megasthenes. 

^ According to Yaska the Sushoma is the Indus. Vivien de 
Saint-Martin identifies it with the Suwan. Zimmer (1. c. p. 14) 
points out that in Arrian, Indica, iv. 12, there is a various reading 
Soamos for Soanos. 

^ Chips from a German "Woi^kshop, vol. i. p. 157. 

* V%inivati is by no means an easy word. Hence all transla- 
tors vary, and none settles the meaning. Muir translates, ' yielding 
nutriment;' Zimmer, 'having plenty of quick horses;' Ludwig, 'like a 
strong mare.' Vap-in, no doubt, means a strong horse, a racer, 
but vacjrini never occurs in the Eig-veda in the sense of a mare, and 
the text is not va^inivat, but va^/inivati. If va^ini meant mare, we 
might translate rich in mares, but that would be a mere repetition 
after svasva, possessed of good horses. Var/inivatt is chiefly applied 
to Ushas, Sarasvati, and here to the river Sindhu. It is joined 
with va^ebhiA, Eig-veda I. 3. 10, which, if v%ini meant mare, 
would mean ' rich in mares through horses.' We also read, Eig-veda 
I. 48, 16, Scim (na^ mimikshvd) xagaih va^inivati, which we can 
hardly translate by 'give us horses, thou who art possessed of 
mares;' nor, Eig-veda I. 92, 15, ytikshva hi v%inivati asvan. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 167 

handsome and young, clothes herself in sweet 
flowers'^. 

9. 'The Sindhu has yoked her easy chariot with 
horses ; may she conquer prizes for us in the race. 

' harness the horses, thou who art rich in mares.' In most of the 
passages where v%inivati occurs, the goddess thus addressed is 
represented as rich, and asked to bestow wealth, and I should 
therefore prefer to take v^ini, as a collective abstract noun, like 
tretini, in the sense of wealth, originally booty, and to translate 
va^inlvati simply by rich, a meaning well adapted to every passage 
where the word occurs. 

^ IJrwavati, rich in wool, probably refers to the flocks of sheep 
for which the North-West of India was famous. See Eig-veda 
I. 126, 7. 

^ Silamavati does not occur again in the Eig-veda. Muir trans- 
lates, ' rich in plants ; ' Zimmer, ' rich in water ; ' Ludwig takes it as a 
proper name. Sayawa states that silama is a plant which is made 
into ropes. That the meaning of silamavati was forgotten at an 
early time we see by the Atharva-veda III. 12, 2, substituting 
sunritavati for silamavati, as preserved in the /S'ankhayana Grihya- 
sutras, 3, 3. I think silama means straw, from whatever plant it may 
be taken, and this would be equally applicable to a sala, a house, 
a sthuTza, a post, and to the river Indus. It may have been, as 
Ludwig conjectures, an old local name, and in that case it may 
possibly account for the name given in later times to the Suleiman 
range. 

■^ Madhuvridh is likewise a word which does not occur again in 
the Eig-veda. Sayawa explains it by nirguwf?i and similar plants, 
but it is doubtful what plant is meant. Gunda is the name of 
a grass, madhuvridh therefore may have been a plant such as sugar- 
cane, that yielded a sweet juice, the Upper Indus being famous for 
sugar-cane; see Hiouen-thsang, II, p. 105. I take adhivaste with 
Eoth in the sense ' she dresses herself,' as we might say ' the river is 
dressed in heather.' Muir translates, ' she traverses a land yielding 
sweetness ;' Zimmer, ' she clothes herself in Madhuvridh ;' Ludwig, 
'the Silamavati throws herself into the increaser of the honey- 
sweet dew.' All this shows how little progress can be made in 
Vedic scholarship by merely translating either words or verses, 
without giving at the same time a full justification of the meaning 
assigned to every single word. 



^ 



168 LECTURE V. 

The greatness of her chariot is praised as truly- 
great — that chariot which is irresistible, which has 
its own glory, and abundant strength ^Z 

This hymn does not sound perhaps very poetical, 
in our sense of the word ; yet if you will try to realise 
the thoughts of the poet who composed it, you will 
perceive that it is not without some bold and powerful 
conceptions. 

Take the modern peasants, Hving in their villages 
by the side of the Thames, and you must admit that 
he would be a remarkable man who could bring him- 
self to look on the Thames as a kind of general, 
riding at the head of many English rivers, and lead- 
ins; them on to a race or a battle. Yet it is easier 
to travel in England, and to gain a commanding view 
of the river-system of the country, than it was three 
thousand years ago to travel over India, even over 
that part of India which the poet of our hymn com- 
mands. He takes in at one swoop three great river- 
systems, or, as he calls them, three great armies of 
rivers — those flowing from the North-West into the 
Indus, those joining it from the North-East, and, 
in the distance, the Ganges and the Jumnah with 
their tributaries. Look on the map and you will 
see how well these three armies are determined; 
but our poet had no map — he had nothing but high 
mountains and sharp eyes to carry out his trigono- 
metrical survey. Now I call a man, who for the 
first time could see those three marching armies of 
rivers, a poet. 

The next thing that strikes one in that hymn — 
if hymn we must call it — is the fact that all these 
rivers, large and small, have their own proper names. 

^ See Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. virapsin. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 169 

That shows a considerable advance in civilised life, 
and it proves no small degree of coherence, or what 
the French call solidarity, between the tribes who had 
taken possession of Northern India. Most settlers 
call the river on whose banks they settle ' the river.' 
Of course there are many names for river. It may 
be called the runner^, the fertiliser, the roarer — or, 
with a little poetical metaphor, the arrow, the horse, 
the cow, the father, the mother, the watchman, the 
child of the mountains. Many rivers had many names 
in different parts of their course, and it was only 
when communication between different settlements 
became more frequent, and a fixed terminology was 
felt to be a matter of necessity, that the rivers of a 
country were properly baptised and registered. All 
this had been gone through in India before our hymn 
became possible. 

And now we have to consider another, to my 
mind most startling fact. We here have a number 
of names of the rivers of India, as they were known , 
to one single poet, say about looo B.C. We then* 
hear nothing of India till we come to the days of 
Alexander, and when we look at the names of the 
Indian rivers, represented as well as they could be 
by Alexander's companions, mere strangers in India, 
and by means of a strange language and a strange 
alphabet, we recognise, without much difficulty, I 
nearly all of the old Vedic names. I 

In this respect the names of rivers have a great 
advantage over the names of towns in India. What 

^ 'Among the Hottentots, the Kunene, Okavango and Orange 
rivers, all have the name of Garib, i. e. the Runner.' Dr. Theoph. 
Hahn, Cape Times, July ii, 1882. 



170 LECTURE V. 

we now call Dilli or Delhi was in ancient times called 
Indraprastha, in later times Shahjahdnabcid. Oude 
is Ayodhy^, but the old name of Saketa is forgotten. 
The town of Pa^aliputra, known to the Greeks as 
Palimhothra, is now called Patna ^. 

Now I can assure you this persistency of the Yedic 
river names was to my mind something so startling 
that I often said to myself, This cannot be — there 
must be something wrong here, I do not wonder so 
much at the names of the Indus and the Ganges 
being the same. The Indus was known to early 
traders, whether by sea or by land. Skylax sailed 
from the country of the Paktys, i. e. the Pushtus, as 
the Afghans still call themselves, down to the mouth 
of the Indus. That was under Darius Hystaspes 
(521-486). Even before that time India and the 
Indians were known by their name, which was derived 
from Sindhu, the name of their frontier river. The 
neighbouring tribes who spoke Iranic languages all 
pronounced, hke the Persian, the s as an A ^. Thus 
Sindhu became Hindhu (Hidhu), and, as li's were 
dropped even at that early time, Hindhu became 
Indu. Thus the river was called Indos, the people 
Indoi by the Greeks, who first heard of India from 
the Persians. 

Sindhu probably meant originally the divider, 
keeper, and defender, from sidh, to keep off. It was 
a masculine, before it became a feminine. No more 
telling name could have been given to a broad river, 
which guarded peaceful settlers both against the 
inroads of hostile tribes and the attacks of wild 



Cunningham, Archseological Survey of India, vol. xii. p. 113. 
Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 20, 71 : 'Indus incolis Sindus appellatus.' 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 171 

animals. A common name for the ancient settle- 
ments of the Aryans in India was ' the Seven Eivers/ 
' Sapta SindhavaA-.' But though sindhu was used as 
an appellative noun for river in general (cf. Rig-veda 
VI. 19, 5, samudre nd smdhava/i yadamanaA, 'like 
rivers longing for the sea'), it remained throughout 
the whole history of India the name of its powerful 
guardian river, the Indus. 

In some passages of the Eig-veda it has been 
pointed out that sindhu might better be translated 
by ' sea,' a change of meaning, if so it can be called, 
fully explained by the geographical conditions of the 
country. There are places where people could swim 
across the Indus, there are others where no eye 
could tell whether the boundless expanse of water 
should be called river or sea. The two run into each 
other, as every sailor knows, and naturally the 
meaning of sindhu, river, runs into the meaning of 
sindhu, sea. 

But besides the two great rivers, the Indus and 
the Ganges, — in Sanskrit the Gaiiga, literally the 
Go-go, — we have the smaller rivers, and many of 
their names also agree with the names preserved to 
us by the companions of Alexander ^ 

The Yamuna, the Jumna, was known to Ptolemy 
as AtaVouva ^, to Pliny as Jomanes, to Arrian, some- 
what corrupted, as Jobares^. 

The >Sutudri, or, as it was afterwards called, /Sata- 
dru, meaning 'running in a hundred streams,' was 

^ The history of these names has been treated by Professor Lassen, 
in his ' Indische Alterthumskunde,' and more lately by Professor 
Kaegi, in his very careful essay, 'Der Eig-veda,' pp. 146, 147. 

^ Ptol. vii. I, 29. 

' Arrian, ludica, viii. 5. 



172 LECTURE V. 

known to Ptolemy as ZaSapSrii; or ZapaSpog ; Pliny 
called it Sydrus ; and Megasthenes, too, was probably 
acquainted with it as ZaSdpSr]^. In the Yeda^ it 
formed with the Yip4s the frontier of the Punjab, 
and we hear of fierce battles fought at that time, it 
may be on the same spot where in 1846 the battle 
of the Sutledge was fought by Sir Hugh Gough and 
Sir Henry Hardiuge. It was probably on the Vip4s 
(later Vipasa), a north-western tributary of the Sut- 
ledge, that Alexander's army turned back. The 
river was then called Hyphasis ; Pliny calls it 
Hypasis ^, a very fair approximation to the Vedic 
Vipas, which means ' unfettered.' Its modern name 
is Bias or Bejah. 

The next river on the west is the Vedic Parush?ii, 
better known as Iravati ^, which Strabo calls Hyar- 
otis, while Arrian gives it a more Greek appearance 
by calling it Hydraotes. It is the modern Eawi. 
It was this river which the Ten Kings when attacking 
the Tr^'tsus under Sud4s tried to cross from the 
west by cutting off its water. But their stratagem 
failed, and they perished in the river (Rig-veda YII. 
18, 8-9). 

We then come to the Asikni, which means 'black.' 



■^ Eig-veda III. 33, i : 'From the lap of the mountains Yipas and 
ASutudri rush forth with their water like two lusty mares neigh- 
ing, freed from their tethers, like two bright mother-cows licking 
(their calf). 

' Ordered by Indira and waiting his bidding you run toward the 
sea like two charioteers ; running together, as your waters rise, the 
one goes into the other, you bright ones.' 

^ Other classical names are Hypanis, Bipasis, and Bibasis. 
Yaska identifies it with the Ar^ikiya. 

3 Of. Nirukta IX. 26. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 173 

That river had another name also, Xandrabh4ga, 
which means 'streak of the moon.' The Greeks, 
however, pronounced that name 'EavSapocjxxyo?, and 
this had the unlucky meaning of 'the devourer of 
Alexander.' Hesychius tells us that in order to avert 
the bad omen Alexander changed the name of that 
river into 'A/ceo-iV*??, which would mean 'the Healer;' 
but he does not tell, what the Veda tells us, that 
this name 'A/cecr/vj/? was a Greek adaptation of another 
name of the same river, namely Asikni, which had 
evidently supplied to Alexander the idea of calling 
the Asikni 'A/ceo-iV?;?. It is the modern Chinab. 

Next to the Akesines we have the Vedic Yitasta, 
the last of the rivers of the Punjab, changed in Greek 
into Hydaspes. It was to this river that Alexander 
retired, before sending his fleet down the Indus and 
leading his army back to Babylon. It is the modern 
Behat or Jilam. 

I could identify still more of these Yedic rivers, 
such as, for instance, the Kubh4, the Greek Cophen, 
the modern Kabul river^; but the names which I have 



^ 'The first tributaries whicli join the Indus before its meeting 
with tlie Kubha or the Kabul river cannot be determined. All 
travellers in these northern countries complain of the continual 
changes in the names of the rivers, and we can hardly hope to 
find traces of the Yedic names in existence there after the lapse of 
three or four thousand years. The rivers intended may be the 
Shauyook, Ladak, Abba Seen, and Burrindu, and one of the four 
rivers, the Easa, has assumed an almost fabulous character in the 
Veda. After the Indus bas joined the Kubha or the Kabul river, 
two names occur, the Gomati and Krumu, which I believe I was 
tbe first to identify with the modern rivers the Gomal and Kurrum. 
(Roth, Nirukta, Erlauterungeu, p. 43, Anm.) The Gomal falls 
into the Indus, between Dera Ismael Khan and Paharpore, and 
although Elphinstone calls it a river only during the rainy season. 



174 LECTURE V. 

traced from the Veda to Alexander, and. in many 
cases from Alexander again to our own time, seem to 
me sufficient to impress upon us the real and his- 
torical character of the Veda. Suppose the Veda 
were a forgery — suppose at least that it had been 
put together after the time of Alexander — how could 
we explain these names "? They are names that have 
mostly a meaning in Sanskrit, they are names corre- 
sponding very closely to their Greek corruptions, as 
pronounced and written down by people who did not 
know Sanskrit. How is a forgery possible here '? 

I selected this hymn for two reasons. First, because 
it shows us the widest geographical horizon of the Vedic 
poets, confined by the snowy mountains in the North, 
the Indus and the range of the Suleiman mountains 
in the West, the Indus or the sea in the South, and 
the valley of the Jumna and Ganges in the East. 
Beyond that, the world, though open, was unknown 
to the Vedic poets. Secondly, because the same 
hymn gives us also a kind of historical background 

Klaproth (Foe-koue-ki, p. 23) describes its upper course as far 
more considerable, and adds: "Unpeu a Test de Sirm^glia, le Gomal 
traverse la chaine de montagnes de Solimdn, passe devant Raglizi, 
et fertilise le pays habits par les tribus de Dauletkhail at de 
Gandehpour. II se desseclie au defile de Pezou, et son lit ne se 
remplit plus d'eau que dans la saison des pluies ; alors seulement il 
rejoint la droite de I'lndus, au sud-est du bourg de Paharpour." 
The Kurrum falls into the Indus North of the Gomal, while, ac- 
cording to the poet, we should exJDect it South. It might be urged 
that poets are not bound by the same rules as geographers, as we 
see, for instance, in the verse immediately preceding. But if it 
should be taken as a serious objection, it will be better to give up 
the Gomati than the Krumu, the latter being the larger of the two, 
and we might then take Gomati, "rich in cattle," as an adjective 
belonging to Krumu.' — Prom a review of General Cunningham's 
'Ancient Geography of India,' in Nature, 187I3 Sept. 14. 



THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 175 

to the Vedic age. These rivers, as we may see tliem 
to-day, as they were seen by Alexander and his Mace- 
donians, were seen also by the Vedic poets. Here 
we have an historical continuity — almost Hving wit- 
nesses, to tell us that the people whose songs have 
been so strangely, aye, you may almost say, so mira- 
culously preserved to us, were real people, lairds 
with their clans, priests, or rather, servants of their 
gods, shepherds with their flocks, dotted about on 
the hills and valleys, with enclosures or palisades 
here and there, with a few strongholds, too, in case 
of need — living their short life on earth, as at that 
time life might be lived by men, without much push- 
ing and crowding and trampling on each other — 
spring, summer, and winter leading them on from 
year to year, and the sun in his rising and setting 
lifting up their thoughts from their meadows and 
groves which they loved, to a world in the East, 
from which they had come, or to a world in the 
West, to which they were gladly hastening on. 
They had what I call religion, though it was very 
simple, and hardly reduced as yet to the form 
of a creed. 'There is a Beyond,' that was all 
they felt and knew, though they tried, as well as 
they could, to give names to that Beyond, and 
thus to change religion into a religion. They had 
not as yet a name for God — certainly not in our 
sense of the word — or even a general name for the 
gods ; but they invented name after name to enable 
them to grasp and comprehend by some outward and 
visible tokens powers whose presence they felt in 
nature, though their true and full essence was to 
them, as it is to us, invisible and incomprehensible. 



YEDIC DEITIES. 



LECTUEE VI. 

I The next important phenomenon of nature which 
Iwas represented in the Veda as a terrestrial deity 
lis Fire, in Sanskrit Agni, in Latin ignis. In the 
I worship which is paid to the Fire and in the 
f high praises bestowed on Agni w^e can clearly 
perceive the traces of a period in the history 
of man in which not only the most essential com- 
forts of life, but life itself, depended on the know- 
ledge of producing fire. To us fire has become so 
familiar that we can hardly form an idea of what hfe 
would be without it. But how did the ancient 
dwellers on earth get command and possession of fire 1 
The Vedic poets tell us that fire first came to them 
from the sky, in the form of lightning, but that it 
disappeared again, and that then Matarisvan, a being 
to a certain extent like Prometheus, brought it back 
and confided it to the safe keeping of the clan of the 
BhWgus (Phlegyas)^. In other poems we hear of the 
mystery of fire being produced by rubbing pieces of 
wood ; and here it is a curious fact that the name of 
the wood thus used for rubbing is in Sanskrit Pra- 
mantha, a word which, as Kuhn has shown, would in 
Greek come very near to the name of Prometheus. The 
possession of fire, whether by preserving it as sacred on 

^ Muir, iv. p. 209. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 177 

the hearth, or by producing it at pleasure with the 
fire-drill, represents an enormous step in early civilisa- 
tion. It enabled people to cook their meat instead 
of eating it raw ; it gave them the power of carrying 
on their work by night ; and in colder climates it 
really preserved them from being frozen to death. 
No wonder, therefore, that the fire should have been 
praised and worshipped as the best and kindest of 
gods, the only god who had come down from heaven 
to live on earth, the friend of man, the messenger of 
the gods, the mediator between gods and men, the 
immortal among mortals. He, it is said, protects 
the settlements of the Aryans, and frightens away 
the black-skinned enemies. 

Soon, however, fire was conceived by the Vedic 
poets under the more general character of light and 
warmth, and then the presence of Agni was perceived, 
not only on the hearth and the altar, but in the Dawn, 
in the Sun, and in the world beyond the Sun, while 
at the same time his power was recognised as ripen- 
ing, or as they called it, as cooking, the fruits of the 
earth, and as supporting also the warmth and the 
life of the human body. From that point of view 
Agni, like other powers, rose to the rank of a Supreme 
God^. He is said to have stretched out heaven and 
earth — naturally, because without his light heaven 
and earth would have been invisible and undistin- 
guishable. The next poet says that Agni held 
heaven aloft by his light, that he kept the two 
worlds asunder ; and in the end Agni is said to be 
the progenitor and father of heaven and earth, and 
the maker of all that flies, or walks, or stands, or 
moves on earth. 

^ Muir, iv. p. 214. 

N 



178 LECTURE VI. 

Here we have once more the same process before 
our ejes. The human mind begins with being startled 
by a single or repeated event, such as the lightning, 
striking a tree and devouring a whole forest, or a 
spark of fire breaking forth from wood being rubbed 
against wood, whether in a forest, or in the wheel of 
a carriage, or at last in a fire-drill, devised on purpose. 
Man then begins to wonder at what to him is a 
miracle, none the less so because it is a fact, a simple, 
natural fact. He sees the effects of a power, but he 
can only guess at its cause, and if he is to speak of 
it, he can only do so by speaking of it as an agent, or 
as something like a human agent, and, if in some re- 
spects not quite human, in others more than human 
or super-human. Thus the concept of Fire grew, and 
while it became more and more generalised, it also 
became more sublime, more incomprehensible, more 
divine. Without Agni, without fire, light, and warmth, 
life would have been impossible. Hence he became 
the author and giver of life, of the life of plants and 
animals and of men ; and his favour having once been 
implored for 'light and life and all things,' what 
wonder that in the minds of some poets, and in the 
traditions of this or that village community, he should 
have been raised to the rank of a supreme ruler, a god 
above all gods, their own true god ! 

We now proceed to consider the powers which the 
ancient poets might have discovered in the air, in 
the clouds, and, more particularly, in those meteoric 
conflicts which by thunder, lightning, darkness, 
storms, and showers of rain must have taught man 
that very important lesson that he was not alone in 
this world. Many philosophers, as you know, believe 



VEDIC DEITIES. 179 

that all religion arose from fear or terror, and that 
without thunder and lightning to teach us, we should 
never have helieved in any gods or god. This is a 
one-sided and exaggerated view. Thunderstorms, no 
doubt, had a large share in arousing feelings of awe 
and terror, and in making man conscious of his weak- 
ness and dependence. Even in the Veda Indra is 
introduced as saying : ' Yes, when I send thunder and 
lightning, then you believe in me.' But what we 
call religion would never have sprung from fear and 
terror alone. Religion is trust, and that trust arose 
in the beginning from the impressions made on the 
mind and heart of man by the order and wisdom of 
nature, and more particularly, by those regularly re- 
curring events, the return of the sun, the revival of 
the moon, the order of the seasous, the law of cause 
and effect, gradually discovered in all things, and 
traced back in the end to a cause of all causes, by 
whatever name we choose to call it. 

Still, the meteoric phenomena had, no doubt, their 
important share in the production of ancient deities ; 
and in the poems of the Yedic E/ishis they naturally 
occupy a very prominent place. If we were asked 
who was the principal god of the Vedic period, we 
should probably, judging from the remains of that 
poetry which we possess, say it was Indra, the god 
of the blue sky, the Indian Zeus, the gatherer of the 
clouds, the giver of rain, the wielder of the thunder- 
bolt, the conqueror of darkness and of all the powers 
of darkness, the bringer of light, the source of fresh- 
ness, vigour, and life, the ruler and lord of the whole 
world. Indra is this, and much more in the Yeda. 
He is supreme in the hymns of many poets, and may 
have been so in the prayers addressed to him by 

N 2 



180 LECTURE VI. 

many of the ancient septs or village communities in 
India. Compared with him the other gods are said 
to be decrepit old men. Heaven, the old Heaven or 
Dyaus, formerly the father of all the gods, nay the 
father of Indra himself, bows before him, and the 
Earth trembles at his approach. Yet Indra never 
commanded the permanent allegiance of all the other 
gods, like Zeus and Jupiter ; nay, we know from the 
Veda itself that there were sceptics, even at that 
early time, who denied that there was any such thing 
as Indra ^. 

By the side of Indra, and associated with him 
in his battles, and sometimes hardly distinguish- 
able from him, we find the representatives of the 
wind, called Vata or Vayu, and the more terrible 
Storm-gods, the Maruts, literally the Smashers. 

When speaking of the Wind, a poet says ^: ' Where 
was he born '? Whence did he spring '? the life of the 
gods, the germ of the world ! That god moves about 
where he listeth, his voices are heard, but he is not 
to be seen.' 

The Maruts are more terrible than V4ta, the wind. 
They are clearly the representatives of such storms as 
are known in India, when the air is darkened by dust 
and clouds, when in a moment the trees are stripped 
of their foliage, their branches shivered, their stems 
snapped, when the earth seems to reel and the moun- 
tains to shake, and the rivers are lashed into foam and 
fury. Then the poet sees the Maruts approaching 
with golden helmets, with spotted skins on their 
shoulders, brandishing golden spears, whirling their 
axes, shooting fiery arrows, and cracking their whips 
amidst thunder and lightning. They are the comrades 

^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 307. ^ X. 168, 3, 4. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 181 

of Indra, sometimes, like Indra,the sons of Dyaus or the 
sky, but also the sons of another terrible god, called 
Eudra, or the Howler, a fighting god, to whom 
many hymns are addressed. In him a new character 
is evolved, that of a healer and saviour, — a very 
natural transition in India, where nothing is so 
powerful for dispelling miasmas, restoring health, and 
imparting fresh vigour to man and beast, as a thunder- 
storm, following after weeks of heat and drought. 

All these and several others, such as Par^anya and 
the -R^'bhus, are the gods of mid-air, the most active 
and dramatic gods, ever present to the fancy of the 
ancient poets, and in several cases the prototypes 
of later heroes, celebrated in the epic poems of India. 
In battles, more particularly, these fighting gods of 
the sky were constantly invoked ^. Indra is the 
leader in battles, the protector of the bright Aryans, 
the destroyer of the black aboriginal inhabitants of 
India. 'He has thrown down fifty thousand black 
fellows,' the poet says, 'and their strongholds crumbled 
away like an old rag.' Strange to say, Indra is 
praised for having saved his people from their ene- 
mies, much as Jehovah was praised by the Jewish 
prophets. Thus we read in one hymn that when 
Sud^s, the pious king of the THtsus, was pressed 
hard in his battle with the ten kings, Indra changed 
the flood into an easy ford, and thus saved Sudds. 

In another hymn we read '^; ' Thou hast restrained 
the great river for the sake of Turvlti V4yya : the 
flood moved in obedience to thee, and thou madest 
the rivers easy to cross.' This is not very different 
from the Psalmist (Ixxviii. 13): 'He divided the 

^ See Kaegi, Rig-vecla, p. 61. 
^ Eig-veda II. 13, 12 ; IV, 19, 6. 



182 LECTURE VI. 

sea, and caused them to pass tlirougli ; and he made 
the waters to stand as an heap.' 

And there are other passages which have reminded 
some students of the Veda of Joshua's battle \ when 
the sun stood still and the moon stayed, until the 
people had avenged themselves upon their enemies. 
For we read in the Veda also, as Professor Kaegi 
has pointed out (I.e. p. 63), that 'Indra lengthened 
the days into the night,' and that 'the Sun unhar- 
nessed its chariot in the middle of the day ^.' 

In some of the hymns addressed to Indra his 
original connection wdth the sky and the thunder- 
storm seems quite forgotten. He has become a 
spiritual god, the only king of all worlds and all 
people ^ who sees and hears everything *, nay, who 
inspires men with their best thoughts. No one is 
equal to him, no one excels him. 

The name of Indra is peculiar to India^ and must 
have been formed after the separation of the great 
Aryan family had taken place, for we find it neither 
in Greek, nor in Latin, nor in German. There are Vedic 
gods, as I mentioned before, whose names must have 
been framed before that separation, and which occur 
therefore, though greatly modified in character, some- 
times in Greek, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in the 
Celtic, Teutonic, and Slavonic dialects. Dyaus, for 
instance, is the same word as Zeus or Ju-piter, Us has 
is Eos, Nakta is Nyx, Surya is Helios, Agni is ignis, 
Bhaga is Baga in Old Persian, Bogu in Old Slavonic, 
YaruTia is Uranos, Vata is Wotan, YaA: is vox, and 
in the name of the Maruts, or the storm-gods, the 
germs of the Italic god of war, Mars, have been dis- 

^ Joshua X. 13. ^ E,ig-veda IV. 30, 3 ; X. 138, 3. 

= L. c. VIII. 37, 3. * L. c. VIII. 78, 5. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 183 

covered. Besides these direct coincidences, some 
indirect relations have been established between 
Hermes and S^rameya, Dionysos and Dyunisya, 
Prometheus and pram ant ha, Orpheus and Bihhu, 
Erinnys and Sara?^yu, P4n and Pavana. 

But while the name of Indra as the god of the 
sky, also as the god of the thunderstorm, and the 
giver of rain, is unknown among the North-western 
members of the Aryan family, the name of another 
god who sometimes acts the part of Indra (IndraA 
Par^any^tma), but is much less prominent in the 
Veda, I mean Par^anya, must have existed before 
that of Indra, because two at least of the Aryan 
languages have carried it, as we shall see, to Ger- 
many, and to the very shores of the Baltic. 

Sometimes this Par^anya stands in the place of D}'- 
aus, the sky. Thus we read in the Atharva-veda, XII. 
1,12^: ' The Earth is the mother, and I am the son of 
the Earth. Par^anya is the father ; may he help us !' 
In another place (XII. i, 42) the Earth, instead of 
being the wife of Heaven or Dyaus, is called the wife 
of Par^anya. 

Now who or what is this Par^anya '? There have 
been long controversies about liim^, as to whether 
he is the same as Dyaus, Heaven, or the same as 
Indra, the successor of Dyaus, whether he is the god 
of the sky, of the cloud, or of the rain. 

To me it seems that this very expression, god of 
the sky, god of the cloud, is so entire an anachron- 
ism that we could not even translate it into Vedic 
Sanskrit without committing a solecism. It is true, 

^ Muir, iv. p. 23. 

^ Ibid. p. 142. An excellent paper on Par^anya was publishei 
by Biililer in 1862, ' Orient und Occident,' vol. i. p. 214. 



184 LECTUEE VI. 

no doubt, we must use our modern ways of speaking 
when we wish to represent the thoughts of the ancient 
world; but we cannot be too much on our guard 
against accepting the dictionary representative of an 
ancient word for its real counterpart. Deva, no doubt, 
means 'gods' and 'god,' and Par^anya means ' cloud,' 
but no one could say in Sanskrit par^anyasya 
deva^, 'the god of the cloud.' The god, or the divine 
or transcendental element, does not come from without, 
to be added to the cloud or to the sky or to the earth, 
but it springs from the cloud and the sky and the 
earth, and is slowly elaborated into an independent 
concept. As many words in ancient languages have 
an undefined meaning, and lend themselves to various 
purposes according to the various intentions of the 
speakers, the names of the gods also share in this 
elastic and plastic character of ancient speech. There 
are passages where Par^anya means cloud, there are 
passages where it means rain. There are passages 
where Par^anya takes the place which elsewhere is 
filled by Dyaus, the sky, or by Indra, the active god of 
the atmosphere. This may seem very wrong and very 
nnscientific to the scientific mythologist. But it cannot 
be helped. It is the nature of ancient thought and 
ancient language to be unscientific, and we must 
learn to master it as well as we can, instead of 
finding fault with it, and complaining that our fore- 
fathers did not reason exactly as we do. 

There are passages in the Vedic hymns where Par- 
^anya appears as a supreme god. He is called 
father, like Dyaus, the sky. He is called asura, the 
living or Kfe-giving god, a name peculiar to the oldest 
and the greatest gods. One poet says ^, ' He rules 

^ Eig-veda yil. loi, 6, 



VEDIC DEITIES. 185 

as god over the whole world ; all creatures rest in 
him ; he is the life (4tm4) of all that moves and 
rests.' 

Surely it is difficult to say more of a supreme god 
than what is here said of Par^anya. Yet in other 
hymns he is represented as performing his office, 
namely that of sending rain upon the earth, under 
the control of Mitra and Yaruna, who are then con- 
sidered as the highest lords, the mightiest rulers of 
heaven and earth ^. 

There are other verses, again, where par^anya 
occurs with hardly any traces of personality, but 
simply as a name of cloud or rain. 

Thus we read ^ : ' Even by day the Maruts (the 
storm-gods) produce darkness with the cloud that 
carries water, when they moisten the earth.' Here 
cloud is par^anya, and it is evidently used as an 
appellative, and not as a proper name. The same 
word occurs in the plural also, and we read of many 
par^anyas or clouds vivifying the earth ^. 

When Devapi prays for rain in favour of his brother, 
he says * : ' lord of my prayer (BHhaspati), whether 
thou be Mitra or YaruTia or Pushan, come to my 
sacrifice! Whether thou be together with the Adi- 
tyas, the Yasus or the Maruts, let the cloud (par- 
^anya) rain for ^antanu.' 

And again : ' Stir up the rainy cloud' (par^anya). 

In several places it makes no difference whether we 
translate par^anya by cloud or by rain, for those who 
pray for rain, pray for the cloud, and whatever may be 
the benefits of the rain, they may nearly all be called 



Rig-veda V. 63, 3-6. ^ L. c. I. 38, 9, 

L. c. 1. 164, 51. * L. c. X. 98, 1. 



186 LECTURE VI. 

the benefits of the cloud. There is a curious hymn, 
for instance, addressed to the frogs who, at the be- 
ginning of the rains, come forth from the dry ponds, 
and embi'ace each other and chatter together, and 
whom the poet compares to priests singing at a 
sacrifice, a not very comphmentary remark from a 
poet who is himself supposed to have been a priest. 
Their voice is said to have been revived by par^anya, 
which we shall naturally translate ' by rain,' though, 
no doubt, the poet may have meant, for all we know, 
either a cloud, or even the god Par^anya himself. 

I shall try to translate one of the hymns addressed 
to Par^anya, when conceived as a god, or at least as so 
much of a god as it was possible to be at that stage 
in the intellectual growth of the human race^. 

1 . ' Invoke the strong god with these songs ! praise 
Par^anj^a, worship him with veneration ! for he, the 
roaring bull, scattering drops, gives seed-fruit to 
plants. 

2. 'He cuts the trees asunder, he kills evil spirits ; 
the whole world trembles before his mighty weapon. 
Even the guiltless flees before the powerful, when 
Par^anya thundering strikes down the evil-doers. 

3. 'Like a charioteer, striking his horses with a 
whip, he puts forth his messengers of rain. From 
afar arise the roarings of the lion, when Par^anya 
makes the sky full of rain. 

4. 'The winds blow, the lightnings ^ fly, plants 
spring up, the sky pours. Food is produced for the 

^ Eig-vedaV. 83. See Biihler, Orient und Occident, vol. i. 
p. 214; Zimmer, Altindisclies Leben, p. 43. 

^ Both Biihler (Orient und Occident, vol. i. p. 224) and Zimmer 
(Z. f. D. A. vii. p. 169) say that the lightning is represented as the 
son of Par^anya in Eig-veda VII. 101,1. This seems doubtful. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 187 

whole world, when Par^anya blesses the earth with 
his seed. 

5. ' O Par^anya, thou at whose work the earth 
bows down, thou at whose work hoofed animals are 
scattered, thou at whose work the plants assume all 
forms, grant thou to us thy great protection ! 

6. ' Maruts, give us the rain of heaven, make 
the streams of the strong horse run down ! And come 
thou hither with thy thunder, pouring out water, 
for thou (0 Par^anya) art the living god, thou art 
our father. 

7. ' Do thou roar, and thunder, and give fruitfulness ! 
Fly around us with thy chariot full of water ! Draw 
forth thy water-skin, when it has been opened and 
turned downward, and let the high and the low 
places become level ! 

8. ' Draw up the large bucket, and pour it out ; let 
the streams pour forth freely ! Soak heaven and 
earth with fatness ! and let there be a good draught 
for the cows ! 

9. ' Par^anya, when roaring and thundering 
thou killest the evildoers, then everything rejoices, 
whatever lives on earth. 

10. 'Thou hast sent rain, stop now I Thou hast 
made the deserts passable, thou hast made plants 
grow for food, and thou hast obtained praise from 
men.' 

This is a Yedic hymn, and a very fair specimen of 
what these ancient hymns are. There is nothing 
very grand and poetical about them, and yet, I say, 
take thousands and thousands of people living in our 
villages, and depending on rain for their very life, 
and not many of them will be able to compose such a 
prayer for rain, even though three thousand years have 



188 LECTURE VI. 

passed over our heads since Par^anya was first in- 
voked in India. Nor are these verses entirely without 
poetical conceptions and descriptions. Whoever has 
w^atched a real thunderstorm in a hot climate, will 
recognise the truth of those quick sentences, 'the 
winds blow, the lightnings fly, plants spring up, the 
hoofed cattle are scattered.' Nor is the idea without 
a certain drastic reality, that Par^anya draws a bucket 
of water from his well in heaven, and pours out skin 
after skin (in which water was then carried) down 
upon the earth. 

There is even a moral sentiment perceptible in this 
hymn. 'When the storms roar and the lightnings 
flash and the rain pours down, even the guiltless 
trembles, and evildoers are struck down.' Here we 
clearly see that the poet did not look upon the storm 
simply as an outbreak of the violence of nature, but 
that he had a presentiment of a higher will and 
power which even the guiltless fears ; for who, he 
seems to say, is entirely free from guilt 1 

If now we ask again, Who is Par^anya 1' or What is 
Par^anya ? we can answer that par^anya was meant 
originally for the cloud, so far as it gives rain ; but 
as soon as the idea of a giver arose, the visible cloud 
became the outward appearance only, or the body of 
that giver, and the giver himself was somewhere else, 
we know not where. In some verses Par^anya seems 
to step into the place of Dyaus, the sky, and PWthivi, 
the earth, is his wife. In other places ^, however, he 
is the son of Dyaus or the sky, though no thought 
is given in that early stage to the fact that thus 
Par^anya might seem to be the husband of his 

^ Eiff-veda VII. 102, i. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 189 

mother. We saw tliat even the idea of Indra being 
the father of his own father did not startle the 
ancient poets beyond an exclamation that it was a 
very wonderful thing indeed. 

Sometimes Parp'anya does the work of Indra ^, the 
Jupiter Pluvius of the Veda ; sometimes of Yayu, the 
wind, sometimes of Soma, the giver of rain. Yet 
with all this he is not Dyaus, nor Indra, nor the 
Maruts, nor Yayu, nor Soma. He stands by himself, 
a separate person, a separate god, as we should say — 
nay, one of the oldest of all the Aryan gods. 

His name, par^anya, is derived from a root par^, 
which, like its parallel forms pars and parsh, must 
(I think) have had the meaning of sprinkhng, irri- 
gating, moistening. An interchange between final ^, 
s, and sh may, no doubt, seem unusual, but it is not 
without parallel in Sanskrit. We have, for instance, 
the roots pin</, pingere ; pish, to rub ; pis, to adorn 
(as in pesas, ttoikIXo?, &c.) ; mrig, to rub, mrish, to 
rub out, to forget ; mWs, mulcere. 

This very root mrig forms its participle as mr^sh-^a, 
like ya^, ish^a, and vis, vish^a ; nay there are roots, 
such as druh, which optionally take a final lingual or 
guttural, such as dhru^ and dhruk ^. 

We may therefore compare par^ in par^anya with 
such words as pr^shata, pr^'shatl, speckled, drop of 
water ^ ; also parsu, cloud, pn'sni, speckled, cloud, 
earth ; and in Greek -irpo^iw), irepKvos, etc. ^ 



» Eig-vedaYIII. 6, 1. 

^ See Max Miiller, Sanskrit Grammar, § 174, 10. 

^ Cf. Gobh. Grihya S. III. 3, 15, vidyut — stanayitnu — p/^shiteshu. 

* TJ^^valadatta, in his commentary on the Uwadi-sutras, iii. 103, 
admits the same transition of sh into g in the verb prish, as the 
etymon of par^anya. 



/ 



190 LECTURE VI. 

If derived from par^, to sprinkle, Par^anya would 
have meant originally * he who irrigates or gives rain ^.' 

When the different members of the Aryan family 
dispersed, they might all of them, Hindus as well as 
Greeks and Celts, and Teutons and Slaves, have 
carried that name for cloud with them. But you 
know that it happened very often that out of the 
common wealth of their ancient language, one and the 
same word was preserved, as the case might he, not 
by ail, but by only six, or five, or four, or three, or 
two, or even by one only of the seven principal heirs ; 
and yet, as we know that there was no historical 
contact between them, after they had once parted 
from each other, long before the beginning of what 
we call history, the fact that two of the Aryan lan- 
guages have preserved the same finished word with 
the same finished meaning, is proof sufficient that 
it belonged to the most ancient treasure of Aryan 
thought. 

Now there is^no^]t;raGe, at least no very clear trace, 
of Par^anya, in Greek or Latin or Celtic, or even, in 
Teutonic. In Slavonic, too, we look in vain, till we 
come to that almost forgotten side-branch called the 
Lettic, comprising the spoken Lituanian and Lettish, 
and the now extinct Old Prussian. Lituania is no 
longer an independent state, but it was once, not 
more than six centuries ago, a G-rand Duchy, inde- 
pendent both of Russia and Poland. Its first Grand 
Duke was Ringold, who ruled from 1235, and his 
successors made successful conquests against the 

^ For different etymologies, see Biihler, Orient und Occident, i. 
p. 214 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v. p. 140 ; Grassmann, in his 
Dictionary to the Eig-veda, s. v. ; Zimmer, Zeitschrift fur Deutsches 
Alterthum, Neue Folge, vii. p. 164. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 191 

Russians. In 1368 these grand dukes became kings 
of Poland, and in 1569 the two countries were united. 
When Poland was divided between Eussia and Prussia, 
part of Lituania fell to the former, part to the latter. 
There are still about one million and a half of people 
who speak Lituanian in Eussia and Prussia, while 
Lettish is spoken by about one million in Curland 
and Livonia. 

The Lituanian language, even as it is now spoken 
by the common people, contains some extremely 
primitive grammatical forms — in some cases almost 
identical with Sanskrit. These forms are all the 
more curious, because they are but few in number, 
and the rest of the language has suffered much from 
the wear and tear of centuries. 

Now in that remote Lituanian language we find 
that our old friend Par^anya has taken refuge. 
There he lives to the present day, while even in 
India he is almost forgotten, at least in the spoken 
languages ; and there, in Lituania, not many cen- 
turies back might be heard among a Christianised 
or nearly Christianised people, prayers for rain, not 
very different from that which I translated to you 
from the Eig-veda. In Lituanian the god of thunder 
was called Perkunas \ and the same word is still 
used in the sense of thunder. In Old Prussian, 
thunder was ^ercunos, and in Lettish to the present 
day jperhons is thunder, god of thunder ^. 

^ In order to identify Perkunas with par^anya, we must go 
another step backward, and look upon g or g, in the root parg, as a 
weakening of an original k in park. This, however, is a frequent 
phonetic process. See Biihler, in Benfey's Orient und Occident, 
ii. p. 717. 

^ Lituanian perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, perkuno gaisis, storm. 
See Voelkel, Die lettischen Sprachreste, 1879, p. 23. 



192 LECTUEE VI. 

It was, I believe, Grimm who for the first time 
identified the Vedic Par^anya with the Old Slavonic 
Pertin, the Polish Piorun, the Bohemian Peraim. 
These words had formerly been derived by Dobrowsky 
and others from the root peru, I strike. Grimm 
(Teutonic Mythology, Engl, transl., p. 171) showed 
that the fuller forms Perkunas, Pehrkons, and Per- 
kunos existed in Lituanian, Lettish, Old Prussian, 
and that even the Mordvinians had adopted the 
name Porguini as that of their thunder-god. 

Simon Grunau, who finished his chronicle in 1521, 
speaks of three gods, as worshipped by the Old Prus- 
sians, PatoUo, Patrimpo, and Perkuno, and he states 
that Perkuno was invoked ' for storm's sake, that they 
might have rain and fair weather at the proper time, 
and thunder and lightning should not injure them ^.' 

The following Lituanian prayer has been preserved 
to us by Lasitzki ^ : 

' Check thyself, Percuna, and do not send mis- 
fortune on my field ! and I shall give thee this flitch.' 

Among the neighbours of the Lets, the Esthonians, 
who, though un- Aryan in language, have evidently 
learnt much from their Aryan neighbours, the follow- 
ing prayer was heard ^, addressed by an old peasant 

^ ' Perkuno, war der dritte Abgot und man in anrufiffce umbs 
gewitters willen, domit sie Regen batten und scbon wetter zu 
seiner Zeit, und in der Donner und blix kein scbaden tbett.' Cf. 
' Gottesides bei den alten Preussen,' Berlin, 1870, p. 23. The triad 
of tbe gods is called Triburti, Tryboze; 1. c. p. 29. 

^ Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, p. 175; and Lasitzki (Lasicius) 
Joannes, De Russorum, Moscovitarum et Tartarorum religione, 
sacrificiis, nuptiarum etfunerum ritu, Spirse Nemetum, 1582 ; idem, 
De Diis Samagitarum. 

^ Grimm, I.e. p. 176, quoting from Joh. GutslafF, Kurzer Bericht 
und TJnterricht von der falsch heilig genandten bache in Liefland 
"Wohhanda, Dorpat, 1644, pp. 362-364. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 193 

to their god Ficker or Ficken, the god of thunder and 
rain, as late as the seventeenth century ^ : 

' Dear Thunder (woda Picker), we offer to thee an 
ox that has two horns and four cloven hoofs ; we 
would pray thee for our ploughing and sowing, that 
our straw be copper-red, our grain golden-yellow. 
Push elsewhere all the thick black clouds, over 
great fens, high forests, and wildernesses. But unto 
us, ploughers and sowers, give a fruitful season and 
sweet rain. Holy Thunder (poha Picken), guard our 
seed-field, that it bear good straw below, good ears 
above, and good grain within ^.' 

Now, I say again, I do not wish you to admire 
this primitive poetry, primitive, whether it is repeated 
in the Esthonian fens in the seventeenth century of 
our era, or sung in the valley of the Indus in the 
seventeenth century before our era. Let aesthetic 
critics say what they like about these uncouth poems. 
I only ask you, Is it not worth a great many poems, 
to have established this fact, that the same god 
Par^anya, the god of clouds and thunder and light- 
ning and rain, who was invoked in India a thousand 
years before India was discovered by Alexander, 
should have been remembered and believed in by 
Lituanian peasants on the frontier between East 
.Prussia and Hussia, not more than two hundred 
years ago, and should have retained its old name 
Par^anya, which in Sanskrit meant 'showering,' under 
the form of Perkuna, whioh in Lituanian is a name 
and a name only, without any etymological meaning at 
all; nay, should live on, as some scholars assure us, 

^ In modern Esthonian Pitkne, the Finnish Pitcainen (?). 
^ On foreign influences in Esthonian stories, see Ehstnische 
Marchen, von T. Kreutzwald, 1869, Yorwort (by Schiefner), p. iv. 

O 



194 LECTUEE VI. 

in an abbreviated form in most Slavonic dialects, 
namely, in Old Slavonic as Perun, in Polish, as Piorun, 
in Bohemian as Peraun, all meaning thunder or 
thunder-storm M 

Such facts strike me as if we saw the blood 
suddenly beginning to flow again through the veins 
of old mummies ; or as if the Egyptian statues of 
black granite were suddenly to begin to speak again. 
Touched by the rays of modern science the old words — 
call them mummies or statues — begin indeed to live 
again, the old names of gods and heroes begin indeed 
to speak again. All that is old becomes new, all that 
is new becomes old, and that one word, Par^anya, 
seems, like a charm, to open before our eyes the cave 
or cottage in which the fathers of the Aryan race, our 
own fathers, — whether we live on the Baltic or on the 
Indian Ocean, — are seen gathered together, taking 
refuge from the buckets of Par^anya, and saying : 
' Stop now, Par^anya ; thou hast sent rain ; thou hast 
made the deserts passable, and hast made the plants 
to grow ; and thou hast obtained praise from man.' 

We have still to consider the third class of gods, in 
addition to the gods of the earth and the sky, namely 
the gods of the highest heaven, more serene in their 
character than the active and fighting gods of the air 
and the clouds, and more remote from the eyes of 
man, and therefore more mysterious in the exercise 
of their power than the gods of the earth or the air. 

The principal deity is here no doubt the bright 
sky itself, the old Dyaus, worshipped as we know 
by the Aryans before they broke up into separate 
people and languages, and surviving in Greece as 

1 Note I. 



VEDIC DEITIES. 195 

Zeus, in Italy as Jupiter, Heaven-father, and among 
the Teutonic tribes as Tyr and Tiu. In the Veda we 
saw him chiefly invoked in connection with the earth, 
as Dy4v4-pr^thivl, Heaven and Earth. He is invoked 
by himself also, but he is a vanishing god, and his 
place is taken in most of the Vedic poems by the 
younger and more active god, Indra. 

Another representative of the highest heaven, as 
covering, embracing, and shielding all things, is Var- 
unsi, a name derived from the root var, to cover, and 
identical with the Greek Ouranos. This god is one 
of the most interesting creations of the Hindu mind, 
because though we can still perceive the physical 
background from which he rises, the vast, starry, 
brilliant expanse above, his features, more than those 
of any of the Vedic gods, have become completely 
transfigured, and he stands before us as a god who 
watches over the world, punishes the evil-doer, and 
even forgives the sins of those who implore his pardon. 

I shall read you one of the hymns addressed to 
him^ : 

' Let us be blessed in thy service, Varu?ia, for 
we always think of thee and praise thee, greeting 
thee day by day, like the fires lighted on the altar, 
at the approach of the rich dawns.' 2. 

* VaruTza, our guide, let us stand in thy keeping, 
thou who art rich in heroes and praised far and 
wide ! And you, unconquered sons of Aditi, deign 
to accept us as your friends, gods!' 3. 

'Aditya, the ruler, sent forth these rivers; they 
follow the law of Varuwa. They tire not, they cease 
not ; like birds they fly quickly everywhere.' 4. 

^ Rig-veda II. 28. 
o 2 



196 LECTUEE VI. 

' Take from me my sin, like a fetter, and we shall 
increase, Varuna, the spring of thy law. Let not 
the thread be cut while I weave my song ! Let not 
the form of the workman break before the time !' 5. 

' Take far away from me this terror, Varuiia ! 
Thou, righteous king, have mercy on me ! Like 
as a rope from a calf, remove from me my sin ; 
for away from thee I am not master even of the 
twinkling of an eye.' 6. 

' Do not strike us, Varu^za, with weapons which at 
thy will hurt the evil-doer. Let us not go where the 
light has vanished! Scatter our enemies, that we 
may live.' 7. 

' We did formerly, Varu?ia, and do now, and 
shall in future also, sing praises to thee, mighty 
one ! For on thee, unconquerable hero, rest all 
statutes, immovable, as if established on a rock.' 8. 

' Move far away from me all self-committed guilt, 
and may I not, king, suffer for what others have 
committed ! Many dawns have not yet dawned ; 
grant us to live in them, Yaruna.' 9. 

You may have observed that in several verses of 
this hymn Varui2a was called Aditya, or son of Aditi* 
Now Aditi means infinitude, from dita, bound, and a, 
not, that is, not bound, not limited, absolute, infinite. 
Aditi itself is now and then invoked in the Veda, as 
the Beyond, as what is beyond the earth and the 
sky, and the sun and the dawn — a most surprising 
conception in that early period of religious thought. 
More frequently, however, than Aditi, we meet with 
the Adityas, literally the sons of Aditi, or the gods 
beyond the visible earth and sky, — in one sense, the 
infinite gods. One of them is YaruTia, others Mitra 
and Aryaman (Bhaga, Daksha, Amsa), most of them 



VEDIC DEITIES. 197 

abstract names, though pointing to heaven and the 
solar light of heaven as their first, though almost 
forgotten source. 

When Mitra and YaruTia are invoked together, we 
can still perceive dimly that they were meant 
originally for day and night, light and darkness. 
But in their more personal and so to say dramatic 
aspect, day and night appear in the Vedic mythology 
as the two Asvins, the two hoi^semen. 

Aditi, too, the infinite, still shows a few traces of 
her being originally connected with the boundless 
Dawn; but again, in her more personal and dramatic 
character, the Dawn is praised by the Vedic poets as 
Ushas, the Greek Eos, the beautiful maid of the 
morning, loved by the Asvins, loved by the sun, but 
vanishing before him at the very moment when he 
tries to embrace her with his golden rays. The sun 
himself, whom we saw reflected several times before 
in some of the divine personifications of the air and 
the sky and even of the earth, appears once more in 
his full personality, as the sun of the sky, under the 
names of Surya (Helios), Savitn, Pushan, and Vish72u, 
and many more. 

You see from all this how great a mistake it 
would be to attempt to reduce the whole of Aryan 
mythology to solar concepts, and to solar concepts 
only. We have seen how largely the earth, the air, 
and the sky have each contributed their share to the 
earliest religious and mythological treasury of the 
Vedic Aryans. Nevertheless, the Sun occupied in 
that ancient collection of Aryan thought, which we 
call Mythology, the same central and commanding 
position which, under difierent names, it still holds 
in our own thoughts. 



198 LECTURE VI. 

What we call the Morning, the ancient Aryans called 
the Sun or the Dawn ; ' and there is no solemnity 
so deep to a rightly thinking creature as that of 
the Dawn.' (These are not my words, but the words 
of one of our greatest poets, one of the truest 
worshippers of Nature — John Kuskin.) What we 
call Noon, and Evening, and Night, what we call 
Spring and Winter, what we call Year, and Time, 
and Life, and Eternity — all this the ancient Aryans 
called Sun. And yet wise people wonder and say, 
how curious that the ancient Aryans should have 
had so many solar myths. Why, every time we 
say ' Good Morning,' we commit a solar myth. Every 
poet who sings about ' the May driving the Winter 
from the field again ' commits a solar myth. Every 
' Christmas Number ' of our newspapers — ringing out 
the old year and ringing in the new — is brimfuU of 
solar myths. Be not afraid of solar myths, but when- 
ever in ancient mythology you meet with a name 
that, according to the strictest phonetic rules (for 
this is a sine qua non), can be traced back to a 
word meaning sun, or dawn, or morning, or night, 
or sprmg or winter, accept it for what it was meant 
to be, and do not be greatly surprised, if a story told 
of a solar eponymos was originally a solar myth. 

No one has more strongly protested against the ex- 
travagances of Comparative Mythologists in changing 
everything into solar legends, than I have ; but if 
I read some of the arguments brought forward against 
this new science, I confess they remind me of nothing 
so much as of the arguments brought forward, centuries 
ago, against the existence of Antipodes ! People then 
appealed to what is called Common Sense, which 
ought to teach everybody that Antipodes could not 



VEDIC DEITIES. 199 

possibly exist, because they would tumble off. The 
best answer that astronomers could give, was, ' Go 
and see/ And I can give no better answer to those 
learned sceptics who try to ridicule the Science of 
Comparative Mythology — 'Go and see!' that is, go 
and read the Veda, and before you have finished the 
first Ma7^(^ala, I can promise you, you will no longer 
shake your wise heads at solar myths, whether in 
India, or in Greece, or in Italy, or even in England, 
where we see so little of the sun, and talk all the 
more about the weather — that is, about a solar myth. 

We have thus seen from the hymns and prayers 
preserved to us in the Eig-veda, how a large number 
of so-called Devas, bright and sunny beings, or gods, 
were called into existence, how the whole world was 
peopled with them, and every act of nature, whether 
on the earth or in the air or in the highest heaven, 
ascribed to their agency. When we say, it thunders, 
they said Indra thunders ; when we say, it rains, they 
said Par^anya pours out his buckets ; when we say, 
it dawns, they said the beautiful Ushas appears like 
a dancer, displaying her splendour ; when we say, 
it grows dark, they said Surya unharnesses his steeds. 
The whole of nature was alive to the poets of the 
Veda, the presence of the gods was felt everywhere, 
and in that sentiment of the presence of the gods 
there was a germ of religious morality, sufficiently 
strong, it would seem, to restrain people from com- 
mitting as it :were before the eyes of their gods what 
they were ashamed to commit before the eyes of m6n. 
When speaking of Yaruna, the old god of the sky, 
one poet says ^ : 

' Varuna, the great lord of these worlds, sees as 

^ Atharva-veda IV. i6. 



200 LECTURE VI. 

if he were near. If a man stands or walks or Indes, 
if he goes to lie down or to get up, what two people 
sitting together whisper to each other, King Varuw,a 
knows it, he is there as the third \ This earth, too, 
belongs to Varuwa, the King, and this wide sky with 
its ends far apart. The two seas (the sky and the 
ocean) are Varu^ia's loins ; he is also contained in 
this small drop of water. He who slioiild flee far 
beyond the sky, even he would not be rid of Varuna, 
the King ^. His spies proceed from heaven towards 
this world ; with thousand eyes they overlook this 
earth. King Yaruna sees all this, what is between 
heaven and earth, and what is beyond. He has 
counted the twinklings of the eyes of men. As a 
player throws down the dice, he settles all things 
(irrevocably). May all thy fatal snares which stand 
spread out seven by seven and threefold, catch the 
man who tells a lie, may they pass by him who speaks 
the truth.' 

You see this is as beautiful, and in some respects 
as true, as anything in the Psalms. And yet we 
know that there never was such a Deva, or god, or 
such a thing as Ysbvunn.. We know it is a mere 
name, meaning originally ' covering or all-embracing,' 
which was applied to the visible starry sky, and 
afterwards, by a process perfectly inteUigible, de- 
veloped into the name of a Being, endowed with 
human and superhuman qualities. 

^ Psalm cxxxix. i, 2, ' Lord, thou hast searched me and known 
rae. Thou knowest my downsitting and mine uprising, thou under- 
stand est my thought afar off.' 

^ Psalm cxxxix. 9, 'If I take the wings of the morning, and dwell 
in the uttermost parts of the sea; even there shall thy hand lead me, 
and thy right hand shall hold me.' 



VEDIO DEITIES. 201 

And what applies to Varu^za applies to all the 
other gods of the Veda and the Vedic religion, whether 
three in number, or thirty-three, or, as one poet said, 
' three thousand three hundred and thirty- nine gods ^.' 
They are all but names, quite as much as Jupiter 
and Apollo and Minerva ; in fact, quite as much as 
all the gods of every religion who are called by such 
appellative titles. 

Possibly, if any one had said this during the Yedic 
age in India, or even during the Periklean age in 
Greece, he would have been called, like Sokrates, a 
blasphemer or an atheist. And yet nothing can be 
clearer or truer, and we shall see that some of the 
poets of the Veda too, and, still more, the later Vedantic 
philosopher, had a clear insight that it was so. 

Only let us be careful in the use of that phrase 
*it is a mere name.' No name is a mere name. 
Every name was originally meant for something ; 
only it often failed to express what it was meant to 
express, and then became a weak or an empty name, 
or what we then call ' a mere name.' So it was with 
these names of the Vedic gods. They were all meant 
to express the Beyond, the Invisible behind the 
Visible, the Infinite within the Finite, the Super- 
natural above the Natural, the Divine, omnipresent, 
and omnipotent. They failed in expressing what, by 
its very nature, must always remain inexpressible. 
But that Inexpressible itself remained, and in spite of 
all these failures, it never succumbed, or vanished from 
the mind of the ancient thinkers and poets, but 
always called for new and better names, nay calls for 
them even now, and will call for them to the very 
end of man's existence upon earth. 

^ Rig-veda III. 9, 9 ; X. 52, 6. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA, 



LECTUKE VII. 

I DO not wonder that I should have been asked by- 
some of my hearers to devote part of my last lecture 
to answering the question, how the Yedic literature 
I could have been composed and preserved, if writing 
was unknown in India before 500 B.C., while the 
hymns of the Big-veda are said to date from 1 500 B.C. 
Classical scholars naturally ask what is the date of 
our oldest MSS. of the Big-veda, and what is the 
evidence on which so high an antiquity is assigned 
to its contents. I shall try to answer this question 
as well as I can, and I shall begin with a humble 
confession that the oldest MSS. of the Big-veda, 
known to us at present, date not from 1500 B.C. but 
from about 1500 a.d. 

We have therefore a gap of three thousand years, 
which it will require a strong arch of argument to 
bridge over. 

But that is not all. 

You may know how, in the beginning of this cen- 
tury, when the age of the Homeric poems was dis- 
cussed, a German scholar, Frederick August Wolf, 
asked two momentous questions : — 

1. At what time did the Greeks first become 
acquainted with the alphabet and use it for inscrip- 



VEDA AND VEDANTA, 203 

tions on public monuments, coins, shields, and for 
contracts, both public and private ^ 1 

2. At what time did the Greeks first tbink of 
using writing for literary purposes, and what mate- 
rials did they employ for that purpose ? 

These two questions and the answers they elicited 
threw quite a new light on the nebulous periods of 
Greek literature. A fact more firmly established 
than any other in the ancient history of Greece is 
that the lonians learnt the alphabet from the 
Phenicians. The lonians always called their letters 
Phenician letters ^, and the very name of Alphabet 
was a Phenician word. We can well understand 
that the Phenicians should have taught the lonians 
in Asia Minor a knowledge of the alphabet, partly 
for commercial purposes, i.e. for making contracts, 
partly for enabhng them to use those useful little 
sheets, called Periplus, or Circumnavigations, which 
at that time were as precious to sailors as maps 
were to the adventurous seamen of the middle ages. 
But from that to a written literature, in our sense 
of the word, there is still a wide step. It is well 
knovra. that the Germans, particularly in the North, 
had their E,unes for inscriptions on tombs, goblets, 
public monuments, but not for literary purposes". 
Even if a few lonians at Miletus and other centres 
of political and commercial life acquired the art of 

^ On the early use of letters for public inscriptions, see Hayman, 
Journal of Philology, 1879, pp. 141, 142, 150; Hicks, Manual of 
Grreek Historical Inscriptions, pp. i seqq. 

^ Herod, (v. 59) says : ' I saw Phenician letters on certain 
tripods in a temple of the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes in Bceotia, 
the most of them like the Ionian letters.' 

f Munch, Die Nordisch Grermanischen Yolker, p. 240. 



204 LECTURE VIT. 

writing, where could they find writing materials '? and, 
still more important, where could they find readers 1 
The lonians, when they began to write, had to be satis- 
fied with a hide or pieces of leather, which they called 
dijphthera, and until that was brought to the perfection 
of vellum or parchment, the occupation of an author 
cannot have been very agreeable \ 

So far as we know at present the lonians began to 
write about the middle of the sixth century b. c. ; and, 
whatever may have been said to the contrary. Wolf's 
dictum stills holds good that with them the beginning 
of a written literature was the same as the beginning 
of prose writing. 

Writing at that time was an effort, and such an 
effort was made for some great purpose only. Hence 
the first written skins were what we should call 
Murray's Handbooks, called Feriegesis or Periodos, 
or, if treating of sea-voyages, Perij)his, that is, guide- 
books, books to lead travellers round a country 
or round a town. Connected with these itineraries 
were the accounts of the foundations of cities, the 
Ktisis. Such books existed in Asia Minor during 
the sixth and fifth centuries, and their writers were 
called by a general term, Logographi, or XSyioL or 
XoyoTTOLot'^, as opposed to ololSol, the poets. They 
were the forerunners of the Greek historians, and 
Herodotus (443 B.C.), the so-called father of history, 
made frequent use of their works. 

^ Herod, (v. 58) says: ' The lonians from of old call jSvjSXos Sicpdepai, 
because once, in default of the former, they used to employ the 
latter. And even down to my own time, many of the barbarians 
write on such diphtherse.' 

^ Hekatseos and Kadmos of Miletos (520 B.C.), Charon of 
Lampsakos (504 B.C.), Xanthos the Lydian (463 B.C.), Pherekydes 
of Leros (480 B.C.), Hellanikos of Mitylene (450 b.c), &c. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 205 

The whole of this incipient literary activity be- 
longed to Asia Minor. From ' Guides through to^vns 
and countries/ literature seems to have spread at an 
early time to Guides through life, or philosophical 
dicta, such as are ascribed to Anaximander the 
Ionian (610-547 B.c.^), and Pherekydes the Syrian 
(540 B.C.). These names carry us into the broad day- 
light of history, for Anaximander was the teacher of 
Anaximenes, Anaximenes of Anaxagoras, and Anax- 
agoras of Perikles. At that time writing was a re- 
cognised art, and its cultivation had been rendered 
possible chiefly through trade with Egypt and the 
importation of papyros. In the time of JEschylos 
(500 B.C.) the idea of writing had become so familiar 
that he could use it again and again in poetical meta- 
phors ^, and there seems little reason why we should 
doubt that both Peisistratos (528 B.C.) and Polykrates 
of Samos (523 B.C.) were among the first collectors of 
Greek manuscripts. 

In this manner the simple questions asked by Wolf 
helped to reduce the history of ancient Greek litera- 
ture to some kind of order, particularly with reference 
to its first beginnings. 

It would therefore seem but reasonable that the 
two first questions to be asked by the students of 
Sanskrit literature should have been : — 

1. At what time did the people of India becom( 
acquainted with an alphabet ? 

2. At what time did they first use such alphabet 
for literary purposes 1 

Curiously enough, however, these questions re- 
mained in abeyance for a long time, and, as a 

^ Lewis, Astronomy, p. 92, 

^ See Hayman, Journal of Philology, 1879, p. 139. 



206 LECTUEE VIT. 

consequence, it was impossible to introduce even the 
first elements of order into the chaos of ancient 
Sanskrit literature^. 

I can here state a few facts only. There are no 
inscriptions to be found anywhere in India before the 
middle of the third century b. c. These inscriptions 
are Buddhist, put up during the reign of Asoka, the 
grandson of JiTandragupta, who was the contemporary 
of Seleucus, and at whose court in Patalibothra Me- 
gasthenes lived as ambassador of Seleucus. Here, as 
you see, we are on historical ground. In fact, there 
is little doubt that Asoka, the king who put up these 
inscriptions in several parts of his vast kingdom, 
reigned from 259-222 B.C. 

These inscriptions are written in two alphabets — 
one written from right to left, and clearly derived 
from an Aramaean, that is, a Semitic alphabet ; the 
other written from left to right, and clearly an adap- 
tation, and an artificial or systematic adaptation,- of a 
Semitic alphabet to the requirements of an Indian 
language. That second alphabet became the source 
of all Indian alphabets, and of many alphabets carried 
chiefly by Buddhist teachers far beyond the limits of 
India, though it is possible that the earliest Tamil 
alphabet may have been directly derived from the 
same Semitic source which supplied both^the dex- 
trorsum and the sinistrorsum alphabets of India. 

Here then we have the first fact, viz. that writing, 
(even for monumental purposes, was .unknown in 
India before the third century B.C. 

But writing for commercial purposes was known 



^ See M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 497 
Bsqq., ' On the Introduction of "Writing in India.' 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 207 

in India before that time. Megastlienes was no 

doubt quite right when he said that the Indians did 

not know letters ^ that their laws were not written, 

and that they administered justice from memory. 

But Nearchus, the admiral of Alexander the Great, 

who sailed down the Indus {3 2 5 b. c), and was therefore 

brought in contact with the merchants frequenting 

the maritime stations of India, was probably equally 

right in declaring that ' the Indians wrote letters on 

cotton that had been well beaten together.' These were 

no doubt commercial documents, contracts, it may be, ^ * 

with Phenician or Egyptian captains, and they would Tf */^ 

prove nothing as to the existence in India at that , / "^ 

time of what we mean by a written literature. In /■^^^J/'^py 

fact, Nearchus himself affirms what Megasthenes said (^ 

after him, namely that ' the laws of the sophists in 

India were not written.' If, at the same time, the 

Greek travellers in India speak of m'ile-stones, and 

of cattle marked by the Indians with various signs ' r^ 

and also with numbers, all this would perfectly agree ^ 

with what we know from other sources, that though 

the art of writing may have reached India before 

the time of Alexander's conquest, its employment 

for literary purposes cannot date from a much earlier 

time. 

Here then we are brought face to face with a most 
startling fact. Writing was unknown in India before 
the fourth century before Christ, and yet we are 
asked to believe that the Yedic literature in its three 
well-defined periods, the Mantra, Brahmawa, and 
S^tra periods, goes back to at least a thousand years 
before our era. 

^ M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 515. 



' iJ 



208 LECTURE VII. 

Now the Eig-veda alone, which contains a collec- 
tion of ten books of hymns addressed to various 
deities, consists of 1017 (1028) poems, 10,580 verses, 
and about 153,826 words ^ How were these poems 
composed — for they are composed in very perfect 
metre — and how, after having been composed, were 
they handed down from 1500 before Christ to 1500 
after Christ, the time to which most of our best 
Sanskrit MSS. belong 1 

Entirely hy memory. This may sound startling, 
but — what will sound still more startling, and yet 
is a fact that can easily be ascertained by anybody 
who doubts it — at the present moment, if every 
MS. of the Eig-veda were lost, we should be able 
to recover the whole of it — from the memory of the 
/Srotriyas in India. These native students learn the 
Veda by heart, and they learn it from the mouth of 
their Guru, never from a MS., still less from my 
printed edition, — and after a time they teach it again 
to their pupils. 

I have had such students in my room at Oxford, 
who not only could repeat these hymns, but who 
repeated them with the proper accents (for the Yedic 
Sanskrit has accents like Greek), nay who, when 
looking through my printed edition of the Eig-veda, 
could point out a misprint without the slightest 
hesitation. 

I can tell you more. There are hardly any various 
readings in our MSS. of the Eig-veda, but various 
schools in India have their own readings of certain 
passages, and they hand down those readmgs with 
great care. So, instead of collating MSS., as we do 
in G-reek and Latin, I have asked some friends of 

^ M. M., Hibbert Lectures, p. 153. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 209 

mine to collate those Vedic students, who cany their 
own Eig-veda in their memory, and to let me have 
the various readings from these living authorities. 

Here then we are not dealing with theories, but 
with facts, which anybody may verify. The whole of 
the Eig-veda, and a great deal more, still exists at 
the present moment in the oral tradition of a number 
of scholars who, if they liked, could write down every 
letter, and every accent, exactly as we find them in 
ouroldMSS. 

Of course, this learning by heart is carried on 
under a strict discipline ; it is, in fact, considered as 
a sacred duty. A native friend of minCj himself a 
very distinguished Vedic scholar, tells me that a boy, 
who is to be brought up as a student of the Eig- 
veda, has to spend about eight years in the house 
of his teacher. He has to learn ten books : first, 
the hymns of the Eig-veda ; then a prose treatise 
on sacrifices, called the Brahmaria ; then the so- 
called Forest-book or Ara^zyaka ; then the rules on 
domestic ceremonies ; and lastly, six treatises on pro^ 
nunciation, grammar, etymology, metre, astronomy, 
and ceremonial. 

These ten books it has been calculated contain 
nearly 30,000 lines, each line reckoned as thirty-two 
syllables. 

A pupil studies every day, during the eight years 
of his theological apprenticeship, except on the holi- 
days, which are called 'non-reading days.' There 
being 360 days in a lunar year, the eight years would 
give him 2880 days. Deduct from this 384 holidays, 
and you get 2496 working days during the eight 
years. If you divide the number of lines, 30,000, by 
the number of working days, you get about twelve 



210 LECTUEE VII. 

lines to be learnt each day, though much time is 
taken up, in addition, for practising and rehearsing 
what has been learnt before. 

Now this is the state of things at present, though 
I doubt whether it will last much longer, and I 
always impress on my friends in India, and therefore 
impress on those also who will soon be settled as 
Civil Servants in India, the duty of trjdng to learn 
all that can still be learnt from those living hbra- 
ries. Much ancient Sanskrit lore will be lost for 
ever when that race of >S^rotriyas becomes extinct. 

But now let us look back. About a thousand years 
ago a Chinese, of the name of I-tsing, a Buddhist, 
went to India to learn Sanskrit, in order to be able 
to translate some of the sacred books of his own 
religion, which were originally written in Sanskrit, 
into Chinese. He left China in 671, arrived at 
T4mralipti in India in 673, and went to the great 
College and Monastery of N41anda, where he studied 
Sanskrit. He returned to China in 695, and died 
in 703 ^ 

In one of his works which we still possess in 
Chinese, he gives an account of what he saw in India, 
not only among his own co-rehgionists, the Buddhists, 
but Hkewise among the Brahmans^. 

Of the Buddhist priests he says that after they 
have learnt to recite the five and the ten precepts, 
they are taught the 400 hymns of M^tri^eta, and 
afterward the 150 hymns of the same poet. When 
they are able to recfte these, they begin the study of 

^ See my article on the date of the Kasika in the Indian Anti- 
quary, 1880, p. 305. 

^ The translation of the most important passages in I-tsing's 
^ork wasmade for me by one of my Japanese pupils, K. Kasawara. 



VEDA AKD VEDANTA. 211 

the Sutras of their Sacred Canon. They also learn 
by heart the 6^4takamaM ^, which gives an account of 
Buddha in former states of existence. Speaking of 
what he calls the islands of the Southern Sea, which 
he visited after leaving India, I-tsing says : * There 
are more than ten islands in the South Sea. There 
both priests and laymen recite the (ratakamal4, as 
they recite the hymns mentioned before ; but it has 
not yet been translated into Chinese.' 

One of these stories, he proceeds to say, was versi- 
fied by a king (^ie-zhih) and set to music, and was 
performed before the public with a band and dancing 
— evidently a Buddhist mystery play. 

I-tsing then gives a short account of the system of 
education. Children, he says, learn the forty-nine 
letters and the 10,000 compound letters when they 
are six years old, and generally finish them in half a 
year. This corresponds to about 300 verses, eacb 
sloka of thirty-two syllables. It was originally 
taught by Mahesvara. At eight years, children begin 
to learn the grammar of Pamni, and know it after 
about eight months. It consists of 1000 slokas, 
called Sutras. 

Then follows the list of roots (dh^tu) and the three 
appendices (khila), consisting again of 1000 slokas. 
Boys begin the three appendices when they are ten 
years old, and finish them in three years. 

When they have reached the age of fifteen, they 
begin to study a commentary on the grammar (Sutra) 
and spend five years on learning it. And here I-tsing 
gives the following advice to his countrymen, many 

^ See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripiiaka, p. 372, 
where Aryasura, who must have lived hefore 434 A.D.,is mentioned 
as the author of the 6^atakamala, 

P 2 



212 LECTURE VII. 

of wliom came to India to learn Sanskrit, but seem 
to have learnt it very imperfectly. 'If men of China/ 
he writes, ' go to India, wishing to study there, they 
should first of all learn these grammatical works, and 
then only other subjects ; if not, they will merely 
waste their labour. These works should be learnt 
by heart. But this is suited for men of high quality 
only. . . . They should study hard day and night, 
without letting a moment pass for idle repose. They 
should be like Confucius, through whose hard study 
the binding of his Yih-king was three times cut 
asunder, being worn away; and like Sui-shih, who 
used to read a book repeatedly one hundred times.' 
Then follows a remark, more intelligible in Chinese 
than in English : ' The hairs of a bull are counted by 
thousands, the horn of a unicorn is only one.' 

I-tsing then speaks of the high degree of perfec- 
tion to which the memory of these students attained, 
both among Buddhists and heretics. ' Such men,' he 
says, 'could commit to memory the contents of two 
volumes learning them only once.' 

And then turning to the heretics, or what we 
should call the orthodox Brahmans, he says : ' The 
Br^hmawas are regarded throughout the five divisions 
of India as the most respectable. They do not walk 
with the other three castes, and other mixed classes 
of people are still further dissociated from them. 
They revere th-eir Scriptures, the four Vedas, con- 
taining about 100,000 verses. . . . The Vedas are 
handed down from mouth to mouth, not written on 
paper. There are in every generation some intelli- 
gent Brahmans who can recite those 100,000 verses. 
... I myself saw such men.' 

Here then we have an eye-witness who, in the 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 213 

seventh, century after Christ, visited India, learnt 
Sanskrit, and spent about twenty years in different 
monasteries — a man who had no theories of his own 
about oral tradition, but who, on the contrary, as 
coming from China, was quite familiar wdth the idea of 
a written, nay, of a printed literature : — and yet what 
does he say? 'The Vedas are not written on paper, 
but handed down from mouth to mouth.' 

Now, I do not quite agree here with I-tsiug. At 
all events, we must not conclude from w^hat he says 
that there existed no Sanskrit MSS. at all at his 
time. We know they existed. We know that 
in the first ceutury of our era Sanskrit MSS. were 
carried from India to China and translated there; 
Most likely therefore there were MSS. of the Veda 
also in existence. But I-tsing, for all that, was right 
in supposing that these MSS. were not allowed to be 
used by students, and that they had always to learn 
the Veda by heart and from the mouth of a properly 
qualified teacher. The very fact that in the later 
law-books severe punishments are threatened against 
persons who copy the Veda or learn it from a MS., 
shows that MSS. existed, and that their existence 
interfered seriously with the ancient privileges of the 
Brahmans, as the only legitimate teachers of their 
sacred scriptures. 

If now, after having heard this account of I-tsing^ 
we go back for about another thousand years, we shall 
feel less sceptical in accepting the evidence which we 
find in the so-called Pratis4khyas, that is, collections 
of rules which, so far as we know at present, go back 
to the fifth century before our era, and which tell us 
almost exactly the same as what we can see in India 
at the present moment, namely that the education of 



214 . LECTURE VII. 

children of the three twice-born castes, the Brahma?ias, 
Kshatriyas, and Yaisyas, consisted in their passing at 
least eight years in the house of a Guru, and learning 
by heart the ancient Vedic hymns. 

The art of teaching had even at that early time 
been reduced to a perfect system, and at that time 
certainly there is not the slightest trace of anything, 
such as a book, or skin, or parchment, a sheet of 
paper, pen or ink, being known even by name to the 
people of India ; while every expression connected 
with what we should call literature, points to a litera- 
ture (we cannot help using that word) existing in 
memory only, and being handed down with the most 
scrupulous care by means of oral tradition. 

I had to enter into these details because I know 
that, with our ideas of literature, it requires an effort 
to imagine the bare possibility of a large amount of 
poetry, and still more of prose, existing in any but a 
written form. And yet here too we only see what 
we see elsewhere, namely that man, before the great 
discoveries of civilisation were made, was able by 
greater individual efforts to achieve what to us, accus- 
tomed to easier contrivances, seems almost impossible. 
So-called savages were able to chip flints, to get fire 
by rubbing sticks of wood, which baffles our handiest 
workmen. Are we to suppose that, if they wished 
to preserve some songs which, as they believed, had 
once secured them the favour of their gods, had 
brought rain from heaven, or led them on to victory, 
they would have found no means of doing so 1 We 
have only to read such accounts as, for instance, Mr. 
WiUiam Wyatt Grill has given us in his ' Historical 
Sketches of Savage Life in Polynesia ^,' to see how 

1 "Wellington, i88o. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 215 

anxious even savages are to preserve the records of 
their ancient heroes, kings, and gods, particularly 
when the dignity or nobility of certain families de- 
pends on these songs, or when they contain what 
might be called the title-deeds to large estates. And 
that the Yedic Indians were not the only savages of 
antiquity who discovered the means of preserving a 
large literature by means of oral tradition, we may 
learn from CaBsar i, not a very credulous witness, who 
tells us that the ' Druids were said to know a large 
number of verses by heart ; that some of them spent 
twenty years in learning them, and that they con- 
sidered it wrong to commit them to writing' — exactly 
the same story which we hear in India. 

We must return once more to the question of 
dates. We have traced the existence of the Veda, 
as handed down by oral tradition, from our days 1 
to the days of I-tsing in the seventh century after / 
Christ, and again to the period of the Pr^tis^khyas, 
in the fifth century before Christ. 

In that fifth century B.C. took place the rise of 
Buddhism, a rehgion built up on the ruins of the 
Vedic religion, and founded, so to say, on the denial 
of the divine authority ascribed to the Veda by all 
orthodox Brahmans. 

Whatever exists therefore of Vedic literature must / ^^ 
be^accommodated within the centuries preceding the •' ■ 
rise of Buddhism, and if I teU you that there are 
three periods of Vedic literature to be accommodated, .^. 

the third presupposing the second, and the second the 
first, and that even that first period presents us with 

^ De Bello Gall. vi. 14; History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 
p. 506. 



216 LECTURE VII. 

a collection, and a systematic collection of Vedic 
hymns, I think jo\i will agree with me that it is 
from no desire for an extreme antiquity, but simply 
from a respect for facts, that students of the Yeda 
have come to the conclusion that these hymns, of 
which the MSS. do not carry us back beyond the 
fifteenth century after Clirist, took their origin in the 
fifteenth century before Christ. 

One fact I must mention once more, because I 
think it may carry conviction even against the 
stoutest scepticism. 

I mentioned that the earliest inscriptions disco^ 
vered in India belong to the reign of King Asoka, the 
grandson of ^andragupta, who reigned from 259-222 
before Christ. What is the language of those in- 
scriptions ? Is it the Sanskrit of the Vedic hymns ? 
Certainly not. Is it the later Sanskrit of the Br4h- 
ma?ias and Sutras "? Certainly not. These inscriptions 
are written in the local dialects as then spoken in India, 
and these local dialects differ from the grammatical 
Sanskrit about as much as Italian does from Latin. 

What follows from this 1 First, that the archaic 
Sanskrit of the Yeda had ceased to be spoken before 
I the third century b. c. Secondly, that even the later 

(grammatical Sanskrit was no longer spoken and un- 
vderstood by the people at large; that Sanskrit there- 
j I fore had ceased, nay, we may say, had long ceased to 
"^tf I ^® the spoken language of the country when Buddhism 
r*! I arose, and that therefore the youth and manhood of 
.^ |the ancient Vedic language he far beyond the period 
|that gave birth to the teaching of Buddha, who, 
ffchough he may have known Sanskrit, and even Vedic 
Sanskrit, insisted again and again on the duty that hia 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 217 

disciples should preach, his doctrines in the language 

of the people whom they wished to benefit. / 

And now, w^hen the time allotted to me is nearly 
at an end, I find, as it always happens, that I have 
not been able to say one half of what I hoped to say 
as to the lessons to be learnt by us in India, even 
with regard to this one branch of human knowledge 
only, the study of the origin of religion. I hope, 
however, I may have succeeded in showing you the 
entirely new aspect which the old problem of the 
ilieogony, or the origin and growth of the Devas or gods, 
assumes from the light thrown upon it by the Veda. 
Instead of positive theories, we now have positive 
facts, such as you look for in vain anywhere else; and 
though there is still a considerable interval between 
the Devas of the Veda, even in their highest form, 
and such concepts as Zeus, Apollon, and Athene, yet 
the chief riddle is solved, and w^e know now at last 
what stuff the gods of the ancient world were made of. 

But this theogonic process is but one side of the 
ancient Vedic religion, and there are two other sides 
of at least the same importance and of even a deeper 
interest to us. 

There are in fact three religions in the Veda, or, if 
I may say so, three naves in one great temple, reared, as 
it were, before our eyes by poets, prophets, and philo- 
sophers. Here, too, we can watch the work and the 
workmen. We have notto deal with hard formulas only, 
with unintelligible ceremonies, or petrified fetishes. 
We can see how the human mind arrives by a per- 
fectly rational process at all its later irrationalities. 
This is what distinguishes the Veda from all other 
Sacred Books. Much, no doubt, in the Veda also, 



218 . ' LECTUKE VII. 

and in the Vedic ceremonial, is already old and unin- 
telligible, hard and petrified. But in many cases the 
development of names and concepts, their transition 
from the natural to the supernatural, from the indi- 
vidual to the general, is still going on, and it is for 
that very reason that we find it so difficult, nay 
almost impossible, to translate the growing thoughts 
of the Veda into the full-grown and more than full- 
grown language of our time. 

Let us take one of the oldest words for god in the 
Veda, such as deva, the Latin deus. The dictionaries 
tell you that deva means god and gods, and so, no 
doubt, it does. But if we always translated deva in 
the Vedic hymns by god, we should not be translating, 
hut completely transforming the thoughts of the Vedic 
poets. I do not mean only that our idea of God is 
totally diflerent from the idea that was intended to 
be expressed by deva; but even the Greek and 
Boman concept of gods would be totally inadequate 
to convey the thoughts imbedded in the Vedic deva. 
Deva meant originally bright, and nothing else. 
Meaning bright, it was constantly used of the sky, 
the stars, the sun, the dawn, the day, the spring, the 
rivers, the earth ; and when a poet wished to speak of 
all , of these by one and the same word — by what we 
should call a general term — he called them all Devas. 
When that had been done, Deva did no longer mean 
' the Bright ones,' but the name comprehended all 
the qualities which the sky and the sun and the 
dawn shared in common, excluding only those that 
were peculiar to each. 

Here you see how, by the simplest process, the 
Devas, the bright ones, might become and did become 
the Devas, the heavenly, the kind, the powerful, the 



VEDA AND YEDANTA. 219 

invisible, tlie immortal — and, in the end, something 
very like the 6eoL (or dii) of Greeks and Romans. 

In this way one Beyond, the Beyond of Nature, 
was built up in the ancient religion of the Veda, and 
peopled with Devas, and Asuras, and Vasus, and 
Adityas, all names for the bright solar, celestial, diur- 
nal, and vernal powers of nature, without altogether 
excluding, however, even the dark and unfriendly 
powers, those of the night, of the dark clouds, or of 
winter, capable of mischief, but always destined in 
the end to succumb to the valour and strength of their 
bright antagonists. 

We now come to the second nave of the Vedic 
temple, the second, Beyond that was dimly perceived, 
and grasped and named by the ancient Bishis, namely 
the world of the Departed Spirits. 

There was in India, as elsewhere, another very 
early faith, springing np naturally in the hearts of 
the people, that their fathers and mothers, when they 
departed this life, departed to a Beyond, wherever it 
might be, either in the East from whence all the bright 
Devas seemed to come, or more commonly in the West, 
the land to which they seemed to go, called in the 
Veda the realm of Yama or the setting sun. The idea 
that beings which once had been, could ever cease to 
be, had not yet entered their minds ; and from the 
belief that their fathers existed somewhere, though 
they could see them no more, there arose the belief in 
another Beyond, and the germs of another religion. 

Nor was the actual power of the fathers quite im- 
perceptible or extinct even after their death. Their 
presence continued to be felt in the ancient laws and 
customs of the family, most of which rested on their 



220 LECTURE VII. 

will and their authority. While their fathers were 
alive and strong, their will was law ; and when, after 
their death, doubts or disputes arose on points of law 
or custom, it was but natural that the memory and the 
authority of the fathers should be appealed to to settle 
such points — that the law should still be their will. 

Thus Manu says {TV. 178):' On the path on which his 
fathers and grandfathers have walked, on that path of 
good men let him walk, and he will not go wrong.' 

In the same manner then in which, out of the 
bright powers of nature, the Devas or gods had arisen, 
there arose out of predicates shared in common by the 
departed, such as pitrzs, fathers, preta, gone away, 
another general concept, what we should call Manes, 
the kind ones. Ancestors, Shades, Spirits or Ghosts, 
whose worship was nowhere more fully developed 
than in India. That common name, P it r^'s or Fathers, 
gradually attracted towards itself all that the fathers 
shared in common. It came to mean not only fathers, 
but invisible, kind, powerful, immortal, heavenly 
beings, and we can watch in the Veda, better perhaps 
than anywhere else, the inevitable, yet most touching 
metamorphosis of ancient thought, — the love of the 
child for father and mother becoming transfigured into 
an instinctive belief in the immortality of the soul. ' 

It is strange, and really more than strange, that 
not only should this important and prominent side of 
the ancient religion of the Hindus have been ignored, 
but that of late its very existence should have been 
doubted. I feel obliged, therefore, to add a few words 
in support of what I have said just now of the 
supreme importance of this belief in and this worship 
of ancestral spirits in India from the most ancient to 
the most modern times. Mr. Herbert Spencer, who 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 221 

lias done so much in calling attention to ancestor- 
worship as a natural ingredient of religion among all 
savage nations, declares in the most emphatic man- 
ner^, ' that he has seen it implied, that he has heard 
it in conversation, and that he now has it before him 
in print, that no Indo-European or Semitic nation, 
so far as we know, seems to have made a religion of 
the worship of the dead/ I do not doubt his words, 
but I think that on so important a point, Mr. Herbert 
Spencer ought to have named his authorities. It 
seems to me almost impossible that anybody who 
has ever opened a book on India should have made 
such a statement. There are hymns in the Big-veda 
addressed to the Fathers. There are full descriptions 
of the worship due to the Fathers in the Brahma?^as 
and Stitras. The epic poems, the law books, the 
Pur^Tias, all are brimful of allusions to ancestral 
offerings. The whole social fabric of India, with its 
laws of inheritance and marriage 2, rests on a belief 
in the Manes, — and yet we are told that no Indo- 
European nation seems to have made a religion of 
the worship of the dead. 

The Persians had their Fravashis, the Greeks their 
elScoXa, or rather their Oeol Trarpcpoi and their Sal/jLoveg, 
ea-OXoi, eiri-^Oovioi, (pvXaKeg OvrjTwv avQpunrm' 
oi pa (pvKacrarovdlv re Siku? kuI cryerXia epya, 
rjepa ecrarajULeuoi iravTr} (poircovres ex alai', 
irXovTo^orai (Hesiodi Opera et Dies, vv. 122-126); 

^ Principles of Sociology, p. 313. 

^ 'The Hindu Law of Inheritance is based upon the Hindu 
religion, and we must be cautious that in administering Hindu 
law we do not, by acting upon our notions derived from English 
law, inadvertently wound or offend the religious feelings of those 
who may be affected by our decisions.' Bengal Law Eeports, 103. 



222 LECTURE VII. 

while among the Eomans the Lares familiares and 
the Divi Manes were worshipped more zealously than 
any other gods ^. Manu goes so far as to tell us in 
one place (III. 203): 'An oblation by Brahmans to 
their ancestors transcends an oblation to the deities;' 
and yet we are told that no Indo-European . nation 
seems to have made a religion of the worship of the 
dead. 

Such things ought really not to be, if there is to 
be any progress in historical research, and I cannot 
help thinking that what Mr. Herbert Spencer meant 
was probably no more than that some scholars did 
not admit that the worship of the dead formed the 
whole of the religion of any of the Indo-European 
nations. That, no doubt, is perfectly true, but it 
would be equally true, I beheve, of almost any other 
religion. And on this point again the students of 
anthropology will learn more, I believe, from the 
Yeda than from any other book. 

In the Veda the Pitris, or fathers, are invoked to- 
gether with the Devas, or gods, but they are not 
confounded with them. The Devas never become 
Vitrh, and though such adjectives as deva are some- 
times applied to the Pitr^s, and they are raised to the 
rank of the older classes of Devas (Manu III. 192, 284, 
Y%?iavalkya I. 268), it is easy to see that the Pitn's 
and Devas had each their independent origin, and 
that the}^ represent two totally distinct phases of the 
human mind in the creation of its objects of worship. 
This is a lesson which ought never to be forgotten. 

We read in the Eig-veda, YL 52, 4: 'May the 
rising Dawns protect me, may the flowing Rivers 

^ Cicero, De Leg. II. 9, 22, 'Deorum manium jura sancta sunto; 
nos leto clatos divos habento.' ' 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 223 

protect me, may the firm Mountains protect me, may 
the Fathers protect me at this invocation of the 
gods.' Here nothing can be clearer than the separate 
existence of the Fathers, apart from the Dawns, the 
Bivers, and the Mountains, though they are included 
in one common DevahMi, or invocation of the gods. 

We must distinguish, however, from the very first, 
between two classes, or rather between two concepts 
of Fathers, the one comprising the distant, half-for- 
gotten, and almost mythical ancestors of certain 
families or of what would have been to the poets of 
the Veda, the whole human race, the other consisting 
of the fathers who had but lately departed, and who 
were still, as it were, personally remembered and 
revered. 

The old ancestors in general approach more nearly 
to the gods. They are often represented as having 
gone to the abode of Yama, the ruler of the departed, 
and to live there in company with some of the Devas 
(Kig-veda VII. 76, 4, devan^m sadhamadaA ; Eig-veda 
X. 16, I, dev4n4m vasanl/i). 

We sometimes read of the great-grandfathers being 
in heaven, the grandfathers in the sky, the fathers on 
the earth, the first in company with the Adityas, the 
second with the Eudras, the last with the Vasus. 
All these are individual poetical conceptions ^. 

Yama himself is sometimes invoked as if he were 
one of the Fathers, the first of mortals that died or 
that trod the path of the Fathers (the pitr^ya7^a, X. 
2, 7) leading to the common sunset in the West^. 



^ See Atliarva-veda XVIII. 2, 49. 

"^ Eig-veda X. 14, 1-2. He is called Vaivasvata, the solar (X. 
58, i), and even tlie son of Yivasvat (X. 14, 5). In a later phase 



224 LECTURE VII. 

Still Lis real Deva-like nature is never completely 
lost, and, as the god of the setting sun, he is indeed 
the leader of the Fathers, but not one of the Fathers 
himself \ 

Many of the benefits which men enjoyed on earth 
were referred to the Fathers, as having first been 
procured and first enjoyed by them. They performed 
the first sacrifices, and secured the benefits arising 
from them. Even the great events in nature, such 
as the rising of the sun, the light of the day and the 
darkness of the night, were sometimes referred to 
them, and they were praised for having broken open the 
dark stable of the morning and having brought out 
the cows, that is, the days (X. 68, ii) ^. They were 
even praised for having adorned the night with stars, 
while in later writings the stars are said to be the 
lights of the good people who have entered into 
heaven 2. Similar ideas, we know, prevailed among 
the ancient Persians, Greeks, and Eomans. The 
Fathers are called in the Yeda truthful (saty^), wise 
(suvidatra), righteous (?^^td,vat), poets (kavi), leaders 
(pathilmt), and one of their most frequent epithets 
is somya, delighting in Soma, Soma being the 
ancient intoxicating beverage of the Vedic i?{shis, 
which was believed to bestow immortality ^ but 
which had been lost, or at all events had become 



of religious thought Yama is conceived as the first man (Atharva- 
yeda XVIII. 3, 13, as compared with Kig-veda X. 14, i). 

^ Kig-veda X. 14. 

^ In the Avesta many of these things ai'e done by Aliura Mazda 
with the help of the Fravashis. 

^ See /S'atapatha Brahma?ia I. 9, 3, 10 ; VI. 5, 4, 8. 

* Rig-veda VIII. 48, 3 : ' We drank Soma, we became immortal, 
we went to the light, we found the gods; ' VIII. 48, 12. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 225 

difficult to obtain by the Aryans, after their migration 
into the Punjab \ 

The families of the Bh?^{gus, the Ahgiras, the Athar- 
vans^ all have their PitHs or Fathers, who are invoked 
to sit down on the grass and to accept the offerings 
placed there for them. Even the name of Pitr{ya^;'^a, 
sacrifice of the Fathers, occurs already in the hymns 
of the Eig-veda ^. 

The following is one of the hymns of the Kig-veda 
by. which those ancient Fathers were invited to come 
to their sacrifice (Rig-veda X. 15)^ : — 

1. 'May the Soma-loving Fathers, the lowest, the 
highest, and the middle, arise. May the gentle and 
righteous Fathers who have come to life (again), 
protect us in these invocations ! 

2. ' May this salutation be for the Fathers to-day, 
for those who have departed before or after ; whether 
they now dwell in the sky above the earth, or among 
the blessed people. 

3. 'I invited the wise Fathers .... may they 
come hither quickly, and sitting on the grass readily 
partake of the poured-out draught ! 

4. ' Come hither to us with your help, you Fathers 
who sit on the grass ! We have prepared these liba- 
tions for you, accept them ! Come hither with your 
most blessed protection, and give us health and 
wealth without fail ! 

5. 'The Soma-loving Fathers have been called 
hither to their dear viands which are placed on the 
grass. Let them approach, let them listen, let them 
bless, let them protect us ! 

^ Eig-veda IX. 97, 39. ^ Ibid. X. 14, 6. => Ibid.X.i6,io. 

* A translation considerably differing from my own is given by 
Sarvadbikari in bis Tagore Lectures for 1880, p. 34. 

Q 



226 LECTURE VII. 

6. ' Bending your knee and sitting on my right 
accept all this sacrifice. Do not hurt us, Fathers, 
for any wrong that we may have committed against 
you, men as we are. 

7. ' When you sit down on the lap of the red 
dawns, grant wealth to the generous mortal ! 
Fathers, give of your treasure to the sons of this man 
here, and bestow vigour here on us ! 

8. ' May Yama, as a friend with friends, consume 
the ojfferings according to his wish, united with those 
old Soma-loving Fathers of ours, the Yasish^/ias, who 
arranged the Soma draught. 

9. 'Come hither, Agni, with those wise and 
truthful Fathers who like to sit down near the 
hearth, who thirsted when yearning for the gods, 
who knew the sacrifice, and who were strong in 
praise with their songs. 

10. 'Come, Agni, with those ancient fathers who 
like to sit down near the hearth, who for ever praise 
the gods, the truthful, who eat and drink our obla- 
tions, making company with Indra and the gods. 

11. '0 Fathers, you who have been consumed by 
Agni, come here, sit down on your seats, you kind 
guides ! Eat of the ofierings which we have placed 
on the turf, and then grant us wealth and strong 
ofispring ! 

12. '0 Agni, (ratavedas^, at our request thou 
hast carried the offerings, having first rendered them 
sweet. Thou gavest them to the Fathers, and they 
fed on their share. Eat also, O god, the proffered 
oblations ! 

13. 'The Fathers who are here, and the Fathers 
who are not here, those whom we know, and those 

^ Cf. Max Miiller, Eig-veda, transl. vol. i. p. 24. 



VEDA AND VBDANTA. 227 

whom we know not, thou, G'^tavedas, knowest how 
many they are, accept the well-made sacrifice with 
the sacrifical portions ! 

14. 'To those who, whether burnt by fire or not 
burnt by fire, rejoice in their share in the midst of 
heaven, grant thou, King, that their body may 
take that life which they wish for^T 

Distinct from the worship ofiered to these primi- 
tive ancestors, is the reverence which from an early 
time was felt to be due by children to their departed 
father, soon also to their grandfather, and great- 
grandfather. The ceremonies in which these more 
personal feelings found expression were of a more 
domestic character, and allowed therefore of greater 
local variety. 

It would be quite impossible to give here even an 
abstract only of the minute regulations which have 
been preserved to us in the Br^hma?2as, the /Srauta, 
GWhya, and S4maya^4rika Sutras, the Law-books, 
and a mass of latter manuals on the performance of 
endless rites, all intended to honour the Departed. 
Such are the minute prescriptions as to times and 
seasons, as to altars and ofierings, as to the number 
and shape of the sacrificial vessels, as to the proper 
postures of the sacrificers, and the different arrange- 
ments of the vessels, that it is extremely difficult to 
catch hold of what we really care for, namely, the 
thoughts and intentions of those who first devised all 
these intricacies. Much has been written on this 
class of sacrifices by European scholars also, begin- 
ning with Colebrooke's excellent essays on 'The Beli- 
gious Ceremonies of the Hindus,' first published in 

^ Note K. 
Q 2 



228 LECTURE VII. 

the Asiatic Eesearches, vol. v, Calcutta, 1 798. But 
when we ask the simple question, What was the 
thought from whence all this outward ceremonial 
sprang, and what was the natural craving of the 
human heart which it seemed to satisfy, we hardly 
get an intelligible answer anywhere. It is true that 
^r^ddhas continue to be performed all over India to 
the present day, but we know how widely the modern 
ceremonial has diverged from the rules laid down in 
the old /Sastras, and it is quite clear from the descrip- 
tions given to us by recent travellers that no one can 
understand the purport even of these survivals of the 
old ceremonial, unless he understands Sanskrit and can 
read the old Sutras. We are indeed told in full detail 
how the cakes were made which the Spirits were sup- 
posed to eat, how many stalks of grass were to be used 
on which they had to be offered, how long each stalk 
ought to be, and in what direction it should be held. 
All the things which teach us nothing are explained 
to us in abundance, but the few things which the 
true scholar reaUy cares for are passed over, as if 
they had no interest to us at all, and have to be 
discovered under heaps of rubbish. 

In order to gain a little Hght, I think we ought to 
distinguish between — 

1. The daily ancestral sacrifice, the Titriysigna,, as 
one of the five Great Sacrifices (Mahaya^/las) ; 

2 . The monthly ancestral sacrifice, the PincZa-pitW- 
ya^;m, as part of the New and Full-moon sacrifice ; 

3. The funeral ceremonies on the death of a house- 
holder ; 

4. The Agapes, or feasts of love and charity, com- 
monly called /S^raddhas, at which food and other 
charitable gifts were bestowed on deserving persons 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 229 

in memory of the deceased ancestors. The name of 
A^rMdha belongs properly to this last class only, but 
it has been transferred to the second and third class 
of sacrifices also, because /Sraddha formed an important 
part in them. 

The daily Titrijagusi or Ancestor-worship is one of 
the five sacrifices, sometimes called the Great Sacri- 
fices ^ which every married man ought to perform 
day by day. They are mentioned in the Grzhya- 
sutras (Asv. III. i), as Devaya^^a, for the Devas, 
Bhutaya^/ia, for animals &c., Pitrzya^;la, for the 
Fathers, Brahmaya^;^, for Brahman, i.e. study of 
the Veda, and Manushyaya(/;m, for men, i. e. hos- 
pitality, &c. 

Manu (III. 70) tells us the same, namely, that a 
married man has five great religious duties to per- 
form : — 

1. The Brahma -sacrifice, i.e. the studying and 
teaching of the Veda (sometimes called Ahuta). 

2. The PitW-sacrifice, i.e. the offering of cakes and 
water to the Manes (sometimes called Prasita). 

3. The Deva-sacrifice, i. e. the offering of oblations 
to the Gods (sometimes called Huta). 

4. The Bhuta-sacrifice, i.e. the giving of food to 
living creatures (sometimes called Prahuta). 

5. The Manushya-sacrifice, i.e. the receiving of 
guests with hospitality (sometimes called Br4hmya 
huta ^). 

The performance of this daily Pitriya^/^a seems to 

^ >Satapatha Brahma?^a XI. 5, 6, i; Taitt. Ar. II. 11, 10; Asva- 
layana Griliya-sutras III. i, i; Paraskara Grihya-sutras II. 9, i; 
Apastamba, Dhavma-sutras, translated by Biihler, pp. 47 seq. 

^ In the iSankhayana Grihja, (I. 5) four Paka-ya^?1as are men- 
tioned, called Hnta, aliuta, prahuta, prasita. 



230 LECTUEE VII. 

have been extremely simple. The householder had 
to put his sacred cord on the right shoulder, to say 
* Svadha to the Fathers,' and to throw the remains of 
certain offerings towards the South ^. 

The human impulse to this sacrifice, if sacrifice it 
can be called, is clear enough. The five 'great sacri- 
fices ' comprehended in early times the whole duty of 
man from day to day. They were connected with his 
daily meal ^. When this meal was preparing, and 
before he could touch it himself, he was to offer some- 
thing to the Gods, a Vaisvadeva offering ^, in which 
the chief deities were Agni, fire, Soma the Visve 
Devas, Dhanvantari, a kind of Aesculapius, KuhA 
and Anumati (phases of the moon), Pra^apati, lord of 
creatures, Dyava-pr^thivl, Heaven and Earth, and Svi- 
sh^akWt, the fire on the hearth. 

After having thus satisfied theGlods in the four quar- 
ters, the householder had to throw some oblations into 
the open air, which were intended for animals, and in 
some cases for invisible beings, ghosts and such like. 
Then he was to remember the Departed, the Pitrz's, 
with some offerings; but even after having done this 
he was not yet to begin his own repast, unless he had 
also given something to strangers (atithis). 

When all this had been fulfilled, and when, besides, 
the householder, as we should say, had said his daily 
prayers, or repeated what he had learnt of the Veda, 
then and then only was he in harmony with the 
world that surrounded him, the five Great Sacrifices 
had been performed by him, and he was free from aU 
the sins arising from a thoughtless and selfish life. 

^ Asy. GWhya-siUras I. 3, lo. ^ Manu III. 11 7-1 18. 

3 Manu III. 85. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 231 

This VitrijSLgjlsb, as one of the five daily sacrifices, 
is described in the Brahma?^as, the GWhya and 
S4mayaA;arika Sutras, and, of course, in the legal 
Samhitas. E,ajendral41 Mitra^ informs us that 
• orthodox Brahmans to this day profess to observe 
all these five ceremonies, but that in reality only 
the ofierings to the gods and manes are strictly 
observed, while the reading is completed by the 
repetition of the G^yatri only, and charity and feeding 
of animals are casual and uncertain.' 

Quite different from this simple daily ancestral 
offering is the Pitr^ya^^a or PindJa-pitn'ya^^a, 
which forms part of many of the statutable sacrifices, 
and, first of all, of the New and Full-Moon sacrifice. 
Here again the human motive is intelligible enough. 
It was the contemplation of the regular course of 
nature, the discovery of order in the coming and 
going of the heavenly bodies, the growing confidence 
in some ruling power of the world which lifted man's 
thoughts from his daily work to higher regions, and 
filled his heart with a desire to approach these 
higher powers with praise, thanksgiving, and offer- 
ings. And it was at such moments as the waning 
of the moon that his thoughts would most naturally 
turn to those whose life had waned, whose bright 
faces were no longer visible on earth, his fathers or 
ancestors. Therefore at the very beginning of the 
New-Moon sacrifice, we are told in the Brahmawas ^ 
and in the ^Srauta-sutras, that a Vitrijagns^, a sacri- 
fice to the Fathers, has to be performed. A JTaru 

^ TaittiriyaraTOyaka, Preface, p. 23. 

^ Masi masi vo'sanam iti srnteh; Gobhiliya Gnhya - sutras, 
p. 1055- 



232 LECTURE VII. 

or pie had to be prepared in the Dakshi?iagni, the 
southern fire, and the offerings, consisting of water 
and round cakes {pindsis), were specially dedicated 
to father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, while 
the wife of the sacrificer, if she wished for a son, 
was allowed to eat one of the cakes ^. 

Similar ancestral offerings took place during other 
sacrifices too, of which the New and Full-Moon sacri- 
fices form the general type. 

It may be quite true that these two kinds of 
ancestral sacrifices have the same object and share 
the same name, but their character is different ; and 
if, as has often been the case, they are mixed up 
together, we lose the most important lessons which 
a study of the ancient ceremonial should teach us. 
I cannot describe the difference between these two 
PitWya^?^as more decisively than by pointing out 
that the former was performed by the father of a 
family, or, if we may say so, by a layman, the latter 
by a regular priest, or a class of priests, selected by 
the sacrificer to act in his behalf As the Hindus 
themselves would put it, the former is a grzliya, 
a domestic, the latter a srauta, a priestly ceremony '^. 

We now come to a third class of ceremonies which 
are likewise domestic and personal, but which differ 

■* See Pmt^apitriya^wa, von Dr. O. Donner, 1870. The restric- 
tion to three ancestors, father, grandfather, and greai-grandfather, 
occurs in the Va^asaneyi-samhita, XIX. 36-37, 

^ There is, however, great variety in these matters, according to 
different sakhas. Thus, according to the Gobhila-sakha, the Vinda. 
^itrijagna is to be considered as smarta, not as srauta (pindsi- 
"p'ltrijagnah khalv asmaM-Aakhayam nasti); while others maintain 
that an agnimat should perform the smarta, a srautagnimatthe srauta 
Vitrijagna; see Gohhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 671. On page 667 we 
read : anagner amavasyasraddha, nanvaharyam ity adara?iiyam. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 233 

from the two preceding ceremonies by their occasional 
character, I mean the funeral, as distinct from the 
ancestral ceremonies. In one respect these funeral 
ceremonies may represent an earlier phase of worship 
than the daily and monthly ancestral sacrifices. They 
lead up to them, and, as it were, prepare the 
departed for their future dignity as Pitr^'s or 
Ancestors. On the other hand, the conception of 
Ancestors in general must have existed before any 
departed person could have been raised to that rank, 
and I therefore preferred to describe the ancestral 
sacrifices first. 

Nor need I enter here very fully into the character 
of the special funeral ceremonies of India. I described 
them in a special paper, ' On Sepulture and Sacrificial 
Customs in the Yeda,' nearly thirty years ago^ 
Their spirit is the same as that of the funeral 
ceremonies of Greeks, Eomans, Slavonic, and Teutonic 
nations, and the coincidences between them all are 
often most surprising. 

In Yedic times the people in India both burnt 
and buried their dead, and they did this with a 
certain solemnity, and, after a time, according to 
fixed rules. Their ideas about the status of the 
departed, after their body had been burnt and their 
ashes buried, varied considerably, but in the main 
they seem to have believed in a life to come, not 
very different from our life on earth, and in the power 
of the departed to confer blessings on their descend- 
ants. It soon therefore became the interest of the 
survivors to secure the favour of their departed 
friends by observances and offerings which, at first, 

^ Tiber Todtenbestattung und Opfergebrauche im. Veda, in Zeit- 
sclirift der Deutsclien Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. ix, 1856. 



234 LECTURE VII. 

were the spontaneous manifestation of human 
feelings, but which soon became traditional, technical, 
in fact, ritual. 

On the day on which the corpse had been burnt, 
the relatives (samanodakas) bathed and poured out 
a handfull of water to the deceased, pronouncing his 
name and that of his family \ At sunset they re- 
turned home, and, as was but natural, they were 
told to cook nothing during the first night, and to 
observe certain rules during the next day up to 
ten days, according to the character of the deceased. 
These were days of mourning, or, as they were 
afterwards called, days of impurity, when the 
mourners withdrew from contact with the world, 
and shrank by a natural impulse from the ordinary 
occupations and pleasures of life ^. 

Then followed the collecting of the ashes on the 
I ith, 13th or 15th day of the dark half of the moon. 
On returning from thence they bathed, and then 
offered what was called a /Sr^ddha to the departed. 

This word ^Sraddha, which meets us here for the 
first time, is full of interesting lessons, if only properly 
understood. First of all it should be noted that it 
is absent, not only from the hymns, but, so far as we 
know at present, even from the ancient Brahma?zas. 
It seems therefore a word of a more modern origin. 
There is a passage in Apastamba's Dharma-stitras 
which betrays, on the part of the author, a conscious- 
ness of the more modern origin of the ySr^ddhas ^ : — 

■^ Asvalayana Grihya-sutras IV. 4, 10. ^ Mann V. 64-65. 

^ Biihler, Apastamba, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii. p. 138 ; 
also /S'radclhakalpa, p. 890. Though the /S'raddha is prescribed in 
the Grobhiliya Grihya-sutras, IV. 4, 2-3, it is not described there, 
but in a separate treatise, the ^S'raddha-kalpa. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 235 

' Formerly men and gods lived together in this 
world. Then the gods in reward of their sacrifices 
went to heaven, but men were left behind. Those 
men who perform sacrifices in the same manner as 
the gods did, dwelt (after death) with the gods and 
Brahman in heaven. Now (seeing men left behind) 
Manu revealed this ceremony which is designated by 
the word ^r4ddha.' 

Sr^ddha has assumed many^ meanings, and Manu 2, 
for instance, uses it almost synonymously with pitW- 
jagnsi. But its original meaning seems to have been 
'that which is given with sraddh^ or faith,' i.e. charity 
bestowed on deserving persons, and, more particularly, 
on Brahmanas. The gift was called sr4ddha, but the 
act itself also was called by the same name. The word 
is best explained by Naraya^a in his commentary on 
the Gr^'hya-sutras of AsvaMyana (lY. 7), ' >S^r4ddha is 
that which is given in faith to Brahmans for the sake 
of the Fathers ^' 

Such charitable gifts flowed most naturally and 
abundantly at the time of a man's death, or when- 
ever his memory was revived by happy or unhappy 
events in a family, and hence SrMdhsi has become 
the general name for ever so many sacred acts com- 

^ As meaning the food, sraddha occurs in sraddhabliu^ and 
similar words. As meaning the sacrificial act, it is explained, 
yatraita^ Mraddhaya diyate tad eva karma sraddhasabdabhi- 
dheyam. Pretam pitrims ka. nirdisya bho^yam yat priyam atma- 
na^ sraddhaya diyate yatra ta^ Mraddham parikirtitam. Gobhi- 
liya Grihya-sutras, p. 892. "We also read sraddhanvita^ sraddham 
kurvita, ' let a man perform the sraddha with faith ; ' Gobhiliya 
GWhya-sutras, p. 1053. 

2 Manu III. 82. 

^ 'Piirin uddisya yad diyate brahmawebhyaA sraddhaya ta^ 
Mraddham. 



236 LECTURE VII. 

memorative of the departed. We hear of /S'raddhas 
not only at funerals, but at joyous events also, when 
presents were bestowed in the name of the family, 
and therefore in the name of the ancestors also, on 
all who had a right to that distinction. 

It is a mistake therefore to look upon >Sr4ddhas 
simply as offerings of water or cakes to the Fathers. 
An offering to the Fathers was, no doubt, a symbolic 
part of each iSraddha, but its more important character 
was charity bestowed in memory of the Fathers. 

This, in time, gave rise to much abuse, like the 
alms bestowed on the Church during the Middle 
Ages. But in the beginning the motive was excellent. 
It was simply a wish to benefit others, arising from 
the conviction, felt more strongly in the presence of 
death than at any other time, that as we can carry 
nothing out of this world, we ought to do as much 
good as possible in the world with our worldly goods. 
At /Sraddhas the Brahma72as were said to represent 
the sacrificial fire into which the gifts should be 
thrown 1. If we translate here Brahma^zas by priests, 
we can easily understand why there should have been 
in later times so strong a feehng against ^Sraddhas. 
But priest is a very bad rendering of Brahma?^a. The 
Brahma^as were, socially and intellectually, a class of 
men of high breeding. They were a recognised and, 
no doubt, a most essential element in the ancient 
society of India. As they lived for others, and 
were excluded from most of the lucrative pursuits 
of life, it was a social, and it soon became a reli- 
gious duty, that they should be supported by the 
community at large. Great care was taken that 

^ Apastamba II. i6, 3, Brahmajjas tv ahavaniyarthe. 



VEDA AND VEDA NT A. 237 

the recipients of such bounty as was bestowed at 
>S^raddhas should be strangers, neither friends nor 
enemies, and in no way related to the family. Thus 
Apastamba says^ : ' The food eaten (at a /Sr^ddha) by 
persons related to the giver is a gift offered to gob- 
lins. It reaches neither the Manes nor the Gods.' 
A man who tried to curry favour by bestowing /SrM- 
dhika gifts, was called by an opprobrious name, a 
>SrMdha-mitra^. 

Without denying therefore that in later times the 
system of /Srdddhas may have degenerated, I think 
we can perceive that it sprang from a pure source, 
and, what for our present purpose is even more 
important, from an intelligible source. 

Let us now return to the passage in the Gn'hya- 
sutras of Asvalayana, where we met for the first 
time with the name of /Sr^ddha ^. It was the /Sraddha 
to be given for the sake of the Departed, after his 
ashes had been collected in an urn and buried. This 
>Sr4ddha is called ekoddish^a ^, or, as we should say, 
personal. It was meant for one person only, not for 
the three ancestors, nor for all the ancestors. Its 
object was in fact to raise the departed to the rank 
of a Pitn", and this had to be achieved by Srkddha, 
offerings continued during a whole year. This at 
least is the general, and, most likely, the original 
rule. Apastamba says that the /Sraddha for a de- 
ceased relative should be performed every day during 
the year, and that after that a monthly ^S'rA.ddha only 
should be performed or none at all, that is, no more 

^ L. c. p. 142. 2 Manu III. 138, 140. 

^ Asv. GWhya-sutras IV. 5, 8. 

* It is described as a vikriti of the Parva?ia-sraddlia in GobM- 
liya Grihya-sutras, p. loii. 



238 LECTUKE VII. 

personal >Sraddha \ because the departed shares hence- 
forth in the regular P4rva?2a-sraddhas ^. ^Saiikhayana 
says the same^, namely that the personal ^raddha lasts 
for a year, and that then ' the Fourth ' is dropped, i. e. 
the great-grandfather was dropped, the grandfather 
became the great-grandfather, the father the grand- 
father, while the lately Departed occupied the father's 
place among the three principal Pitrzs*. This was 
called the Sapi^icZikaraTia, i.e. the elevatiag of the 
departed to the rank of an ancestor. 

There are here, as elsewhere, many exceptions. Go- 
bhila allows six months instead of a year, or even a 
Tripaksha ^, i. e. three half-months ; and lastly, any 
auspicious event (v7"zddhi) may become the occasion 
of the Sapi?i(ilkara?2a ^. 

The full number of ySraddhas necessary for the 
Sapinc^ana is sometimes given as sixteen, viz. the 
first, then one in each of the twelve months, then two 
semestral ones, and lastly the Sapi?i(^ana. But here 
too much variety is allowed, though, if the Sapi?ic?ana 
takes place before the end of the year, the number 
of sixteen >Sraddhas has still to be made up '^. 

^ One of the differences betv/een the acts before and after the 
Sapm(iikara?^a is noted by Salankayana : — SapiricZikaranam yavad 
W^udarbhaiA pitrikriya SapiwcZikaraTiad urdhvam dviguwair vidhivad 
bhavet. Gobhillya Grihya-sutras, p. 930. 

^ Gobhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 1023. 

^ Grihya-sutras, ed. Oldenberg, p. 83. 

* A pratyabdikam ekoddish^am on the anniversary of the 
deceased is mentioned by Gobhillya, I.e. p. loii. 

^ Gobhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 1039. 

® iSafikh. GWhya, p. 83; Gobh. Qrihja, p. 1024. According 
to some authorities the ekoddishia is called nava, new, during ten 
days ; navamisra, mixed, for six months ; and purawa, old, after- 
wards. Gobhiliya Gr^hya-sutras, p. 1020. 

'' Gobhiliya, I.e. p. 1032. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 239 

Wlien the /SrMdha is offered on account of an 
auspicious event, such as a birth or a marriage, the 
fathers invoked are not the father, grandfather, and 
great-grandfather, who are sometimes called asru- 
mukha, with tearful faces, but the ancestors before 
them, and they are called nandimukha, or joyful^. 

Colebrooke^, to whom we owe an excellent de- 
scription of what a ^Sr^ddha is in modern times, 
took evidently the same view. ' The first set of 
funeral ceremonies,' he writes, 'is adapted to effect, 
by means of oblations, the re-imbodying of the soul 
of the deceased, after burning his corpse. The ap- 
parent scope of the second set is to raise his shade 
from this world, where it would else, according to 
the notions of the Hindus, continue to roam among 
demons and evil spirits, up to heaven, and then 
deify him, as it were, among the manes of de- 
parted ancestors. For this end, a >S^raddha should 
regularly be offered to the deceased on the day after 
the mourning expires ; twelve other >Sraddhas singly 
to the deceased in twelve successive months ; similar 
obsequies at the end of the third fortnight, and also 
in the sixth moDth, and in the twelfth ; and the obla- 
tion called Sapi7i<:?ana on the first anniversary of his 
decease ^. At this Sapi?2(iana >Sraddha, which is the 
last of the ekoddish^a sraddhas, four funeral cakes 
are offered to the deceased and his three ancestors, 

^ Gobhiliya, 1. c. p. 1047. ^ ^^^ ^^^ Essays, ii. p. 195. 

' Colebrooke adds that in most provinces the periods for these 
sixteen ceremonies, and for the concluding obsequies entitled 
SapintZana, are anticipated, and the whole is completed on the 
second or third day ; after which they are again performed at the 
proper times, but in honour of the whole set of progenitors instead 
of the deceased singly. It is this which Dr. Donner, in his learned 
paper on the Piwc^apitnya^wa (p. 1 1), takes as the general rule. 



240 LECTURE VII. 

that consecrated to the deceased being divided into 
three portions and mixed with the other three cakes. 
The portion retained is often offered to the deceased, 
and the act of union and fellowship becomes complete \* 

When this system of /Sraddhas had once been 
started, it seems to have spread very rapidly. We 
soon liear of the monthly /Srsiddha, not only in 
memory of one person lately deceased, but as part 
of the Pit?'^ya^?^a, and as obligatory, not only on 
householders (agnimat), but on other jDcrsons also, 
and, not only on the three upper castes, but even, 
without hymns, on /Stidras ^, and as to be performed, 
not only on the day of New-Moon, but on other days 
also ^, whenever there was an opportunity. Gobhila 
seems to look upon the Pi?i(iapitWya^;ea as itself a 
/SrMdha*, and the commentator holds that, even if 
there are no pinc^as or cakes, the Brahmans ought 
still to be fed. This >S^raddha, however, is dis- 
tinguished from the other, the true /Sraddha, called 
Anvah^rya, which follows it ^, and which is properly 
known by the name of Parva7ia /Sr^ddha. 

The same difficulties which confront us when we 
try to form a clear conception of the character of the 
various ancestral ceremonies, were felt by the Br^h- 

^ See this subject most exhaustively treated, particularly in its 
bearings on the law of inheritance, in Eajkumar Sarvadhikari's 
Tagore Law Lectures for 1880, p. 93. 

^ Gobhiliya GrWhya-sutras, p. 892. ^ L. c. p. 897. 

* See p. 666, and p. 1008. Grihyakara^ pinc^apitWya^Tlasya 
sraddhatvam aha. 

^ Gobhila IV. 4, 3, itarad anvaharyam. But the commentators 
add, anagner amavasyasraddham, nanvaharyam. According to 
Gobhila there ought to be the Vaisvadeva offering and the Bali 
offering at the end of each Parvana-sraddha ; see Gobhiliya GWhya- 
sutras, p. 1005, but no Vaisvadeva at an ekoddishfa sraddha, 
1. c. p. 1020. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 241 

mans themselves, as may be seen from the long dis- 
cussions in the commentary on the iSr4ddha-kalpa ^ 
and from the abusive language used by ^andrak4nta 
Tark^lankara against Raghunandana. The question 
with them assumes the form of what is pradhana 
(primary) and what is anga (secondary) in these 
sacrifices, and the final result arrived at is that some- 
times the offering of cakes is pradh4na, as in the 
'Pinda.ipitrijSigTisb, sometimes the feeding of Br^hmans 
only, as in the Nitya-sriddha, sometimes both, as in 
the Sapi7zc?ikaraw-a. 

We may safely say, therefore, that not a day passed 
in the life of the ancient people of India on which they 
were not reminded of their ancestors, both near and 
distant, and showed their respect for them, partly by 
symbolic offerings to the Manes, partly by charitable 
gifts to deserving persons, chiefly Brahmans. These 
offertories varied from the simplest, such as milk and 
fruits, to the costliest, such as gold and jewels. The 
feasts given to those who were invited to ofiiciate 
or assist at a ^raddha seem in some cases to have 
been very sumptuous ^, and what is very important, 
the eating of meat, which in later times was strictly 
forbidden in many sects, must, when the Sutras were 
written, have been fully recognised at these feasts, 
even to the killing and eating of a cow ^. 

This shows that these >SrMdhas, though possibly 
of later date than the Pitn'ya^^as, belong neverthe- 
less to a very early phase of Indian life. And though 

^ L. c. pp. 1005— loio; Nirnayasindhuj p. 270. 

® See Burnell, The Law of Partition, p. 31. 

* Kalau tavad gavalambho mamsadanam ka sraddhe nisliiddliam, 
Gobtilena tu madhyamashfakayawi vastukarmaOT kst, gavalambho 
vihita/i, mamsa^rus Hnvashiakyasraddhe ; Gobhiliya Grihya-sutra, 
ed. Xandrakanta Tarkalankara, Yign&^ti, p. 8. 

E, 



242 LECTURE VII. 

much may have been changed in the outward form 
of these ancient ancestral sacrifices, their original 
solemn character has remained unchanged. Even at 
present, when the worship of the ancient Devas is 
ridiculed by many who still take part in it, the wor- 
ship of the ancestors and the offering of /SrMdhas 
have maintained much of their old sacred character. 
They have sometimes been compared to the ' commu- 
nion ' in the Christian Church, and it is certainly true 
that many natives speak of their funeral and ances- 
tral ceremonies with a hushed voice and with real 
reverence. They alone seem still to- impart to their 
life on earth a deeper significance and a higher 
prospect. I could go even a step further and express 
my belief, that the absence of such services for the 
dead and of ancestral commemorations is a real loss in 
our own religion. Almost every rehgion recognises 
them as tokens of a loving memory offered to a father, 
to a mother, or even to a child, and though in many 
countries they may have proved a source of supersti- 
tion, there runs through them all a deep well of living 
human faith that ought never to be allowed to perish. 
The early Christian Church had to sanction the ancient 
prayers for the Souls of the Departed, and in more 
Southern countries the services on All Saints' and on 
All Souls' Day continue to satisfy a craving of the 
human heart which must be satisfied in every religion. 
We, in the North, shrink from these open manifesta- 
tions of grief, but our hearts know often a deeper bitter- 
ness ; nay, there would seem to be a higher truth than 
we at first imagine in the belief of the ancients that 
the souls of our beloved ones leave us no rest, unless 
they are appea-sed by daily prayers, or, better still, by 
daily acts of goodness in remembrance of them ^. 

1 Note L. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 243 

But there is still another Beyond that found ex- 
pression in the ancient religion of India. Besides 
the Devas or Gods, and besides the Pitr2S or Fathers, 
there was a third world, without which the ancient 
religion of India could not have become what we see 
it in the Veda. That third Beyond was what the 
poets of the Veda call the Rita,, and which I believe 
meant originally no more than 'the straight line.' 
It is applied to the straight line of the sun in its 
daily course, to the straight line followed by day and 
night, to the straight line that regulates the seasons, 
to the straight line which, in spite of many moment- 
ary deviations, was discovered to run through the 
whole realm of nature. We call that Ritsb, that 
straight, direct, or right Hne, when we apply it in a 
more general sense, the Law of Nature ; and when 
we apply it to the moral world, we try to express 
the same idea again by speaking of the Moral Law, 
the law on which our life is founded, the eternal Law 
of Eight and Heason, or, it may be, ' that which makes 
for righteousness ' both within u-s and without ^. 

And thus, as a thoughtful look on nature led to 
the first perception of bright gods, and in the end of 
a God of light, as love of our parents was transfigured 
into piety and a belief in immortality, a recognition 
of the straight lines in the world without, and in 
the world within, was raised into the highest faith, 
a faith in a law that underlies everything, a law in 
which we may trust, whatever befall, a law which 
speaks within us with the divine voice of conscience, 
and tells us ' this is Wta,' ' this is right,' ' this is true,' 
whatever the statutes of our ancestors, or even the 
voices of our bright gods, may say to the contrary. 

^ See Hibbert Lectures, new ed. pp. 243-255. 
R 2 



244 LECTURE VII. 

These three Beyonds are the three revelations of 
antiquity ; and it is due almost entirely to the dis- 
covery of the Veda that we, in this nineteenth century 
of ours, have been allowed to watch again these early 
phases of thought and religion, which had passed 
away long before the beginnings of other literatures i. 
In the Veda an ancient city has been laid bare before 
our eyes which, in the history of all other religions, 
is filled up with rubbish, and built over by new 
architects. Some of the earliest and most instructive 
scenes of our distant childhood have risen once more 
above the horizon of our memory which, until thirty 
or forty years ago, seemed to have vanished for ever. 

Only a few words more to indicate at least how 
this religious growth in India contained at the same 
time the germs of Indian philosophy. Philosophy in 
India is, what it ought to be, not the denial, but the 
fulfilment of religion ; it is the highest religion, and 
the oldest name of the oldest system of philosophy 
in India is Ved^nta, that is, the end, the goal, the 
highest object of the Veda. 

Let us return once more to that ancient theologian 
who lived in the fifth century b. c, and who told us 
that, even before his time, all the gods had been dis- 
covered to be but three gods, the gods of the Earth, 
the gods of the Air, and the gods of the Shy, invoked 
under various names. The same writer tells us that 
in reality there is but one God, but he does not call 

^ In Chinese we find that the same three aspects of religion and 
their intimate relationship were recognised, as, for instance, when 
Confucius says to the Prince of Sung : ' Honour the sky (worship 
of Devas), reverence the Manes (worship of PitWs) ; if you do this, 
sun and moon will keep their appointed time {Rita).' Happel, 
Altchinesische Eeichsreligion, p. ii. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 245 

him the Lord, or the Highest God, the Creator, Ruler 
and Preserver of all things, but he calls him At man, 
THE Self. The one Atman or Self, he says, is praised 
in many ways owing to the greatness of the godliead. 
And he then goes on to say : ' The other gods are 
but so many members of the one Atman, Self, and 
thus it has been said that the poets compose their 
praises according to the multipHcity of the natures 
of the beings whom they praise.' 

It is true, no doubt, that this is the language of a 
philosophical theologian, not of an ancient poet. Yet 
these pliilosophical reflections belong to the fifth cen- 
tury before our era, if not to an earlier date ; and 
the first germs of such thoughts may be discovered 
in some of the Yedic hymns also. I have quoted 
already from the hymns such passages as ^ — ' They 
speak of Mitra, Varu?za, Agni ; then he is the heavenly 
bird Garutmat ; that ivhich is and is one the poets 
call in various ways ; they speak of Yama, Agni, 
M^tarisvan.' 

In another hymn, in which the sun is likened to 
a bird, we read : ' Wise poets represent by their words 
the bird w^ho is one, in many ways 2.' 

AU this is still tinged with mythology ; but there 
are other passages from which a purer light beams 
upon us, as when one poet asks ^ : 

' Who saw him when he was first born, when he 
who has no bones bore him who has bones ? Where 
was the breath, the blood, the Self of the world '? 
Who w^ent to ask this from any that knew it % ' 

Here, too, the expression is still helpless, but 

^ E,ig-veda I. 164, 46; Hibbert Lectures, p. 311. 
^ Rig-veda X. 114, 5 ; Hibbert Lectures, p. 313. 
^ E,ig-veda L 164, 4. 



246 LECTURE VII. 

though the flesh is weak, the spirit is very willing. 
The expression * He who has bones ' is meant for that 
which has assumed consistency and form, the Visible, 
as opposed to that which has no bones, no body, no 
form, the Invisible, while ' breath, blood, and self of 
the world ' are but so many attempts at finding 
names and concepts for what is by necessity incon- 
ceivable, and therefore unnameable. 

In the second period of Vedic literature, in the 
so-called Brahma^ias, and more particularly in what 
is called the Upanishads, or the Ved^nta portion, 
these thoughts advance to perfect clearness and defi- 
niteness. Here the development of religious thought, 
which took its beginning in the hymns, attains to 
its fulfilment. The circle becomes complete. Instead 
of comprehending the One by many names, the many 
names are now comprehended to be the One. The 
old names are openly discarded ; even such titles as 
Prap^apati, lord of creatures, Visvakarm an, maker of all 
things, Dhkiri, creator, are put aside as inadequate. 
The name now used is an expression of nothing 
but the purest and highest subjectiveness, — it is 
At man, the Self, far more abstract than our Ego, — 
the Self of all things, the Self of all the old mytho- 
logical gods — for they were not mere names, but 
names intended for something — lastly, the Self in 
which each individual self must find rest, must come 
to himself, must find his own true Self. 

You may remember that I spoke to you in my first 
lecture of a boy who insisted on being sacrificed by 
his father, and who, when he came to Yama, the 
ruler of the departed, was granted three boons, and 
who then requested, as his third boon, that Yama 
should tell him what became of man after death. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 247 

That dialogue forms part of one of the Upanishads, 
it belongs to the Yedtinta, the end of the Veda, the 
highest aim of the Veda. I shall read you a few 
extracts from it. 

Yama, the King of the Departed, says : 

' Men who are fools, dwelling in ignorance, though 
wise in their own sight, and puffed up with vain 
knowledge, go round and round, staggering to and 
fro, like blind led by the blind. 

'The future never rises before the eyes of the 
careless child, deluded by the delusions of wealth. 
This is the world, he thinks ; there is no other ; thus 
he falls again and again under my sway (the sway 
of death), 

'The wise, who by means of meditating on his 8elf^ 
recognises the Old (the old man within) who is diffi- 
cult to see, who has entered into darkness, who is 
hidden in the cave, who dwells in the abyss, as God, 
he indeed leaves joy and sorrow far behind. 

' That Self, the Knower, is not born, it dies not; it 
came from nothing, it never became anything. The 
Old man is unborn, from everlasting to everlasting ; 
he is not killed, though the body be killed. 

'That Self is smaller than small, greater than 
great ; hidden in the heart of the creature. A man 
who has no more desires and no more griefs, sees the 
majesty of the Self by the grace of the creator. 

' Though sitting still, he walks far ; though lying 
down, he goes everywhere. Who save myself is able 
to know that God, who rejoices, and rejoices not "? 

' That Self cannot be gained by the Veda ; nor by 
the understanding, nor by much learning. He whom 
the Self chooses, by him alone the Self can be gained. 

' The Self chooses him as his own. But he who 



248 LECTURE VII. 

has not first turned away from his wickedness, who 
is not calm and subdued, or whose mind is not at rest, 
he can never obtain the Self, even by knowledge. 

' No mortal lives by the breath that goes up and 
by the breath that goes down. We live by another, 
in whom both repose. 

'Well then, I shall tell thee this mystery, the 
eternal word (Brahman), and what happens to the 
Self, after reaching death. 

' Some are born again, as living beings, others 
enter into stocks and stones, according to their 
work, and according to their knowledge. 

'But he, the Highest Person, who wakes in us 
while we are asleep, shaping one lovely sight after 
another, he indeed is called the Light, he is called 
Brahman, he alone is called the Immortal. All 
worlds are founded on it, and no one goes beyond. 
This is that. 

'As the one fire, after it has entered the world, 
though one, becomes different according to what it 
burns, thus the One Self within all things, becomes 
different, according to whatever it enters, but it 
exists also apart. 

'As the sun, the eye of the world, is not con- 
taminated by the external impurities seen by the 
eye, thus the One Self within all things is never 
contaminated by the sufferings of the world, being 
himself apart. 

' There is one eternal thinker, thinking non-eternal 
thoughts; he, though one, fulfils the desires of many. 
The wise who perceive Him within their Self, to 
them belongs eternal life, eternal peace ^. 

^ To 8e (f)p6vr]fia tov TVPev/jLaTOS C^fj Koi etp^vt]. See also Ruskin, 

Sesame, p. 63. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 249 

'Whatever there is, the whole world, when gone 
forth (from Brahman), trembles in his breath. That 
Brahman is a great terror, like a drawn sword. 
Those who know it, become immortal. 

' He (Brahman) cannot be reached by speech, by 
mind, or by the eye. He cannot be apprehended, 
except by him who says. He is. 

' When all desires that dwell in the heart cease, 
then the mortal becomes immortal, and obtains 
Brahman. 

'When all the fetters of the heart here on earth 
are broken, when all that binds us to this life is 
undone, then the mortal becomes immortal : — here 
my teaching ends.' 

This is what is called Yedanta, the Yeda-end, the 
end of the Veda, and this is the religion or the philo- 
sophy, whichever you like to call it, that has lived 
on from about 500 B.C. to the present day. If the 
people of India can be said to have now any system 
of rehgion at all, — apart from their ancestral sacri- 
fices and their >S'raddhas, and apart from mere caste- 
observances, — it is to be found in the Yedanta philo- 
sophy, the leading tenets of which are known to some 
extent in every village ^ That great revival of reli- 
gion, which was inaugurated some fifty years ago by 
Ram-Mohun Roy, and is now known as the Brahma- 
Sama^, under the leadership of my noble friend 
Keshub Chunder Sen, was chiefly founded on the 
^Upanishads, and was Yedantic in spirit. There is, 
in fact, an unbroken continuity between the most 
modern and the most ancient phases of Hindu thought, 
extending over more than three thousand years. 

^ Major Jacob, Manual of Hindu Pantheism, Preface. 



250 LECTURE VII. 

To the present day India acknowledges no higher 
authority in matters of religion, ceremonial, customs, 
and law than the Veda, and so long as India is India, 
nothing will extinguish that ancient spirit of Ve- 
dantism which is breathed by every Hindu from his 
earliest youth, and pervades in various forms the 
prayers even of the idolater, the speculations of the 
philosopher, and the proverbs of the beggar. 

For purely practical reasons therefore, — I mean 
for the very practical object of knowing something 
of the s.ecret springs which determine the character, 
the thoughts and deeds, of the lowest as well as of 
the highest amongst the people in India, — an ac- 
quaintance with their religion, which is founded on the 
Veda, and with their philosophy, which is founded 
on the Vedanta, is highly desirable. 

It is easy to make light of this, and to ask, as some 
statesmen have asked, even in Europe, What has 
religion, or what has philosophy, to do with politics ? 
In India, in spite of all appearances to the contrary, 
and notwithstanding the indifference on religious mat- 
ters so often paraded before the world by the Indians 
themselves, religion, and philosophy too, are great 
powers still. Eead the account that has lately been 
published of two native statesmen, the administrators 
of two first-class states in Saur^sh^ra, JunA,gadh and 
Bhavnagar, Gokulaji and Gaurisankara \ and you 

^ Life and Letters of Gokulaji Sampattirama Zala and his 
views of the Vedanta, by Manassukharama S4iyarama Tripa^M, 
Bombay, 1881. 

As a young man Gokulaji, the son of a good family, learnt 
Persian and Sanskrit. His chief interest in life, in the midst of 
a most successful political career, was the ' Vedanta.' A little 
insight, we are told, into this knowledge turned his heart to 
higher objects, promising him freedom from grief, and blessedness, 



VEDA AND 7EDANTA. 251 

will see whether the Ved^nta is still a moral and 
a political power in India or not. 

But I claim even more for the Ved4nta, and I 
recommend its study, not only to the Candidates for 
the Indian Civil Service, but to all true students of 
philosophy. It will bring before them a view of hfe, 
different from all other views of life which are placed 
before us in the History of Philosophy. You saw 
how behind all the Devas or gods, the authors of the 
Upanishads discovered the Atman or Self. Of that 
Self they predicated three things only, that it is, that 
it perceives, and that it enjoys eternal bliss. All 
other predicates were negative : it is not this, it is 
not that — it is beyond anything that we can conceive 
or name. 

But that Self, that Highest Self, the Paramitman, 
could be discovered after a severe moral and intel- 
lectual discipline only, and those who had not yet 
discovered it, were allowed to worship lower gods, 
and to employ more poetical names to satisfy their 
human wants. Those who knew the other gods to 
be but names or persons — personae or masks, in the 
true sense of the word — pratlkas, as they call them in 
Sanskrit — knew also that those who worshipped these 
names or persons, worshipped in truth the Highest 

the highest aim of all. This was the turning-point of his inner 
life. When the celebrated Vedanti anchorite, Rama Bava, visited 
Junagadh, Goknlaji became his pupil. When another anchorite, 
Paramahansa SaMidananda, passed through Junagadh on a pil- 
grimage to Girnar, Gokulaji was regularly initiated in the secrets 
of the Vedanta. He soon became highly proficient in it, and 
through the whole course of his life, whether in power or in dis- 
grace, his belief in the doctrines of the Vedanta supported him, 
and made him, in the opinion of English statesmen, the model of 
what a native statesman ought to be. 



252 LECTURE VII. 

Self, though ignorantly. This is a most character- 
istic feature in the religious history of India. Even 
in the Bhagavadgitsi,, a rather popular and exoteric 
exposition of Yedantic doctrines, the Supreme Lord 
or Bhagavat himself is introduced as saying : ' Even 
those who worship idols, worship me^.' 

But that was not all. As behind the names of 
Agni, Indra, and Pra^4pati, and behind all the myth- 
ology of nature, the ancient sages of India had dis- 
covered the Atman — let us call it the objective Self — 
they perceived also behind the veil of the body, behind 
the senses, behind the mind, and behind our reason 
(in fact behind the mythology of the soul, which we 
often call psychology), another Atman, or the sub- 
jective Self. That Self, too, was to be discovered by 
a severe moral and intellectual discipline only, and 
those who wished to find it, who wished to know, not 
themselves, but their Self, had to cut far deeper than 
the senses, or the mind, or the reason, or the ordinary 
Ego. All these too were Be vas, bright apparitions — 
mere names — yet names meant for something. Much 
that was most dear, that had seemed for a time their 

^ Professor Kuenen discovers a similar idea in the words placed 
in the mouth of Jehovah by the prophet Malachi, i. 1 4 : ' For 
I am a great King, and my name is feared among the heathen.' 
'The reference,' he says, 'is distinctly to the adoration already offered 
to Yahweh by the people, whenever they serve their own gods with 
true reverence and honest zeal. Even in Deuteronomy the adora- 
tion of these other gods by the nations is represented as a dis- 
pensation of Yahweh. Malachi goes a step further, and accepts 
their worship as a tribute which in reality falls to Yahweh, — to 
Him, the Only True. Thus the opposition between Yahweh and 
the other gods, and. afterwards between the one true God and the 
imaginary gods, makes room here for the still higher conception 
that the adoration of Yahweh is the essence and the truth of all 
religion.' Hibbert Lectures, p. 181. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 253 

very self, had to be surrendered, before they could 
find the Self of Selves, the Old Man, the Looker-on, 
a subject independent of all personality, an existence 
independent of all life. 

When that point had been reached, then the 
highest knowledge began to dawn, the Self within 
(the Pratyagatman) was drawn towards the Highest 
Self (the Paramatman), it found its true self in the 
Highest Self, and the oneness of the subjective with 
the objective Self was recognised as underlying all 
reality, as the dim dream of religion, — as the pure 
light of philosophy. 

This fundamental idea is worked out with syste- 
matic completeness in the Vedanta philosophy, and 
no one who can appreciate the lessons contained in 
Berkeley's philosophy, will read the Upanishads and 
the Brahma-stitras and their commentaries without 
feeling a richer and a wiser man, 

I admit that it requires patience, discrimination, 
and a certain amount of self-denial before we can 
discover the grains of solid gold in the dark mines of 
Eastern philosophy. It is far easier and far more 
amusing for shallow critics to point out what is 
absurd and ridiculous in the religion and philosophy 
of the ancient world than for the earnest student to 
discover truth and wisdom under strange disguises. 
Some progress however has been made, even during 
the short span of life that we can remember. The 
Sacred Books of the East are no longer a mere butt for 
the invectives of missionaries or the sarcasms of philo- 
sophers. They have at last been recognised as his- 
torical documents, aye, as the most ancient documents 
in the history of the human mind, and as palseonto- 
logical records of an evolution that begins to elicit 



254 LECTURE VII. 

wider and deeper sympathies than the nebular forma- 
tion of the planet on which we dwell for a season, 
or the organic development of that chrysahs which 
we call man. 

■ If you think that I exaggerate, let me read you in 
conclusion what one of the greatest philosophical 
critics — and certainly not a man given to admiring 
the thoughts of others — says of the Ved^nta, and 
more particularly of the Upanishads. Schopenhauer 
whites : 

' In the whole world there is no study so beneficial 
and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has 
been the solace of my life — it will be the solace of my 
death ^.' 

I have thus tried, so far as it was possible in 
one course of lectures, to give you some idea of 
ancient India, of its ancient literature, and, more 
particularly, of its ancient religion. My object was, 
not merely to place names and facts before you, 
these you can find in many published books, but, 
if possible, to make you see and feel the general 
•human interests that are involved in that ancient 
chapter of the history of the human race. I wished 
that the Yeda and its religion and philosophy 
should not only seem to you curious or strange, but 
that you should feel that there was in them some- 
thing that concerns ourselves, something of our own 
intellectual growth, some recollections, as it were, of 
our own childhood, or at least of the childhood of our 
own race. I feel convinced that, placed as we are 

^ Sacred Books of the East, vol. i, The Upanishads, translated by 
M. M, ; Introduction, p. Ixi. 



VEDA AND VEDANTA. 255 

here in this life, we have lessons to learn from the 
Veda, quite as important as the lessons we learn at 
school from Homer and Virgil, and lessons from the 
Ved^nta quite as instructive as the systems of Plato 
or Spinoza. 

I do not mean to say that everybody who wishes 
to know how the human race came to be what it is, 
how language came to be what it is, how religion 
came to be what it is, how manners, customs, laws, and 
forms of government came to be what they are, how 
we ourselves came to be what we are, must learn 
Sanskrit, and must study Vedic Sanskrit. But I do 
believe that not to know what a study of Sanskrit, 
and particularly a study of the Veda, has already 
done for illuminating the darkest passages in the 
history of the human mind, of that mind on which 
we ourselves are feeding and living, is a misfortune, 
or, at all events, a loss, just as I should count it a 
loss to have passed through life without knowing 
something, however little, of the geological formation 
of the earth, or of the sun, and the moon, and the 
stars, — and of the thought, or the will, or the law, 
that govern their movements. 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



NOTE A, p. 9. 

ON THE TEEASUEES EOUND ON THE OXUS AND AT MYKENAE. 

The treasure found on the north bank of the Oxus in 1877, 
and described by General Cunningham in the Journal of the . 
Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1881, contains coins from Darius I 
down to Antioehus the Great and Euthydemus of Bactria. | 
The treasure seems therefore to have been buried on the bank | 
of the river at the time when Euthydemus marched against 1 
AntiochuSj who invaded Bactria in 308 B.C. Euthydemus was I 
defeated, and the treasure, whether belonging to him or to one | 
of his nobles, was left untouched till the other day. There } 
can be no doubt as to the Persian character of many of the 
coins, figures, and ornaments discovered on the bank of the 
Oxus, and we must suppose therefore that they were spoils 
carried away from Persia, and kept for a time in Bactria by 
the victorious generals of Alexander. 

Now of all the hypotheses that have been put forward with 
regard to the treasure found at Mykenae, or at least some por- 
tion of it, that of Professor Forchhammer has always seemed to | 
me the most plausible. According to his view, some of the works I 
of art discovered at Mykenae should be considered as part of the* 
spoils that fell to Mykenae, as her legitimate share in the booty 
of the^ Persian camp. The Persian, or, if you like, Assyrian 
character of some of the things discovered in the tombs of My- 
kenae admits of no doubt. The representation of the king in 
his chariot, with the charioteer, hunting the stag, is clearly'' 
Assyrian or Persian. The dress of the figures on some of 
the seals is decidedly Assyrian or Persian. Now the same ; 
style of art meets us again in the various works of^jiTtJound i 
on the Oxue. We have the king in his two-wheeled chariot, i 
standing behind his charioteer, in the silver Daric (PI. xii, 6, | 
7), and in the gold relic (PI. xii, 8). We have the peculiar 
Persian trowsers, the sarabara (sarawil), in the gold statue 

S 2 



260 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

(PI. xii, i), and again in the silver statuette (PI. xi). Besides 
this, we have (PI. xv, 6) the stag in gold, corresponding to 
the stag in silver-lead (PI. 172, Mykenae). We have the 
figure of a man in bronze (PI. xix, 4), and of a king in gold 
(PI. xii, 1), both reminding us of the figure of a man found at 
Mykenae (PI. 86), and we have the small pigeon (PI. xv, 3) 
which might have come oflP from one of the figures found at 
Mykenae (PI. 106, and 179). 

All this would become intelligible, if we might trace the 
treasures found on the Oxus and the treasures found at 
Mykenae J:)ack_to_ the ^^ame source — namely, to^ljjaotjtrjbund 
by the Greeks in the Persian camp, and to booty carried off 
by Macedonian generals from the palaces of Darius. 

This would not explain the origin of all the treasure found 
in the tombs of Mykenae^ but it would give a clue to some 
of them, and thus impart a new interest to Dr. Sehliemann's 
discoveries. (I have quoted the numbers of the Mykenae 
plates from the Collection of the original photographs presented 
to me by Dr. Schliemann.) 



NOTE B, p. 25. 

ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND THE CAt's EYE. 

Our domestic cat came to us from Egypt ^, where it had 
been tamed by a long process of kindness, or, it may be, of 
worship 2. In no classical writer, Greek or Koman, do 
we find the cat as a domestic animal before the third 
century a.d. It is first mentioned by Caesarius, the physician, 
brother of Gregory, the theologian of Nazianzus, who died 
369 A.D. He speaks of KdrraL hbpv^oc. About the same time 
Palladius (De re rustica, IV, 9, 4), writes : 'Contra talpas pro- 
dest catos (cattos) frequenter habere in mediis carduetis 
(artichoke-gardens). Mustelas habent plerique mansuetas ; 
aliqui foramina earum rubrica et succo agrestis cucumeris 
impleverunt. Nonnulli juxta cubilia talparum plures cavernas 
aperiunt, ut illae territae fugiant solis admissu. Plerique 
laqueos in aditu earum setis pendentibus ponunt.' Hehn 
supposes that talpa here means mouse. But whether it 
means mouse or mole, it is clear that when Palladius wrote 
(fourth century a.d.), tame mustelae were still more common 
than cats, whether called cati or catti. 

Evagrius scholasticus (Hist. Eccl. ly, 23), about 600 a.d., 
speaks of Karra ^ as the common name of atkovpos, here meant, 
therefore, for cat. He says : a'iXovpov fjv kclttuv f} avvriOeia 
Aeyei. 

And Isidorus, his contemporary, expresses himself in the 
same sense when saying (13, 2, 38), ^hunc (murionem) vulgus 
catum a captura vocant.' 

If we admit, in the absence of evidence to the contrary 
eJBect, that the tame cat came from Egypt to Greece and Italy 

^ Wagner, zu Schrebers Saugethiere, Suppl. ii, p. 536. 

^ See Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere, p. 398. It was the Felis mani- 
culata Euepp., see Hartmann, Zeitschrift fiir Aegypt. Sprache, 1864, p. 11. 
^ Cafcta in Martialis, 13, 69, seems to be a kind of bird. 



262 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

in the fourth century a.d.. and that the shrewd little animal 
was called by the Romans catus, everything" else becomes 
intelligible. 

In the ruins of Pompeii, where the bones of horses, dogs, 
and goats have been found, no bones of cats have hitherto 
been discovered, and the pictures there which were supposed 
to be intended for cats, are now proved to be at all events 
not pictures of the tame cat^. 

In the language of Roumania no traces exist of the word 
catus, probably because at the time when that Romanic 
dialect became settled in Dacia, catus did not yet exist as a 
Latin word ^. 

Mice were very troublesome no doubt to Greeks and Romans, 
but they fought against them, and against lizards and snakes 
also, not by cats, but by the yaXerj or ya\.rj, the Xktls, and the 
aiikovpos or atXovpos. We must not suppose that the names 
of these animals were used by the ancients with anything like 
zoological accuracy. So much only is certain that, before 
the fourth century B.C., none of them, when applied to animals 
outside Egypt ^, should be taken for our Felis domesticus, 
while Cuvier* maintains that in Egypt the cat-mummies, 
from the most ancient times, are anatomically the same as 
our tame cat. 

My excellent friend, the late Professor Rolleston, whom I miss 
more than I can say, in a paper ' On Domestic Cats, ancient and 
modern/ published in the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 
1868, pp. 47-61, came to the conclusion that when the ancient 
Greeks, such as Aristotle, Aristophanes, &e., spoke of yakri^ 
except in Egypt, they generally meant the Mnstela foina, 
the white-breasted marten, called also beech-marten or stone- 
marten, sometimes the Mustela furo, the ferret, and the 
Viverra genneta, the genet, but never the polecat, Mustela 
putorius. What distinguishes the yakr\ is that it destroys 
mice, snakes, and birds, that it steals the eggs of birds, and 

^ Hehn, 1. c, p. 402. 2 jjehn, 1. c, p. 531. 

^ Herodotus, when speaking of the cat in Egypt, applies the Grreek name of 
aiXovpos to it ; in the Sibylline Oracles, Prooem., v. 60, it is called 7aA.§ ; 
al<TxwOT]Te yaXas Kal KvuSaXa Ofioiroiovvres. 

* Annales du Museum, An. xi (1802), p. 234; Ossemens fossiles, Discours 
Preliminaire, pp. Ixii-lxiii, ed. 1821 ; EoUeston, 1. c, p. 50. 



ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND CATS EYE. 263 

is offensive by its smell. The ya\rj aypia or Xktls shares these 
qualities, but it is larger and^ what is important, fond of honey. 
Neither ferret {Mustela furo) nor weasel {Mustela vulgaris) 
will touch honey. 

The cat, our Felis domesticus, may in extreme cases be 
brought to kill snakes_, but it will not steal eggs, nor eat 
honey, nor go into holes, like the yaXri or the Mustela. 

The most useful talent of killing mice was shared by yaKr\^ 
mustela, weasel, and cat; and when we say, cat and mouse, the 
Greeks said MOs koX yaXrj, the Romans Mtis et mustela. 

When the Greeks came to know the tame Egyptian cat, 
they transferred to it the old names of yah.r\ and atXovpos. 
Most likely Karros was the imitation of an Egyptian word, 
and when Kallimachos, writing in Egypt (third century b. c), 
speaks of the atXovpos, his commentator was no doubt right 
in saying, top tStco? keyofxevov Karrov. 

In the Greek fables, down to Babrius, atkovpos need never 
be taken for a tame cat, but for a weasel, marten, or possibly 
a wild cat ^. 

The Romans did not transfer the name of Mustela ^ to the 
cat, but by a kind of popular etymology, changed cattus into 
catus^ and these two names, Karra and catus, found their way 
afterwards into nearly all the languages of Europe ^. 

In Germany the arrival of the cat ^ must have been suffi- 
ciently early to account for the adoption of cats, instead of 
weasels (O.H.G. wisula, or wisale), as drawing the chariot of 
the goddess Ereya ^, unless we admit that here too the cat 

* Helm, 1. c, p. 402, against Keller, tJber die Geschiclite der griech. Fabel, 

P- 392. 

* The following are the different English names, all corresponding to some 
kind of Mustela : — 

Mustela foina = white-breasted marten. 

Mustela martes = yeUow-breasted marten. 

Mustela putorius = polecat. 

Mustela furo = ferret. 

Mustela vulgaris = weasel. 

Mustela erminea = stoat. 
^ O.H.G. chazza; M.H.G. katze ; A.S. cat ; O.N. kottr; Fr. chat, chatte ; 
Prov. cat, cata ; Span, gato, gata ; Ital. gatto, gatta ; Mod. Or. 70x0, /rarft ; 
Ir. cat ; Gael, cat ; Welsh cath; Russ. kot", koska ; Pol. kot, kotka ; Boh. kot, 
kotfe ; Lith. katd ; Finn, katti ; Lapp, katto ; Turk, kedy ; Arm. citto. 

* Hehn, I.e., p. 405. ^ Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, p. 634. 



264 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

intended was originally the wild-cat, particularly as its place 
is often taken by the g-old-hristled boar and the falcon ^. 

We now come to the question, whether the cat was known 
at an early time in India. The two principal words in 
Sanskrit for cat are m^r^ara and vi^ala. 

Marmara means the cleaner, the cat being well known for 
its cleanliness. The wild- cat is called ara^ya-mar^ara, the 
forest-cat (Pan/?;atantra, p, 165, 1. 14). 

Manu (XI, 131) places mar^ara by the side of the nakula, 
the ichneumon, and in the Pawy?;atantra (p. 1 10, 1. 33) we read 
that there is a natural enmity between cats and dogs (sara- 
meya-mar^ara^am) and between ichneumons and serpents 
(nakula-sarpa^^am). This instinctive enmity between certain 
animals was so well known that Pa^^ini gave a rule (II, 4, 9) 
according to which compounds may be formed of the names 
of such animals. But among these compounds we find in 
Pacini neither cat and dog, nor cat and mouse. Pacini knew 
the wild-cat, the vif/ala (VI, 2, 72), but not the tame cat, the 
enemy of dogs and mice. Nay, even Pata%ali, the author of 
the Mahabhashya, does not yet mention the cat among the 
animals exhibiting an instinctive hatred of other animals (II, 
4, 9). He gives in the Mahabhashya instances (II, 4, la, 3) of 
such instinctive enmities, as kakolukam, crows and owls, 
.svasrigalam, dogs and jackals (even 5rama?^a-brahmawam, 
mendicants and Brahmans), but not cat and dog, or cat and 
mouse. The later Kaseka, on the contrary, gives mar_^ara- 
mushakam, cat and mouse, as the very first instance of II, 4, 9. 

Again (IV, 3, 1 04), the animals mentioned by Pata%ali for 
a similar purpose are ahi-nakulika/^, serpents and ichneumons, 
and svavarahika^, dogs and boars, but not cat and dog, nor 
cat and mouse. 

In the Chinese translation of the story of Bedd Gelert, 
made by Pa Hian about 413 a. d., the animals that hate each 
other instinctively are the snake and the nakula, the little 
bird and the hawk, the Srsucaana. and Brahma^a, the step- 
mother and the child of another wife ^. 

A strong confirmation of the comparatively late date of the 

^ Eadolph, Die Gottergestalt der Frigg, 1875, P- 37- 
^ See S. Beal, in the Academy, 1882, p. 331. 



ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND CAT S EYE. 265 

cat, as the enemy of mice, in India is furnished by the 
Pa«/?;atantra. Here we read (V, 109)^, '^A mouse, though born 
in the house, must be killed, because it does mischief. A cat 
is asked for from elsewhere, and paid for, because it is useful.^ 

But in the Arabic translation (Guidi^s Codd. F. and V.), 
instead of the cat we find the falcon ; in the Dlrectorium the 
nisus, or sparrow-hawk ; in the Stephanites the lepa^, and in 
the old Spanish translation, the azor. 

It might have been supposed at first that as the eat 
occurred in the Pa72>^atantra, the Arabic translation had 
changed the cat into a falcon. But no. The old Syriac version, 
which is older than our Paw/?;atantra, has : ' Mice, though bred 
in the house, are killed on account of their mischievousness, 
but falcons are caught on account of their usefulness, and 
carried on the hand.' 

This leaves no doubt that in the original the simile was 
taken from the mice and the falcon, and that the somewhat 
lame simile of the cat and the mice is of later date. 

The second name for cat in Sanskrit is vi(^ala or bi^ala. In 
the Va(7asaneyi-sai%hita (XXIV, 31) vnshadara^a is explained 
by vi^ala, and kept quite distinct from nakula (XXIV, 32), 
which occurs in the Atharva-veda (IV, 139, 5) as an animal 
hostile to serpents. Manu also (XI, 159) clearly distinguishes 
vi^ala from nakula, and his vana-vif^ala is most likely meant 
for the wild-cat. Pacini must have known the word, for in 
XVI, 2, 7a he gives a rule for the accent of the compound , 

bhiksha-vi^ala. / -^^ ^ ^^f^) 

It is difiicult to analyse this word. I thought at first that ^^*^-^«j?»»ik,^ 
it might be connected with vidala (bidala, in the Ait. Ar. Ti% 
I, 3, 6) which means cut in half, split in the middle, which 
would be a very appropriate term for a cat's eye. But this 
would leave the lingual d unaccounted for. In the U??adi- 
siltras (I, T T 7) it is derived from V\d, to shout, with the sufiix 
ala. This sufiix shows a certain analogy with aliya in mar- 
<7aliya, another name for cat. 

The question then arises, whether from vif/ala a derivative 
vaicMya might have been formed, and whether this word 

^ Selected Essays, i, p. 556. 



266 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

could have given rise to the Greek atKovpos or aUXovpos, in- 
stead of atoAos and ovpa, as commonly supposed. We should 
have to admit a parallel form vai(/arya, and then a transition 
of oppos into ovpos, allowing at the same time the possibility 
that the word came into Greek, not as a common Aryan word, 
but as a foreign name for a foreign animal. 

And this suggests a new question. Yaiddrya, and vaidurya, 
the very form that would best correspond to the Greek atXovpos, 
means in Sanskrit the cat's eye. The cat is called ma^ivaif/dr- 
yaloy?:ana, i. e. having eyes like the Vaidurya jewel. It is 
true that so ancient a grammarian asPamni (IV, 3, 84) derives 
vai^^urya from vidura, ' very distant,' and that accordingly it is 
often spelt with a dental d. But this seems an after- 
thought. The transition of vaif/arya into vaidurya is not 
impossible, even in Sanskrit, if we remember such parallel 
forms as ddra and daviyas, sthula, sthaviyas, &c. If then 
vaii^Llrya was connected with vi^ala, cat, and meant originally 
a cat^s eye, it is strange, to say no more, that the Prakrit form 
veluriya should^ as Pott pointed out, appear in Greek as /3?]- 
pvXXos, again a foreign name for a foreign jewel, i. e. for the 
beryl. It is true no doubt that, scientifically speaking, the 
cat^s eye and the beryl differ, but in some cases, as Professor 
Fischer informs me, the colour of the beryl is like that of the 
eyes of a cat, though it never has that peculiar waving lustre 
which is perceived in all real cat's-eye minerals, when they 
have been cut convexly. 

Vai^Llrya is also used as the name of the country or the 
mountain where the vai(?urya mineral is found. At the time 
of Varahamihira(Bnhat-saOThita, XIV, 14), in the sixth century, 
the mines of beryl stone were said to be in the South of India. 
But in the commentary on the U;2adi-sutras (II, 30) we hear 
of Viddra as the name of Balavaya, being either a mountain 
or a town, from whence the best Vaif^urya stones are said to 
come. In the commentary on Pacini also (VI, 2, 77) this 
Balavaya is mentioned as the name of a mountain. 

It was objected by Katyayana that Pa?^ini's rule (Pa;^. IV, 
3, 84), according to which vaif/urya is formed from Vidura, 
must be wrong, because the Vaif/ilrya jewel does not come 
from Vidura, but from Balavaya, and is only cut or polished 



ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND CAT S EYE. 267 

at Vidilra. We are not concerned here with the manner in 

which PataiiT^ali tries to solve this dilemma, hut with the 

dilemma itself, that is, with the fact that in Katyayana's^ or, 

at all events, in Pata;7^^ali's time Vai^urya stones were known 

to come from the mountain Balavaya, not from Vidura. We 

know nothing else about this Balavaya mountain, but Bur- 

nouf, by a very bold combination, tried many years ago to . 

identify the name of the Bolor or Balur-tagh ^ with the Vai- :■ y^// J 

fZurya mountain, the mountain supplying the YaidtLrjSi. jewels. ^ V/* 

This would indicate new points of contact between the East ^T*) 

and the West, which however it seems premature to follow up. ''-<^ ^^ 

Even the coincidences and similarities touched upon in this note 

are by no means firmly established, and I have only put them 

together because, if we should come to the conclusion that . 

there is no historical relationship between \ida]a, vaifZurya, ' 

aXXovpos, fi-qpvXkos, and Belur-tagh^, we should, at all events, 

have learnt the useful lesson that the chapter of accidents is 

sometimes larger than we suppose. 



•^-f 



Page ^^. Professor Cowell calls my attention to the fact 
that Sir William Jones was thirty-seven years of age when he 
sailed for India, and that he received the honour of knight- 
hood in March 1783, on his appointment as Judge of the 
Supreme Court of Judicature at Port William, at Bengal. 
See ' Works of Sir William Jones, with the Life of the Author, 
by Lord Teignmouth,' vol. i, p. 403. 

^ Professor Weber adopts Pott's etymology of PripvWos, and Burnouf's deri- 
vation of Belur-tagh from Ynidtxja. (see Omina und Portenta, p. 326), though -' 
he thinks it might be inverted. At a later time (Ind. Stud, xiii, 370) he ■ 
prefers to think of Balavaya as connected with Belur-tagh. See also, Die 
Indischen Mineralien, von Dr. E. Garbe, p. 85. 

^ The Bolor, the very existence of which had been denied, has lately been 
re-established as the real name of a real mountain by Eobert Shaw. He found 
that the name was applied by the Kirghis to the district of A"itral. General 
Cunningham states that the same name, Palor, Balors, Balornts, is applied 
to the city of Iskardo. See Le Museon, vol. i, p. 358. Hiouen-thsang also 
(i, 273) describes the kingdom of Pololo (Bolor) as rich in precious metals. 



NOTE C, p. 49. 

ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 

As Colonel Sleeman's *■ E/ambles of an Indian Official ' are 
not easily accessible, I give some more extracts from them 
bearing on village communities as he knew them. In the 
tenth chapter of the first volume he writes : — 

'Nine-tenths of the immediate cultivators of the soil in 
India are little farmers, who hold a lease for one or more 
years, as the case may be, of their lands, which they cultivate 
with their own stock. One of these cultivators, with a good 
plough and bullocks, and a good character, can always get 
good lands on moderate terms from holders of villages. Those 
cultivators are, I think, the best who learn to depend upon 
their stock and character for favourable terms, hold themselves 
free to change their holdings when their leases expire, and 
pretend not to any hereditary right of property in the soil. 
The lands are, I think, best cultivated, and the society best 
constituted in India, when the holders of Estates of Villages 
have a feeling of permanent interest in them, an assurance 
of an hereditary right of property which is liable only to 
the payment of a moderate government demand, descends 
undivided by the law of primogeniture, and is unafiected 
by the common law, which prescribes the equal subdivision 
among children of landed as well as other private property 
among the Hindus and Mohammedans, and where the im- 
mediate cultivators hold the lands they till by no other law 
than of common specific contract. 

' When I speak of villages, I mean the holders of lands that 
belong to villages. The whole face of India is parcelled out 
into estates of villages. The village communities are com- 
posed of those who hold and cultivate the land, the established 
village-servants ^, priest ^, blacksmith ^, carpenter *, account- 

* Gr§,ma-bhnta. 

^ Grama-yagrin or gT§,ma-yS(jfaka, a despised office. 

^ Grama-karm^ra. * Grama-taksha, Paw. V, 4, 95. 



ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 269 

ant ^, washerman ^ (whose wife is ex officio the midwife of 
the little village community), potter^, watchman*^ barber^, 
shoemaker, etc. In some parts of Central and Southern 
India, the Garpugree® who charms away hail- storms from 
the crops, and the Bhoomka '^ who charms away tigers from 
the people and their cattle, are added to the number of 
village-servants. To these may be added the little banker 
or agricultural capitalist, the shopkeeper, the brazier, the 
confectioner, the iron -monger, the weaver, the dyer, the 
astronomer, or astrologer^ who points out to the people the 
lucky day for every earthly undertaking, and the prescribed 
times for all religious ceremonies and observances ^. 

' In some villages the whole of the lands are parcelled out 
among cultivating proprietors, and are liable to eternal sub- 
division by the law of inheritance, which gives to each one 
the same share. 

' In others, the whole of the lands are parcelled out among 

^ Gr^ma-lekhaka. ^ Grama-ra^aka. 

^ GrS,ma-kulala, Pa?i.VI, 2, 62, com. 

* Gr^nia-p§.la. 

^ Grama-napita, Paw. VI, 2, 62, com. ; also called grS.majiiA.. 

^ Mr. Platts, whom I consulted on these names, writes to me : ' I have now 
no doubt that the word is gar-pagari (the accent being on pag) ; and that 
its correct form is TJITJTXll', or rather JH^lJoJi^j the cfi of which is changed to 
ITj and the ^ r to x; r ; both of which are common changes in the Dakkhini. 

' The etymology will therefore be : 

'gar° = gar = S, cjajsIfT. pagar° = pakar° (root of pakarn a) = Prakrit 
IT^(^), from Sanskrit If^^, rt. '^^ with IT. i = S. ^ (^) .' 

^ Bhumika. * Grama-gryotisha. 

* Some other village officials mentioned in Sanskrit works are : — 
Gr§,ma-goduh, the man who milks the cows ; Paw. GanapaiAa, 218, 
Grama-ghatin, the village butcher, gramasthabahulokaposhawartham pasu- 

ghatakaA. 

Grama-preshya, the village messenger, rather despised. 

Grama-ghoshin, the village cryer. 

According to Nagesa (Paw. I, i, 48, ed. BaUantyne, p. 559) the five most 
common artisans in a village are the kulala, potter, karmara, smith, vardhaki, 
carpenter, napita, barber, and ragraka, washerman or dyer. A village possessing 
them is called gramaA pa»A:akaruki. See Kielhom, Katy%ana and Patan- 
jali, p. 32, note : ' AvarataA can only mean " less in nvunber." One calls 
a village a Brahman- village, although some of its inhabitants belong to other 
castes, because the number of Brahmans who live in it is greater than the 
number of inhabitants belonging to other castes.' 



270 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

[cultivators, who hold them on a specific lease for limited pe- 
mods, from a proprietor who holds the whole collectively under 
government, at a rate of rent fixed either permanently or for 
limited periods. 

' These are the two extremes. There are but few villages in 
which all the cultivators are considered as proprietors, at least 
but few in our Nerbudda territories ; and these will almost 
invariably be found of a caste of Brahmans or a caste of 
Rajputs, descended from a common ancestor, to whom the 
estate was originally given in rent-free tenure, or at a quit 
rent, by the existing government, either for his prayers as a 
priest, or his services as a soldier. Subsequent governments, 
which resumed unceremoniously the estates of others, were 
deterred from resuming these by a dread of the curses of the 
one^ and the swords of the others. 

)' Such communities of cultivating proprietors are of two 
kinds, those among whom the lands are parcelled out, each 
member holding his share as a distinct estate, and being in- 
dividually responsible for the payment of the share of the 
i government demand assessed upon it ; and those among whom 
I the lands are not parcelled out, but the profits divided as 
among co-partners of an estate held jointly. They, in either 
case, nominate one of their members to collect and pay the 
government demand ; or government appoints a man for this 
duty, either as a salaried servant, or as a lessee, with authority 
to levy from the cultivating proprietors a certain sum over 
and above what is demandable from him. 

' The communities in which the cultivators are considered 
merely as leaseholders, are far more numerous — indeed the 
:,; greater part of the village communities in this part of India 
I are of this description ; and where the communities are of 
a mixed character, the cultivating proprietors are considered 
to have merely a right of occupancy, and are liable to have 
their lands assessed at the same rate as others holding the 
same sort of lands, and often pay a higher rate with which 
others are not encumbered. 

' But this is not general : it is as much the interest of the 

1 See VasislKAa XVII, 86. 



ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 271 

proprietor to have good cultivating" tenants, as it is of the 
tenants to have good proprietors ; and it is felt to be the in- 
terest of both to adjust their terms amicably among them- 
selves without a reference to a third and superior party, 
which is always costly and commonly ruinous.' 

For more minute details of the systems of land tenure in 
these village estates, see Sir H. Maine's ' Village Communities 
in the East and West; Six Lectures delivered at Oxford,' 1871. 



Page ^^, 1. 19, add: The earliest witness is Su-we, a relative 
of Fan-chen, king of„§i5.m, who between 232 and 227 a.d. / 
sailed round the whole of India, till he reached the mouth of 
the Indus, and then explored the country. After his return 
to Siam, he received four Yueh-chi horses, sent by a king 
of India as a present to the king of Siam and his ambassador. 
At the time when these horses arrived in Siam (it took them 
four years to travel there), there was staying at the Court of 
Siam an ambassador of the emperor of China, Khang-thai, 
and this is the account he received of the kingdom of India : 
' It is a kingdom in which the religion of Buddha flourishes. 
The inhabitants are straightforward^ and honest, and the soil 
is very fertile. The king is called Meu-lun, and his capital is 
surrounded by walls,' &c. This was in about 23 1 A. d. In .; 
605 we hear again of the emperor Yang-ti sending an am- / 
bassador, Fei-tu, to India, and this is what among other things 
he points out as peculiar to the Hindus : ' They believe in 
solemn oaths.' (See Stanislas Julien, Journal Asiatique, 1847, 
Aoiit, pp. 98, 105.) 



Page ^6, 1. g, add : Again in the thirteenth century, Shems- 
ed-din Abu Abdallah quotes the following judgment of Bedi 
ezr Zenan : ' The Indians are innumerable, like grains of sand, 
free from all deceit and violence. They fear neither death 
nor life.' (See Mehren, Manuel de la Cosmographie du moyen 
age, traduction de Fouvrage de Shems-ed-din Abou Abdallah 
de Damas, Paris, Leroux, 1874, p. 391.) 



NOTE D, p. 70. 

TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS. 

Gautama V, 34 : Kruddha ]x?-ish.tsL bhitartalubdha bala stha- 
vira vaAd/ia, mattonmattavakyany anr^tany apatakani. 
VasishMa XVI, ^S ; Mahabh. VIII, 3436: 
Vivabakale ratisamprayoge 
pra»atyaye sarvadhanapahare 
viprasya Mrtbe hy anritsbm vadeta, 
paiiMnfitany ahur apatakani. 
If a man speak an untruth at tbe time of marriage, during 
dalliance, when his life is in danger, or the loss of his whole 
property (is threatened), and also for the sake of a Brahmawa, 
it has been declared that these five untruths are not mortal 
sins. 

Gautama XXIII, 39 : Vivahamaithunanarmartasa»^yogeshv 
adosham eke 'nritam. 

Some declare that an untruth spoken at the time of mar- 
riage, during dalliance, in jest or while one sufifers severe 
pain, is venial. 

Vishwu VIII, 15 : Var^inam yatra badhas tatranritena. 
Whenever the death of a member of any of the four castes 
(would be occasioned by true evidence, they are free from blame) 
if they give false evidence. 

Manu VIII, 103 : Tadvadan dharmato 'rtheshu ^anann apy- 
anyatha nara^, 
Na svarga,;^ ^yavate lokad daiviw^ Y&kam vadanti tam. 
xS'lldravi^!kshatravipra7^am yatrartoktau bhaved badha>^, 
Tatra vaktavyam anntam tad dhi satyad vi.sishyate. 
In some cases a giver of false evidence from a pious motive, 
even though he know the truth, shall not lose a seat in 
heaven ; such evidence wise men call the speech of the gods. 

Whenever the death of a man, either of the servile, the 
commercial, the military, or the sacerdotal class, would be 



TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS. 273 

occasioned by true evidence, falsehood may be spoken ; it is 
even preferable to truth. 

Comm. Tatha Gautama>^, Nanr^'tavadane dosho ja,ggi\2i- 
jiam ket tadadhina»2, na tu papiyaso ^ivanam iti. 

Mahabh. I, 341!^: Na narmayukta»2 va^anam hinasti 
Na strishu ra^an na vivahakale, 
Pra^iatyaye sarvadhanapahare 
Pawy^anntany ahur apatakani. 
Mahabh. Ill, 13844: Pra??antike vivahe ka vaktavyam 
anritam bhavet^ 
Anritena bhavet satyam satyenaivanr^tam bhavet. 
Mahabh. YII, 8741 : Sa bhavams tratu no dro^eat, satya^ 
ffjQjo 'nritsLm vakaA, 
Anritam _j/ivitasyarthe vadan na spri^yate 'nr^tai^. 
Kaminishu vivaheshu gavam bhakte tathaiva ka, 
BrahmaKabhyupapattau ^a anrite nasti patakam. 
Manu (IV, 138) quotes what he calls a primeval rule, 
namely, ' Say what is true and say what is pleasant, but do 
not say what is true and unpleasant^ nor what is pleasant 
and not true.^ 

In the Vish^^u-pura^a (Wilson's translation, p. 3T2) the same 
mixed lesson of truthfulness and worldly wisdom is repeated : 
' Let a wise man ever speak the truth when it is agreeable, and 
when the truth would inflict pain let him hold his peace. Let 
him not utter that which, though acceptable, would be detri- 
mental ; for it were better to speak that which would be 
salutary, although it should give exceeding offence. A con- 
siderate man will always cultivate, in act, thought, and speech, 
that which is good for living beings, both in this world and 
in the next.^ 



Page 81, note i. That the Mahabharata was publicly read 
in the seventh century a.d., we learn from Ba^a ; see Journal | 
of Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, vol. x, p. 87, note. ' 



NOTE E, p. 86. 

THE YUEH-CHI (yUEH-^:'). 

The conquests of Alexander, though they seem to have left- 
a very slight impression in India, so much so that the very 
name of Alexander is never mentioned in Sanskrit literature, 
supplied the first impulse to great commotions in Asia, 
which at last reacted most powerfully and fatally on India. 
The kingdoms of Bactria, Syria, and Egypt were essentially 
the outcome of Alexander's Oriental policy, Egypt and Syria, 
we know, fell after a time a prey to Roman conquest. But 
the Greek kingdom of Bactria came in contact with a different 
class of enemies, and was destroyed by the Tochari (the 
Ta-hia in Chinese^}, a Turanian race, who, after having made 
themselves masters of that position, advanced westward 
against the kingdom of Parthia, founded 350 b. c. by Arsaces I. 
.Artabanus, the king of Parthia, fell fighting against the 
I'Tochari, but his son Mithradates II (124 B,c,) repelled their 
I inroads, and thereby drbve an enormous wave of half-nomad 
s warriors towards Kabul, and thence to India. 

Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti as am- 
bassador to the Yueh-chi, tells us that these Yueh-chi (also 
called Yueh-ti, the ^E(f)6aKiTai of Greeks) had been driven at 
that time out of their old seats by the Hiung-nu, and had 
poured into Bactria, then occupied by the Tochari (To'xapot 
of Strabo), and called Ta-hia, or Tocharia (now Tokharistan), 
Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti to induce 
the Yueh-chi to make war against the Hiung-nu, met with 
them on the banks of the Tu-kwai-shui (Surkhab), their 



^ The Adai are supposed to appear again as Dacians, and Grimm would have 
wished to connect them with DS.navas, evil spirits, and in the end with 
the Danes. All this is as yet mere vapour, though there may be some light 
behind it. Most of these identifications rest on little more than similarity of 
sound. 



THE YUEH-CHI. 275 

northern boundary being the Oxus (Kwai-shui), This must 
have been between the years 139-126 b.c^ though rather 
towards the end of that time. The Yueh-chi are described 
as of a pink and white complexion, and as accustomed to shoot 
from horse-back. They were then 7000 li north of India. 
Their country was bounded on the South by the districts 
lately conquered by the Ta-hia (Tochari) and on the West 
by Ansik, i. e. Parthia. They were herdsmen and nomads, 
and resembled the Hiung-nu in manners and customs. 
Driven out of their seats by the Hiung-nu, they fell on the 
Tochari from the West, and defeated them^. They then 
followed the course of the Surkhab, and founded a royal 
residence on its Northern bank. Some of them took refuge 
in Little Tibet (Khiang or Kanka), and were called the Lesser 
Yueh-chi. 

To the South-east of the Tochari lay Shen-tuh, i. e. India, 
and when Chang Kien was with the Tochari, he saw articles 
of trade brought to their country from India. India was 
reckoned to be some thousand li to the South-east of Ta-hia 
(Bactria). The country was said to be cultivated, and the 
manners and customs of its inhabitants were very similar to 
those of the Tochari, The climate was damp and hot, and the 
people made use of elephants in war. It lay near a great 
river ^. 

So far our information about the Yueh-chi and their distant 
relation to India rests on Sze-ma Tsien, who was born in 
163 B.C.^ 

If now we proceed to the Annals of the After (or Eastern) 
Han Dynasty (a.d, 25-320), or to the Annals of the Sui 
Dynasty (a.d. 589-618), we find some more information 
about the same subject, for which I am chiefly indebted to 
Professor Legge^. 

The Annals of the After Han Dynasty were written down 

* Their capital was Lam-shi-^eng, Aapaxpa. Kingsmill, Intercourse of China 
with Eastern Turkestan, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1882, p. 82, note. 

^ North-Eastern India is called Tln-ytit, apparently Sthanesvara ; Kingsmill, 
1. c, p. 83, note. 

^ Kingsmill, 1. c, p. 74. 

* Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. ii, p. 352 seq. 

T 2 



276 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

by Han Y6, who was killed in 445 a.d., and we there find 
the following- account of Tien-ehu, that is, India. It is said 
to be called also ^ ^, Ken-tohu or Shin-doku. Its situation 
is described as many thousand li South-east of the Yueh-chi. 
The customs of the people are said to be the same as those of 
the Yueh-chi. Its climate is damp and hot. The country is 
near to the great rivers. The people fight riding on elephants, 
and they are weaker than the Yueh-chi. They practise the 
religion of Fu to, i.e. Buddha, and refrain from killing, and 
this forms their custom. 

The whole region extends from a state of the Yueh-chi 
called Kofu, i. e. Kabul, to the West Sea in a South-western 
direction, and it reaches Eastward another state called Han-ki. 

Then the Han annalist^ speaking of the time of that 
Dynasty, 25-220 a.d., continues: 

There are in Ken-toku separate castles which are counted 
by hundreds, and in each castle there is a chiefs. 

There are also separate states which are counted by tens^; 
and in each state there is a King. Although there is a little 
difference, yet all of them are called Ken-toku or Shin-doku. 

At that time (under the Eastern Han Dynasty) they all 
belonged to the Yueh-chi, who had killed the kings, and 
appointed generals to govern the people. 

This seems to have happened about one hundred years 
after Chang Kien's embassy, or 20 B.C. At that time the 
five tribes of the Yueh-chi were united under Kieou-tsieu-kio, 
who then assumed the title of Kouei-shuang (it may be 
Gushan or Ko/3/5ai;os of the coins ^). He conquered the Kings 
of Pota and Kipin, and then invaded Tien-chu or India. 

The products of the country are elephants, rhinoceros, tor- 
toise-shell, gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin. The people 
have rare things, which are found in the country of Tai Chin 



* This agrees well witli tlie description of the royal castles or fortresses given 
in the early Law-books or Dharma-slitras. 

^ The DasagrSmis of Paraini. 

' Oldenberg, Ueber der Datirung der altern indischen Mtinz- und Inschriften- 
reihen, p. 297. Thomas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1877, p. 18, gives 
a coin of Heraos, Sakakorranos, where the expression 'Hpdou rvpavvovvTO^ makes 
it evident that Yioppavos has nothing to do with Koipavos. 



THE YUEH-CHI. 277 

or Great Chin, because they have communication with those 
of the Great Chin westward. There are also among" the 
products of India fine linen, good rugs or mats made of wool 
and fur, several kinds of incense, stone honey, black pepper, 
ging-er^ and black salt. 

In the time of the Emperor Hwa (89-105) they often sent 
messengers to China and presented somethingj as if it were 
their tribute. But afterwards those of the Western regions 
rebelled (against the Emperor of China), and interrupted their 
communication, until the second year of the period Yen-hsi 
(159) in the reign of the Emperor Kwan (147-167). 

In the fourth year of the same period (161) the foreign 
people incessantly came from outside of the wall of a castle 
on the border at a place called Jitsu-nan. 

This is an independent and, if we make allowance for 
Chinese modes of thought and expression, a perfectly trust- 
worthy account of the state of things in India from the first 
century before to about the third century after Christ. 



NOTE F, p. 89. 

LETl'EES ON BUDDHISM. 

A Conference on Buddhism was held in June 18 8a at Sion 
College^ to discuss the real or apparent coincidences between 
the religions of Buddha and Christ. Being unable to assist in 
person^ I addressed the following letters to the Secretary, 
which were read at the meeting and published afterwards. 

I. 

' I regret that it is quite out of my power to be present at 
the discussion on Thursday. May I venture, however, to say 
that a discussion on Buddhism in general seems to me almost 
an impossibility. The name of Buddhism is applied to reli- 
gious opinions not only of the most varying, but of a 
decidedly opposite character held by people on the highest 
and the lowest stages of civilisation, divided into endless 
sects, nay, founded on two distinct codes of canonical writings. 
I hardly know any proposition that could be made with regard 
to Buddhism in general. Divide et impera ! is the only way 
that can lead to a mutual understanding on the fundamental 
principles of Buddha's doctrine, and considering the special 
qualifications of those who will address your meeting, I should 
think that an account of what Buddhism is at the present 
moment in Ceylon, both with the learned and unlearned 
classes, would be far more interesting and useful than a 
general discussion on Buddhism. I shall mention the subject 
to two Buddhist priests who have been reading Sanskrit with 
me for several years, but their Buddhism is so different from 
the Buddhism now practised in Ceylon that they would 
hardly recognise it as their own religion. 

' Excuse these hurried remarks, and believe me, 

' Yours faithfully, 

' F. Max Mxjller.' 
II. 

' I can have no objection to your reading my letter at your 
conference, and after receiving your second letter, I feel all 



LETTERS ON BUDDHISM. 279 

the more sorry that I am unable to attend in person, not that 
I have much faith in public discussions, it being* so very difR- 
cult to be quite frank and truthful when you are listened to 
by hundreds of people, and when success and applause seem 
for the moment more important than the establishment of 
facts and the recognition of truth. But I admire the fearless 
spirit in which you invite public discussion on a subject which 
has become a kind of bugbear to so many people. I fully 
sympathise with you, and I think I can say of myself that 
I have all my life worked in the same spirit that speaks from 
your letter, so much so that if any of your friends could prove 
to me what they seem to have said to you, namely, ' that 
Christianity was but an inferior copy of a g-reater original/ 1 
should bow and accept the greater origiixal. That there are<^ 
startling coincidences between Buddhism and Christianity 4 
cannot be denied, and it must likewise be admitted that Bud- 1 1 
dhism existed at least 400 years before Christianity, I go even. 4 
further, and should feel extremely grateful if anybody would ' 
point out to me the historical channels through which Bud- - 
dhism had influenced early Christianity. I have been looking 
for such channels, all my life, but hitherto I have found none. 
What I have found is that for some of the most startling 
coincidences there are historical antecedents on both sides, 
and if we once know those antecedents, the coincidences be- 
come far less startling. If I do find in certain Buddhist 
works doctrines identically the same as in Christianity, so far \ 
from being frightened, I feel delighted, for surely truth is not | 
the less true because it is believed by the majority of the " 
human race. 

' I believe we have made some progress during the last thirty 
years. I still remember the time when all heathen religions 
were looked upon as the work of the Devil. We know now . 
that they are stages in a growth, and in a growth not deter- | 
mined by an accidental environment only, but by an original 
purjpose, a purpose to be realised in the history of the human 
race as a whole. Even missionaries have begun to approach 
the heathen in a new and better spirit. They look for what 
may safely be preserved in the religion of their pupils, and on 
that common ground they try to erect a purer faith and a | 



280 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

better worship, instead of attempting to destroy the sacred 
foundations of religion which, I believe, exist, or at least 
existed, in every human heart. See on this subject the wise 
remarks of the Bishop of Lahore (French), as quoted in the 
Liberal, July 33, 1882. 

'\ send you a report which I have just issued on The Sacred 
Books of the East, translated by various Oriental scholars, 
and edited by myself. My object in publishing these transla- 
tions is exactly the same as yours, namely, to give to those 
I who are interested in the history of religion, facts, instead of 
theories. 

' I had spent nearly the whole of my life in publishing the 
text and commentary of one of the Sacred Books of the East, 
the Veda, or more correctly the E,ig-veda, the most ancient 
monument of Eastern religion, the root of all the later reli- 
gious growth of India, in a certain sense, the key also to 
Buddhism, inasmuch as that religion starts with a denial of 
the sacred authority of the Veda. The publication of that 
I'work has produced a complete revolution, not only in our own 
views of the origin and growth of ancient religion, but in the 
religious life of the Hindus themselves, and this not so much 
on the surface as in its deepest foundations. 

'When I saw how little there was left t'o me of active life, I 
invited the co-operation of my friends and colleagues to make, 
at all events, a beginning in the publication of trustworthy 
translations of all the more important among the Sacred 
Books of the East. From the enclosed report you will see 
that Buddhism in its various phases has received its full share 
of attention, and that some of its canonical books may now 
be studied by those who do not read Sanskrit, Pali, or 
Chinese. 

' Yours very faithfully, 

' F. Max MtLLER.' 



NOTE G, p. 93. 

THE EENAISSANCE OJF SANSKRIT LITERATUEE. 

Samvat Era. 

One of the chief objections that will no doubt be raised 
against my belief in a literary interregnum, lasting from the 
first century B.C. to at least the third century a. d., is the famous 
Samvat era of ^6 b. c.^, dating from what used to be called the 
Augustan age of India^ the glorious reign of Vikramaditya, the 
destroyer of the /Sakas and other WlekMas, and the great patron 
of Sanskrit literature, at whose court the Nine Gems, Dhan- 
vantari, Kshapawaka, Amarasimha, /Sanku, Vetalabha^i^a, Gha^a- 
karpara, Kalidasa^ Varahamihira, and Vararu^i were supposed 
to have flourished^. 

It has long been an open secret, however, among all who 
are interested in Indian coins and inscriptions, that there is 
absolutely no documentary evidence whatever for the existence 
of such a king Vikramaditya in the first century B.C. But the 
puzzle has always been, how the belief in such a king, living 
in the first century b. c, and in all his wonderful achievements, 
could have arisen, and this puzzle has at last been solved, I 
believe, by what I may be allowed to call the arehitectonical 
genius of Mr. Fergusson^. 

^ I spell Samvat instead of Samvat, because it has become almost an Anglo- 
Indian word, and I use 56 B. c throughout as its initial year, though it begins 
in 57. See Indian Antiquary, xi, p. 271. 

^ These names are quoted from the G^yotirvidEibharawa (i6th cent.). This 
verse seems, however, to be inserted there from elsewhere, and we find it quoted 
elsewhere as a kind of versus memonalis j see Hseberlin's Anthology, p. i ; Bhao 
Daji, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860, p. 26. It is hardly 
right to say that the only work which pretends to notice the contemporaneous 
existence of the Nine Gems, at the court ofVikrama.is the Gyotirvidabharana. 
The Nine Gems at the court of Vikrama, and the name of at least one of them, 
Amara-deva, occur in an inscription, dated 949 a.d. Asiatic Eesearches, i, 
p. 284. See, however, Weber, Z. D. M. G. xxii, p. 709. 

2 Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1880. On the S'aka, Samvat, and 
Gupta Eras ; a Supplement to his Paper od Indian Chronology, 1870. 



282 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

I do not mean to say that all difficulties which beset that 

period of Indian chronology have been removed by him, but 

I cannot help thinking that in the main his solution will turn . 

A / out to be correct. Mr. Fergusson tries_to_prove that what is 

'^^ ■ / called the era of Vikramaditya, ^6 b. c, was a date arrived at 

/^ i' I ^y taking the date of the great battle of Korur^, in which 

C^ yikramaditya, i. e. Harsha of Uj7^ayini, finally defeated the 

...iJ? ^.^^ iVrie/^Mas, 544 A. D.^, and by throwing back the beginning of 

y}A ,the new era 6 x lOo (or lo x 6o) before that date, i. e. ^6 b. c. 

'■■ By a similar process, i. e. by adding lo x lOO years, another 

chronological era^ called the Harsha era^, was fixed at 456 B.C., 

though it never seems to have come into actual use. 

^ This battle of Korur is described by Albiruni in his account of the 
iSaka era : 

' The >Saka era,' he writes, ' called by the Indian iSaka-kala, is posterior to 
that of "Vikrama Aditya by 135 years. /S'aka is the name of a prince who 
reigned over the countries situated between the Indus* and the sea. His 
residence was in the centre of the empire, in the country named Ary^varta. 
The Indians represent him as born in another class than that of the iSakyas ; 
some pretend that he was a /SUdra and a native of the town of Mansura 
(Bahman-abad). There are even some who say that he was not of the Indian 
race, and that he was born in Western countries. The people had much to 
suffer from his despotism until they received aid from the East. Vikramaditya 
marched against him, put his army to flight, and killed him in the territory of 
Korour, situated between Multan and the castle of Luny (in the Panj^b?). 
This epoch became celebrated by the joy which the peoples felt at <Saka's 
death, and it was selected for an era, principally by astronomers. On the 
other hand, Vikramaditya received the title of »S'rl, on account of the honour 
which he had acquired.' But Albiruni adds that the date of the reign of this 
Vikramaditya does not allow us to identify him with the prince of the same 
name who ruled in Malva. This battle of Korur may be the same as that 
of Multan, mentioned by Ttiran^tha, ' Svi Harsha abolished the teaching of the 
Mlefefc/ias by massacring them at Multan.' Asahga and Vasubandhu were his 
contemporaries (900 p. B. N.) ; his predecessor was called Gambhlrapaksha, his 
successor Mia. Ind. Ant. 1875, P- Z^h- 

^ See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 273. The same date, 
466 /Saka= 544 A.D., is mentioned in the S'atruw^'aya Mah3.tmya as the be- 
ginning of Vikram^ditya's reign; Kern, Preface, p. 15, on the authority of 
Wilford. Biihler, however, calls the S^atruMgraya M3,hS,tmya 'a wretched forgery 
of the 12th or 14th century.' Jt has been edited by Professor Weber. , 

^ Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 275. Eeinaud, Memoire sur 
rinde, p. 1 36. It is strange that Albiruni should not have guessed the real 
state of the case, when he was told by a native that Harsha lived 400 years 



* Bhao Daji, Joixrnal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, viii, p. 243, 1864; 
Eeinaud, M6moire sur I'Inde, 1849, p. 79.^ 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 283 

This certainly seems very plausible^. We could thus under- 
stand why much that was said originally of the Vikramaditya 
of the sixth century a.d. was reflected on the purely nominal 
Vikramaditya of the Vikrama era, ^6 b. c, the inventor of the 
era being* projected 600 years before his actual reign, a period 
when there is reaUy no monumental, numismatic, or historical 
evidence of the existence of any such king. 

It has been said that there is as yet no other evidence for this 
battle of Korur (Kurukshetra ?) besides Albiruni's statement. 
But Albiruni does not invent battles. He tells us what he 
was told, and he may sometimes have misunderstood what he 
was told. But in our case the chronological side of the argu- 
ment is too strong to be set aside by mere general suspicions 
and surmises, though, no doubt, it would have to yield to 
contemporaneous evidence which should make a great battle 
against foreign invaders at that time and in that place impos- 
sible. Besides, the statements of Taranatha as to Harsha's 
victory near Multan, though no doubt very modern, cannx)t-^be-" 
dnejift mere accident. 

Others had g-uessed at such a solution before Mr. Ferg-us- 
son, but what I admire in him is his plucky and the clearness 
with which he puts forward his theories. Nothing, I feel 
sure, has injured Sanskrit studies so much as the want of a ■ 
certain amount of scientific manliness and straightforward- 
ness on the part of scholars who never venture to say Yes 
or No, and who always involve a crowd of reasons for and 
against in a cloud of words difiicult to construe. Mr. Fer- 
gusson, whether he is right or wrong, at all events puts, I 
down his foot firmly and sticks to his colours as long as he|| 
can. There is an immense advantage in this. If he is wrong, ''i 
he can be knocked down, and no one is likely to defend again 

before Vikrama ; but that, according to the Almanack of Kasmlra, Harsha 
ought to be placed 664 years later, i.e. 608 A.D. The number of years may 
not be quite right, but what really took place is clearly indicated. 

^ Many years ago Holtzmann (tjber den griech. Ursprung des indischen 
Thierkreises, p. 19) remarked, ' to assign to Vikramaditya the first year of 
his era might be quite as great a mistake as we should commit in placing 
Pope Gregory XITI in the year i of the Gregorian calendar, or even Julius 
Caesar in the first year of the Julian period to which his name has been given, 
i. e. in the year 4713 B.c' See Weber, Sanskrit Literature, p. 202. 



284 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

what he has been unable to uphold. If he is right, there can 
be no mistake as to where he has planted his standard, and 
others may safely push forward beyond the point which he 
has reached. 

Thus in the ease before us, his position is clearly defined. 
The era of Vikrama, he holds, was not invented before the sixth 
century a. d. It cannot therefore occur in any historical 
document before that date, and the whole theory would collapse 
if one single coin or stone could be produced dated (contempo- 
raneously) 543 of the Sam vat of Vikrama. Other scholars would 
probably say that we kno w too little as yet of the history of 
the six centuries from ^6 B.C. to 544 a.d. to enable us to speak 
with so much certainty on this point. True, but Mr. Fergusson 
speaks with perfect certainty on what, from his view of the 
case, would be an impossibility. And what is the result? 
Scholars do not like the defiant position which he assumes, and 
they try everything to upset it, and thus the truth will be 
discovered far sooner than by any amount of learned humming 
and hawing. 

The contest has been going on for some time. Dr. Bhao 
Daji^ arrived at the conclusion that 'not a single inscription 
or copper-plate grant is dated in the Vikrama Sam vat before 
the eleventh century of the Christian era, and that the 
Vikrama Samvat was brought into use on the revival of 
(?ainism and the establishment of the Anhilpura dynasty in 
Gujerat.' Mr. Fergusson ^ thought at first that the Vikrama era 
was invented in the age of Bho^a of Dhara (a.d. 993), or rather 
by the revived Chalukyas (a.d. 1003), This, however, was going 
too far. General Cunningham in his Archseological Reports, 
vol. ii, p, 266, denies indeed the possibility of any inscription 
being dated in the Samvat era in 747, and reads in consequence 
the date of one of Tod's. inscriptions, not 747 — ^6 = 691, but 
747 + 78 = 835/5. Afterwards, however, on p. 68, he speaks of an 
inscription dated 811, which he interprets in the Vikrama era, 
i. e. 754/5 A. D., and which he quotes as the earliest inscription 
he is aware of, dated in that mediaeval era^. Sir Walter Elliot 

^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 242 note. 

^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 132. 

^ There is no contradiction in this, as Mr. Fergusson seems to think (Journal 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LTTEEATURE. 285 

published translations of some Chalukya inscriptions in 1 836 
(J. R. A. S. 1837, p. 14), in which the incipient substitution 
of the Vikrama for the /Saka era is alluded to^. Of course, 
nothing- short of a contemporaneous document dated less than 
600 of the Vikrama era would really upset Mr. Fergusson's 
theory, and such a date has, as yet, not been met with. 

My learned friend. Professor Biihler, who still holds to the 
belief that the Vikrama era, which begins ^6 b. c, was really 
established by a king of that name who lived before the be- 
ginning of the Christian era, has for years been engaged in the 
study of Indian inscriptions, and has of course been most anxious 
to produce at least one inscription dated contemporaneously in 
any year before 600 of Vikrama, or 544 a. d. He could easily 
prove that Bhao Daji's limit was much too late, as there is the 
Samangadh plate, the date of which in the Vikrama era comes 
to 754A.D,2 He also pointed out the Vafksifi inscriptions of 
Samvat 803 (746 a. d,), recording the accession ofVanar%a, 
though here Mr. Burges expressed some doubts as to its 
genuineness. Anyhow the fact remained that a scholar who 
had probably seen more inscriptions than any other, could not 
produce a single case where the Vikrama era was used before 
754 A. D., that iS; 810 years after its supposed introduction^. 
I should have expected therefore that Professor Biihler would 
have hesitated, when he suddenly came on the Kavi inscrip- 
tion which gives the date 430 for its grantor (rayabha^a, before 
accepting it as a Vikrama date. Under other circumstances 
his arguments might have carried conviction, but when this is 
the only case of a Vikrama date before 600, the circumstantial 
evidence on which he relies requires, surely, careful reconsidera- 
tion. If Gajahhata, is the father of Dada II, and if Dada's 
dates range from Saka. 380 to 417 (a. d. 459-498), no doubt 

of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1880, pp. 271, 272) ; but what seems strange is that 
on other occasions General Cunningham should translate Sam. 5 as B.C. 52. 
See Archaeological Survey, iii, 31. 

^ 'Tribhuvana Malla(i[82 A.D.) rubbed out the iSaka, and instituted the 
Vikrama aera in its stead.' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1837, p. 14 ; 
1880, p. 278. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 316. 

^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ii, p. 371 seq. 

^ Professor Biihler informs me that he now possesses an inscription, dated 
Samvat 794 = a. d. 737/8. 



286 NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS. 

the date assigned to his father, viz. 486, cannot be /S'aka (a. d. 
564)- But does it follow therefore that it is Vikrama 486, 
j i. e. 430 A. D. ? Is it likely that the father would use one era, 
I and the son another ? Besides^ the date in the inscription is 
injured, and even if the date were rights there would be con- 
siderable doubt whether the Asha(//^a /S'udi could have fallen 
on a Sunday in 430 a. d. Heartily as I should welcome any 
evidence that would settle this interesting point either way, I 
cannot think that this one date^ of 6^ayabha?^a will settle it. 
, What has to be proved is that an era, invented by a great 
' king in 56 B.C., remained dormant for 600 years at least. 
This will require very plausible arguments, and the strongest 
monumental evidence. 

Date of Vikramadltya Harsha of U^^'ayinl. 

Let us now see how, according to Dr. Bhao Daji^ and Mr. 
Fergusson^j the real date of Vikramadltya, the inventor of 
the Vikrama era, can be determined. During the whole of 
Hiouen-thsang^s travels in India, /Siladitya (Harshavardhana 
Kumarar%a) was on the throne of Kanyakub^a, as supreme 
ruler in the north of India*. The date of these travels, 
according to Chinese chronology, is from 629-645. In about 
640, or during his second stay at Nalanda, Hiouen-thsang had 
a vision that king /Siladitya would die in ten years. This, 
apart from all visions, would place the king's death in 650 
a. d. When Hiouen-thsang took leave of king iSiladitya, he 
had reigned thirty years, and was holding his sixth quinquen- 
nial assembly (called Mokshamahaparishad, or Pau/?:aparishad). 
The beginning of his reign must therefore be fixed at 610, its 
end about 650. He was by caste aVai^ya^. 

^ Professor Biihler's remark (Indian Antiquary, 1S76, p. 152) has not escaped 
me ; but here again the reading of the figures is very doubtful, see Fleet, 
Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 68, and Professor Biihler himself admits now that 
there is no Samvat date on that plate. 

^ Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860, p. 225 ; 1868, p. 249. 

^ Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1S70, p. 85. 

* Dr. Edkins (Athenaeum, 1880, July 3, p. 8) informs us that the same 
emperor who received Hiouen-thsang, received with equal favour the Syrian 
Christians, Alopen and his companions, in a.d. 639. 

* Hiouen-thsang, i, p. iii. Vaisya is sometimes changed into Vaidya. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 287 

The Chinese historian Ma Tuan-lin gives slightly different 
dates, for he speaks of an embassy sent to Magadha in 648^ 
which found king iSilMitya dead, and his minister 0-lo-na- 
shan (A-la-na-ehun) ruling in his stead. So small a difference, 
however, in Indian chronology is really to be considered as a 
confirmation rather than as a difficulty ; and so is Ma Tuan- 
lin's account of the wars between xSiladitya and his great 
opponent Pulake^in^ of Kalyawa (whom he does not name), 
which he places in 618-627^. 

The father of this /Siladitya was Prabhakara (or Prabhakara- 
vardhana), and his elder brother, E-ayyavardhana*. Both had 
been reigning before iSiladitya. 

The elder brother had been defeated and killed by -tSasahka 
(moon) of Kar^asuvarwa^, an enemy of the Buddhists ^ and it 
was then that yiSiladitya was proclaimed king, though he 
declined the title of Maharaja, preferring that of Kumara- 
ra^a. In six years he conquered the 'five Indies,' but 
peace was not restored during thirty years. Being a strict 
Buddhist, he forbad the eating of meat. His minister was 
Po-ni (Bha^z^i). This account of -6'iladitya of Kanyakub^a, the 
supreme ruler of Northern India, and his two predecessors, 
coming from an eye-witness, the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen- 
thsang, is confirmed by a well-known Sanskrit author Ba?za, 
in his Harshaiarita. This text was discovered by Dr. F. Hall, 
and its great importance pointed out in his preface to the 



^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 85 ; Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, Bombay, vi, p. 69. Julien, Melanges de G(^ographie Asiatique, 
p. 164, gives 646 as the date of the departure of the embassy, Na-fo-ti-a-la- 
na-chun as the name of the minister, and &ikumara as king of Eastern India, 
probably Bhaskara-varman^ Kumara. 

^ The inscriptions are supposed to give a different date for Pulakesin, the 
rival of Harsha. Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 
viii, p. 250; and Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, pp. 92-95. See, 
however, Pergusson, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 94, and Fleet, in Indian 
Antiquary, 1876, p. 67. 

^ See Stan. Julien, 1. c. p. 162. 

* Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 112. ^ Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 112. 

® L. c, ii, p. 250. He was the same who destroyed the Bodhi-tree 'dans ces 
derniers temps,' 1. c, ii, p. 463, but different from Sahasanka, whose life was 
written by Mahesvara, and by the later Harsha ; see HaJI, Vasavadatta, 
pref. p. 18. 



288 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

V^savadatta. It has since been published at Calcutta. In this 
work, again the work of an eye-witness, the same Harsha or 
Harsh avardhana -5'iladitya is represented as the son of Prata- 
pasila and Yasovati, his elder brother being Ea^yavardhana^. 
Prabhakaravardhana is said to have been a worshipper of the 
sun, while his father Pushpabhuti had been a worshipper of 
Siva.. Prabhakaravardhana^s spiritual guide was called Madha- 
vagupta, his astrologer T,araka, his physician Sushewa^. Both 
he and his brother had been educated by Bha^t^i. Their 
sister, R%ya5ri, was married to Grahavarman, who was killed 
by the king of Malava^ on the same day that Prabhakara 
was defeated. This king of Malava was afterwards slain 
by Ba^yavardhana, and when Ba^yavardhana succumbed to 
Gupta, king of Gau<^a, Harsha (Harsha Deva or Harsha 
Malla) succeeded. While 'Bha.ndi defeated the Malavas, and 
Ba^yasri was recovered, Harsha made an alliance with Bha- 
skaravarman of Prag^yotisha, the same as Bhaskaravarman, 
the king of Kamarupa, whom Hiouen-thsang visited, his title 
being Kumara (Hiouen-thsang, iii, 77), like that of Harsha*. 
The duration of the reigns of Bayyavardhana and Pra- 
bhakara is not given, but as it is stated that about 640 
/iSiladitya had reigned thirty years, and that, about sixty 
years before that time, the throne was occupied by /Siladitya 
Pratapasila, Mr. Fergusson proposes to fix the end of 

^ See Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall's important Introduction to his edition of Vasava- 
datta, p. 17, note. Harsha vardhana, mentioned in the inscriptions, was van- 
quished by Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, whose reign began in 609 A. D. (Ind. Ant. 
1 873, p. 94), while his great grandson reigned 700-705, according to inscriptions. 
See Journal of the R.Asiatic Society of Bombay, Jan. 1851, pp. 205, 207, 21 1; 
Oct. 1854, P- 5- Bhao Daji, On K^idasa, p. 2. 

'^ The author of the Eomaka-siddhanta is called 5'rishewa, but its date, 505 
A.D., is too early to allow us to identify Sushena and ^Srlshewa. 

' A son of the king of Malava was a guest at Harsha's court (Vasavad. 
pref. 12), and a hostage (p. 50). 

* It is to be hoped that the researches carried on with so much success by 
M. A. Earth and M. A. Bergaigne will bring to light some contemporaneous 
sovereigns in the inscriptions of Kambogfa. Unfortunately the inscriptions 
hitherto deciphered are deficient at the very time which interests us most, 
namely, the seventh century (Journal Asiatique, 1882, p. 18S). But the many 
names, ending in varman, the name of Narendra, and the title of Kumtra (for, 
I think, it is a title on p. 227, 1. 11) all give the impression that the sovereignty 
of the kings of Kamarupa may have extended to the valley of the Iravatl. 



RENAISSANCE OE SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 289 

xSiladitya Pratapa^ila's reig-n in 580^ which leaves about 

thirty years, 580-610 for Prabhakaravardhana and Rayya- 

vardhana. /Siladitya Pratapasila ruled fifty years, 530- 

580 ^j and was preceded by Vikramaditya (at ^rava stl^ ), 'C//y^,'yi. 

whose reign would accordingly have ended in 530. From 

what Hiouen-thsang tells us of Vikrama's treatment of the 

Buddhist Manoratha^, the king seems for a time to have 

favoured the Brahmans, while his successor /Siladitya favoured 

Vasubandhu and the Buddhists, though it is easy to see that, 

during most of these reigns^ all sects enjoyed equal freedom 

and. peace. One king is a Buddhist, the next a Brahmanist. 

Sometimes the same king favours both systems, or favours 

one at one time, the other at another. We hear of fathers 

turning Buddhists^ and their children remaining Brahmanists*, 

and if there are any feuds between the rival sects, they are 

settled by intellectual rather than by physical force. 

Now this proposal to assign thirty years to the reigns of 
Prabhakaravardhana and Ra^cyavardhana, seems to me to 
create unnecessary difficulties. Hiouen-thsang says no more 
than that sixty years before 640 the throne was occupied by 
xSiladitya. If we assign to ^Siladitya a reign from 550 to 600, 
it would have been equally true to say that /Siladitya reigned 
sixty years before 640. There would then remain ten years 
for the reigns of Prabhakaravardhana and Ba^yavardhana, 
both of whom died a violent death, and we should have the 
battle of Korur and the starting point of the Vikrama era, 
as well as the appointment of Matrigupta to the throne of 
Kasmira, well within the reign of Vikramaditya, his reign 
extending to 550 a. d, ^ Sixty years' is probably meant for 
the Brihaspati cycle. 



^ Ferishtah, who calls him Bho(/a, assigns fifty years to him. Journal of the 
Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1880, p. 278 note. 

^ Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 115. 

^ Manorhita, which would only be Mano'ihita, seems to be meant for 
Manoratha (Jou-i, in Chinese), see Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 405. 

* M. M., Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 1 73. Journal Asiatique, 
1882, p. 163. 



TJ 



290 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

This may be seen from the following table : — 
550. Vikramaditya Harsha of Uggaymt ^^-^Vtiv^ 
531-579. Khosru Nushirv^n and Barz6i. 

544. Battle of Korur, 6oo after 56 B.C., era of Vikrama. 

Siddhasena Siiri, a Gain, helps in reckoning the era. 
544. Matrigupta, ruler of Kasmlra, contemporary of 'Bh.avtrim.entha. 
Kaiidasa, contemporary of DignSga, Vasubandhu, and Asanga. 
„ mentioned with BhSravi in inscript. 634 a.d. 

/- }> hi^etuk^vya praised by DancZin (6th cent.) 

^ „ quotes Bhasa, Saumilla. 

Varaha-mihira, died 587. 

„ quotes Aryabhafa, bom 476. 

„ „ Eomaka-siddhanta by Srishewa, 505, based 

on La«a, VasisliiAa, Vi^rayanandin, &c. 
„ „ Paulisa-siddhanta by Paulus al Timani. 

„ „ VasishfAa-siddhinta by VishwuTbandra. 

„ „ Saura-siddh^nta. 

„ „ Paitamaha-siddh§,nta ; also Satya Bh.a- 

danta, Badarayama, &c. 
Amara-simha, translated into Chinese 561-566. 
GislinvL, father of Brahmagupta (bom 598). 

Dignaga, criticised by TJddyotakara, who is mentioned by Suban- 
^^^-^ dhu, whij,is mentioned by Bawa. 

Manoratha, teacher of Vasubandhiu, disgraced, 900 p. B. N. ? ^ 

550-600. AS'iiaditya Pratapasila (Malava), 
called Bho^a by Ferishtah. 
Vasubandliu, restored, Pandit at Naianda, brother of Asanga; 
died before 569. 

Pralbha,karavardliana. 

Madhavagupta, Taraka, Susherea, at his Court. 

RS.g'yavardhana (eldest son). 
Defeats king of Maiava. 
Is defeated by (Sasanka of Karwasuvarwa, an enemy of Buddha, 

or Gupta of Cauda. 
Fei-tu, Chinese ambassador, 605. 

610-650. ASliaditya Harshavardhana (younger son), 

called Kumarara^'a, a Vaisya. 
His sister, E%yasrl, wife of Grahararman who was killed by 

king of Maiava, 
His minister 'Bha.ndi (Po-ni). 
AUiance with Bhaskara-varman, Kumara of Praggfyotisha 

(Kamarlipa). 
Wars with Pulakesin II of Maharashto, temp. Hiouen-thsang 

(618-625, Ma Tuan-lin). 
Defeated by Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, who began to reign 609. 
Chinese embassy to Magadha, leaves 648, arrives"after jSH.'s death. 
Visited by Hiouen-tlisang, 629-645 ; by Alopen, 639. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 291 

Dawrfin, DasakumaraJarita, KSvy^darsa, old. 
r Subandlim VS.savadatta, quoted by BEwa. 

„ „ quotes TJddyotakara, Dharmakirti, pupil 

of Asanga. 
BSwa, Harsh afearita, Kadambart, ^awdiktstotra, Ilatn§,vall (DhS- 
- vaka?) PS,rvatipariwayana<aka (ed. Bombay). 
Mayura, Mayftra-sataka. 
M§,natunga Stlri, Bhakt^mara-stotra. 
Krarayarea. 

Bhartj'ihari, died 650 (I-tsing). 
(rayaditya (KS,sikS,), died 660 (I-tsing). 
Brahmagupta, born 598. 

Though some of the links in this chronological system are 
still doubtful, the belief in the existence of a Vikramaditya in 
the first century B.C. may now be accounted for, while his 
real existence in the sixth century admits of little doubt. 



The Saka Era. 

There is, however, another era, commonly called the Saka. 
era, which, though it does not bear immediately on our sub- 
ject, viz. the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature, cannot well 
be passed over. And this for two reasons. First, because 
that era, beginning in 78 A.D., has often been supposed to 
mark the end of the Northern Invasion of India, and has been 
fixed upon by several scholars as the beginning of a revival 
of native government and native literature in India. Secondly, 
because here too we have to note a brilliant conjecture of Mr. 
Fergusson^ which, if I cannot as yet accept it as readily as 
the former, seems to me nevertheless to contain a very con- 
siderable amount of truth. It gives me particular pleasure 
to acknowledge the high merit of Mr. Fergusson's chronolo- 
gical combinations, because I have on other occasions expressed 
my dissent from some of his theories with equal frankness. 
Surely Aanc veniam petimusgue damusque vicissim, and what 
would become of our studies if, from personal or any other 
considerations, we should ever shrink from speaking our 

* See his two articles 'On Indian Chronology,' 1870, and 'On the Saka, 
Samvat, and Gupta Eras,' 1880, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

U 2 



292 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

mind ? Mr. Fergusson^ without pretending- to any knowledge 
of Sanskrit, has certainly seen two points which Sanskrit 
scholars had failed to see, namely, that the 6'aka era is older 
than the Vikrama era in India, so far as monumental evi- 
dence is concerned, and that, faricom marking the end of the 
reign of the /Sakas in India, it most likely dates from about 
the time of the inauguration of Kanishka, the >S^aka king, as 
lord paramount of India. 

On the first point there seems little room for doubt ; on 
the second, the question is whether Kanishka's inauguration 
really coincides with 78 a.d.^ or whether the era was fixed theo- 
retically, like the Samvat era, and somewhere near the actual 
beginning of his reign. The facts established by Mr. Fer- 
gusson possess a very considerable historical significance, as 
showing that, like the knowledge of the alphabet and of 
coinage, the idea of chronology also, in our sense of the word, 
came to the Indians from without ; in the first instance, from 
the Greeks, but, in its more practical application, from the 
^^/iSakas. The first traces of chronologically dated documents 
occur in the Asoka inscriptions, and then again in the inscrip- 
tions of Kanishka. Both kings give simply the years of their 
reign, without looking forward to the future or wishing to 
become founders of historical eras. Kanishka, as if to leave 
no doubt on the foreign influences which led him to make 
these inscriptions, uses Greek letters in addition to his own, 
and adds the Greek names of the months ^. 

This is all perfectly natural and historically intelligible. 
There was no chronological or astronomical theory at the 
bottom of these dates. All that happened was that, while 
during the reign of Kanishka, we have in inscriptions the 
expression *in the ninth year of the great king Kanishka' 
(mahara^asya Kanishkasya samvatsare^ navame), we find in 
the inscriptions of his successors the number of the years 
carried on, so that, for instance, ' in the eighty-third year of 



^ We read in the Babawalpur Inscription : Maharagiassa Eagradirag^assa De- 
vaputassa Kanishkassa, samvatsare ekadase Sam II. Daisisassa masassa divase 
attaviseti 28. This is meant for the Greek month Daisies. Journal of the 
Boyal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 500. 

^ Sometimes shortened to samvatsa, samvat, samva, and sam. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 293 

Vasudeva' (mahara^asya Vasudevasya sam 83), does not mean 
in the eighty-third year of Vasudeva's reign, but in the 83 Sam- 
vatsara (counting from Kanishka's anointment) of Vasudeva. 

Date of Kanishka. 

The question then arises whether Kanishka, the great /Saka 
king^ could be considered as the unconscious founder of the 
Saka, era^ i.e. whether his own consecration could have taken 
place so late as 78 a.d. 

Mr. Fergusson has shown that the occurrence of Roman 
consular coins in the tope at Manikyala, which is believed 
to have been built by Kanishka, would prove no more 
than that that building cannot be earlier than 43 B.C., but 
would decide nothing as to hojsg-much later it may be, while 
the state of the Roman denarii, as compared with the coins 
of Kanishka, found side by side, would almost amount 
to a proof that these Roman coins must have had a. long 
course of wear and tear, before they were deposited in that 
Tope. Mr. Fergusson's next argument, though not irresistible, 
is certainly ingenious. Taking his stand on the numismatic 
fact that the coins of Gondophares, who reigned in the 
North-west provinces of India, are anterior to those of 
Kanishka^, he argues that those who invented the legend 
of St. Thomas' visit to Gondophares ^, must have been aware 
that Gondophares lived after Christ's death, and that therefore 
the numismatically later Kanishka could not have lived in | 
the century B.C., and date the years of his reign from the | 
Vikramaditya Sam vat, 56 b. c. ^ ^ 

The next argument, namely, that in the Ahin Posh Tope, 
near Jellalabad, excavated by Mr. W. Simpson, new coins of 
Kadphises, Kanishka, and Huvishka were found, together with 
Roman coins of Domitian, Trajan, and the Empress Sabina, 
the wife of Hadrian, would prove, no doubt, that the Tope 
could not, have been erected before 130 a.d., but the fact 



^ Prinsep's Essays, ed. Thomas, vol. ii, p. 214. 

^ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. i, 13; Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i, 19. 

' The name of Gondophares, as a king of India, may have become known 
in the West through his coins, which contain his name clearly written in Greek 
letters. 



294 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

that Huvishka, if we reckon his dates from the Saka era, \ 
78 A.D., would have lived 78+48=126 a.d., and thus have j 
been an actual contemporary of the Empress Sabina, is no i 
more than noteworthy, until it can be proved that Huvishka : 
himself built the Tope. 

The same applies to the find of Vasudeva coins in the Ali 
Musjid Tope. Even if, on architectural evidence, this Tope / 
could not be earlier than the second or third century a.d., it 
would still have to be proved that it was built by Vasudeva. 

There is a passage in Albiruni which throws light on the 
practical working of the eras in his own time, and likewise 
on the manner in which they had been built up, Albiruni 
says that the capture of Somnath by Mahmud of Gazni, , 
January^ 1036, was placed by the Hindus in the year 947 of; 
the SaksL era. This gives us 1036-947 = 78/9 a.d. for the| 
beginning of the Saka, era, and he then goes on to tell us, howl 
they arrived at that date. They first put 343 years, that is/ 
4 X 60 years + 3 years as allowance for Loka-kala, thus arriving ^ 
at 78/9 + 343 = 330 A.D., as the first year of what by somef 
scholars has been called the Gupta era (319 a.d.). They then ■; 
added 606 years, that is, six centuries, and six years as allow- 
ance for Loka-kala, and again ninety-nine years^ which had 
elapsed of the seventh century, and this gave them the real 
Saksi date, namely 343 + 606 + 99 = 947, which, with 78/9 
years of /Saka, corresponds to 1035/6 a.d. 

But -we are now met by the same question which had to 
be answered with regard to the Vikrama era, namely, how 
did people begin to believe that the Saka, era marked the 
destruction of the Saka, kings, if it really marked their 
recognition- all over India. Dr. Bhao Daji was, I' believe, 
the first to point out that this idea of the -iSaka era beginning 
with the destruction of the iSakas, does not crop up before the 
eighth century a.d. ^ Aryabha^a (born 476) knows as yet 
neither the Vikrama nor the Saka, era, and when the Saka. 
era is mentioned for the first time by Varahamihira 2, it is 
simply called xSaka-bhApa-kala or /Sakendra-kala, the time of the 



' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, 242. 
^ Colebrooke, Life and Essays, iii, p. 428. 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATUKE. 295 

Saka king or kings. Brahmagupta (born 598) was quoted by 
Colebrooke as having used the expression /lS'akanf^pante, which 
a scholiast of Bhaskara explained as meaning ' at the end [of 
the life or reign] of Vikramaditya, who slew a people of 
barbarians named /Sakas.' Whatever the commentator may 
have said, Brahmagupta's era is that of 78 a.d., and his 
expression /Sakanrzpante was probably the same as «S'aka, and 
never intended by him to mean ' at the end of the -iSaka kings ^.' 

Legends about the Sakari. 

My own suspicion, I shall call it no more, is that the mis- 
understanding in taking the /Saka king for the enemy and 
conqueror of the /Siakas arose from the name jSakari, This was 
taken by later writers, who had no knowledge whatever of 
what we call history, in the obvious sense of enemy (ari) of 
/Sakas, while originally it may have been only another name 
for Saka, namely /S'akara, fem. Sakari, scil. (gawana) ^. 

Another explanation also is possible. Sahara, we know, is 
a name given to barbarians, and we are told that they were 
so called, because they could not distinguish the three Sanskrit 
sibilants, but pronounced them all alike as sa. The dialect spoken 
by these /Sakaras, or /Sa-sayers, was actually called /Sakari, and 
we are told in the Sahitya-darpap«a (§ 433, v. 4) that it should 
be employed (in plays) by /Sakaras^ /Sakas, and others; and so 
we find it, for instance, in the 'MrikMakatiha. This is certainly 
curious, but I must confess that, in spite of the actual use 
of such a dialect in the plays, the explanation of /Sakara, as 
meaning >Sa-sayer, sounds to me too much like many of the 
later artificial etymologies of Sanskrit grammarians, and I 
prefer to consider xSakara or xSakara as a derivative of Saka, 
used originally in the sense of a descendant of the /Sakas ^. 
Pacini, it is true, does not seem to know the /iSakas and the 



^ On anta, at the end of words, see Jacobi, Die Epen Kalidasa's, pp. 142, 156. i 
In Bhao Daji's article on Kalidasa, p. 27, we find sakannpalat, i. e. 'countings 
from the Saka, king,' not sakanripantat. '' 

" See Junagadh Inscription, gnptasya kalagananam vidhaya. 

^ In the Praknta-sarvasva (Cod. Bodl. 41 2), the five principal Prakrit dialects 
(vibhashas) seem to be called : iSakari, Emdali, S&vaxl, Abhlriki, and iSakki. 



296 NOTES AND ILLTJSTEATIONS. 

Saka kings ^, but he gives a rule that there is a patronymic 
suffix ara, by which, for instance, from godha he forms 
Gaudhara^, and by which from x^aka might be formed 
-i^akRra. Curiously enough, he restricts the use of that suffix 
to the Northerners, and it is perfectly true, that it is not 
a very common suffix. It is quite possible, therefore, though 
I do not wish to say more^ that the later grammarians, meet- 
ing with the Sakari dialect^ explained it as the dialect 
of the -(^akaraSj that is, the dialect of those who pronounced 
all sibilants as s, while it was used originally in the sense 
of the dialect of the Sakas and their descendants. If so, it 
would be equally possible that the jSakara era, or the /Sakari 
era, meant originally no more than the era of the /Siakas and 
their descendants, and was misinterpreted at a later time, into 
the era of the enemy of the /Sakas. There is a curious analogy 
in ^ulbari, originally a Sanskrit adaptation of sulphur, but 
explained as ' enemy of *ulba/ which ^ulba is supposed to mean 
copper. See Petersb. Worterbuch, s.v. 

We now return to the question whether the Saka era, 
78 A. D., can be identified with the inauguration of king 
Kanishka, the great Saka king, whose coins and inscriptions we 
possess, and who is celebrated for having convoked the great 
Council of Northern Buddhists in Kasmira, about 400 p. b.n. 
I confess I feel doubtful on that pointy and I always thought 
it possible that while the years of Kanishka's reign were purely 
historical, the years of the Saka era, though beginning about 
the same time, may, like the Vikrama era, have been fixed 
originally by chronological computation. Even Professor 
Oldenberg who, independent of Mr. Fergusson, has started 
exactly the same theory^, — and Mr. Pergusson could not 
have wished for a more useful ally, — has not quite convinced 
me on that point, though the difierence between us is of little 
consequence. 



^ iSakapS.rthiva in ii, i, 69, 8, has a totally diSerent meaning, and is ex- 
plained as sakahhogl parthiva/i. 

^ Pataj7(/ali adds g&daxah, p3,mc?araA,. Ethnical names in ara are frequent, 
though their etymology is not always clear, e. g. gandhara, tukhara, etc. 

^ See his essay ' tjber Datirung der alteren indischen Munz- und Inschriften- 
reihen.' 



BENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 297 

Professor Oldenberg, in support of his theory, appeals to the 
inscription of Badami, where we read, * When 500 years had 
elapsed since the anointment of the Sak.a, kingi,"" and the other 
inscriptions, where the xS'aka era is simply called 'the year of 
the time of the xS'aka king ^/ He shows how the time between 
the first permanent occupation of India by the Yueh-chi, about 
34 B.C., and the coronation of Kanishka, 78 A.D., is well filled 
by sovereigns whose historical character is established by 
their coins^ the 'IcaTrjp fxiyas, the Sy Hermaios ; then Kozulo 
Kadphises, Kozola-kadaphes, and Ooemo-Kadphises. In this 
manner he arrives at the conclusion that an era, beginning 
78 A.D., if referring to any historical sovereign, could only 
have been the era of king Kanishka^ and that in this date 
we have as useful and trustworthy a milestone in the history 
of India as in the dates of Asoka, 259-322 b. c, of Zandra- 
gupta, 315-291 B.C., and of /Siladitya, the contemporary of 
Hiouen-thsang. Kanishka is followed by Huvishka, Huvi- 
shka by Vasudeva, or, as they are called on their own coins, 
Kanerki, Ooerki, and Bazodeo ; and the last of them, if 
we may trust to numismatic evidence^ reigned to about 
178 A. D., i. e. to the time when the Chinese chronicles tell us 
' that the foreign people incessantly came from outside of the 
wall of a castle on the border at a place called Jitsu-nan.' 

What happened in India after the expulsion of the /Saka 
kings, at the end of the Indian Volkerwanderung, we 
hardly know. The Hindus themselves look upOTi the period 
immediately following as a blahik, or as a time of utter 
confusion, until new Brahmanic dynasties arose again, such as, 
for instance, the Guptas, and the rulers of Valabhi, who em- 
ploy different eras beginning 190 and 319 a.d. 

I subjoin a few extracts from the Gargi saw^hita ^, an astro- 



^ Burgess, Archseological Survey of Western India, vol. ii, p. 273; Olden- 
berg, 1. c, pp. 292-293. (/Sakanj-ipatiragryabhisliekasamvatsaresliY atikranteshu 
paiiZcasu sateshu ; and /SakanHpakalasamvatsare). 

^ Eggeling, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 305. 

^ Professor Kern assigns it to about 50 B.C. But as it prophesies the 
destruction, of the Sakas, it can hardly be earlier than about 200 a.d.; probably 
it is later. If the Gargi samhita is the work of Garga, we must remember 
that Garga knew the sixty names of the B?•^haspati cycle (Nirnaya-sindhu, 



298 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

nomical work, probably of tbe second or third century a.d. 
After speaking- of the Kings of Pa/aliputra (mentioning Sdli- 
suka, the fourth successor of A^oka, by name), the author adds 
' that then the viciously valiant Greeks, after reducing Saketa 
(Oude) ^, the PawMla-country, and Mathura, will reach Kusu- 
madhva_(7a, that is, the royal residence of Pa/aliputra^ and that 
\ then all provinces will be in disorder.' This may refer to the 
Bactrian conquests in India, which would thus seem to have 
extended as far as Oude, Mathura, and Pa^^aliputra. 

Then follows a complaint about low-caste people (vnshalas) 
^ assuming the garb of hermits, which may refer to the rule of 
an Atsoka and his Buddhistic successors. Even iTandragupta is 
called a vrishala. 

The rule of the Greeks, we are then told, will come to an 
end in Madhyade^a, owing to discord among themselves, and 
\ then will follow seven kings, and, in the end, the reign of the 
I /iS'akas. When that is destroyed, the earth will be empty ^. 

These are very vague prophecies, yet sufficiently definite to 
enable us to say that they could not have been uttered before 
the last of the events to which they refer, that is, not before 
the destruction of the supremacy of the Saka. kings in India 
at the beginning of the third century a. d. 

On the other hand, as the Gargi sa^^zhita is quoted by 
Varahamihira, who wrote in the first half of the sixth century, 
its prophecies may claim more of a truly historical character 
than the similar prophecies which we meet with in the later 
Pura;^as. They remind me, in fact, of the prophecies, the so- 
called Vyakara?2as, which we find in the writings of the 
Northern Buddhists, and which may be assigned to about 
the same period. 

There are several such prophecies, for instance, in the Lan- 
ka vatara-sutra, one of the nine Dharmas ". The minimum date 

t ■ 

I p. i), while Gargi adjusted tlie Nakshatras and the zodiacal signs, see p. 325, 

■ n. 2. 

^ Cf. Mahabhashya, iii, 2, 11, aru?iad YavanaA. Saketam. 

^ See Kern's Preface to his edition of Varahamihira's Bi'ihat-samhita, 

PP- 36-39- 

^ This Slitra attacks Sankhya, Vaiseshika, Lokayatika, and Hlnayana 
doctrines, and establishes two Vigiilanas, the mano-vigrreana and the alaya- 
vi^jlana in addition to the usual six vigua,na,s. 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 299 

of this Sutra is established through its Chinese translations. 
The first, by Gu?zabhaclra,was made in 443 a.d. ; the second by 
Bodhiru/?;i^ in 5 13, A- d.; the third by .(Sikshananda in 2.0,0-704 
A.D. In Gu^?abhadra's translation^ however, the introductory 
and the,twp concluding chapters are wanting, but they are . 
given in the other translations. The introductory chapter '< 
treats of Ravawaj the lord of Lanka, inviting Buddha to 
preach. The first of the two concluding chapters is called the 
Dharawi-adhyaya, the second the Gatha-sangraha. This Gatha- 
sahgraha occupies about one-fourth of the whole work, and 
some of the Gathas occur also in the earlier chapters. 

It is in this Gatha-sangraha that the following prophecies, 1 
placed in the mouth of Buddha Vira^as ^5 not of /Sakyamuni, | 
occur : 

Vyasa/^ Ka^zada ^^shabha^ Kapila^ -iSakyanayaka^ 
Nirvrite(r)mama pa^/^at tu bhavishyanty evamadaya>^. 
Mayi nirvrite varsha^ate Vyaso vai Bharatas tatha 
ThndaYsi/i Kaurava Bama/^ pasMt sauro bhavishyati. 
Maurya Nanda* ka, Gupta* ka tato MleM/io, n^-ipadhama^ 
WleM/iante skstvasamkshohha/i ^astrante ka kalir yugam. 
Kaliyugante lokaicS ka saddharmo hi na bhashita/^ 
Evamadyany atitani y?:akravad bhramati ^agat. 

The text is very incorrect, and it would be useless to give 
more extracts without having access to better documents. 
All I wished to point out here is that these prophecies have 
a peculiarly Buddhistic character, and that what they pro- 
phesy is probably what was known to have happened before I / £j ^ 
the beginning of the fifth century a.d.^ ' , ^n^ 

^ The son of Pra^apatiA, VasumatiA, of the race of Katyayana, born at 
upa. 

The following may serve as curious specimens : — 
Pawinim sabdanetaram Akshapado BrihaspatiA 
Lokayatapranetaro brahmagarbho bhavishyati. 
Katyayana/i slltrakarta Yac/7iavalkas tathaiva ha 
Pudruka (Buddhaka, MS. C.) (/yotishadyani bhavishyanti kalau yuge. 
Valmlko MayHrakshas ka, Kauiilya Asvalayana^ 
iZtshayas ka, mahabhaga bhavishyanti anS.gate. 
Siddhartha/i. jSakyatanayo bhtitantaA TpanhaktidaksJi, 
Vasall arthamedhavi pas^at kale bhavishyati. 



300 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The Saka Era called the S&,livahana Era. 

Though I have throughout called the era which begins 
78 A.D. the Saka era, or the Saka, I cannot admit that it is 
wrong to call it the /Salivahana era, or speak of it^ as Dr. 
Kern does, as the era which Anglice, but not in Sanskrit, is 
called xS'alivahana era. 

At the end of the MuhLlrtaga?^apati (ed. Bombay), for in- 
stance, we read ■^l«J^^Tfc5^T^Tr^'^ '\S)\M, which is a.d. 1863. 
This, however, it may be said, is only the editor's writing. 
But at the end of the Muhurtamarta^^a we find the follow- 
ing verses^: 

' Hari, the glory of the noble Kau^ikas, gave his soul to 
(the worship of) the feet of Hari. His son Ananta possessed 
all the virtues fit for Brahmans. His son was Naraya^a. 
There is north of Devagiri the famous temple of xS'iva (the 
Commentator says pura«aprasiddha»2 ^ivalayam dhusrw^esa-si- 
valayam iti prasiddham ^yotirlingasthanam asti). North of 
it there is the village I'apara. Naraya^^a, who dwelt there, 
composed there the Muhurtabhuvanonmartaw^a, i. e. " the sun 
throwing light on the world of hours." 

^6^Tf :^^>Rg^ffra>JWT^Tn?rtrTf^^c5>ft^ »ft^ftrf# II ^ II 

' The man who reads this Marta^f^a, composed of 160 verses, 
is to be revered by all ; he obtains long life, happiness, 
wealth, sons, friends, slaves ; with sound mind he obtains the 
perfection of knowledge.' 

1 See Cat. Bodl. No. 787. 

* The metre requires bhuvanonmartajicZa, at least it requires a long syllable 
at the end of bhuvana. The Bombay edition reads bhuvano marta?icZa, which 
gives no sense. The MS. Bodl. gives bhuvanonmartaKC?a, and this the Com- 
mentator explains as, teshara uddyotako martajicZa iva martaKC?as, tatha tarn. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 301 

'In the year 1493 ^^^va the birth of /S41ivahana was this 
Marta^zf^a (the sun) composed in the month Magha. May this 
risen sun be fully successful.' 

Now this date is a. d. 1571^ and it is repeated at the end 
in the following* words : Sukhanidhipurusharthakshma 1493 
samabhi^ parimite ^akakale, i.e. Saka. 1493, -^•^' ^57^- 



The Vikramaditya Period of Literature. 

These preliminary disquisitions^ were necessary before we 
could approach the question which concerns us more imme- 
diately, namely, the real date of Kalidasa^ and of the literature 
more or less contemporaneous with him. 

If Vikramaditya, during whose reign the era of ^6 b. c. was 
invented, lived in the sixth century after, instead of the first 
century before Christ, we now ask the question whether Kali- 
dasa and his friends also may not have lived at the same 
time^? We see Kalidasa's name and that of Bharavi, the 
author of the Kiratar_^uniya, quoted in an inscription which 
was formerly supposed to date from the year /Saka 506 (585 a.d.), i 
but has lately been proved to date from the year Saka, 556 1 
(637 A.D.)^. This gives us a limit on one side, and we may' 



^ I discussed tlie whole of this chronological and literary pi-oblem with 
Bhao Daji in 1863, and though in general I still hold the opinions which 
I then expressed, and some of which were published by him at the time, 
I have modified them on several points, and wish even now that what I put 
forward here should be considered as tentative only, and subject to correction. 

^ It seems almost impossible to give the opinions held by various Sanskrit 
scholars on the date of Kalidasa, or on the dates of certain woi'ks ascribed to 
Kalidasa, on account of their constantly varying opinions and the vague language 
in which they are expressed. Those who desire information on this point, may 
consult Professor Weber's Sanskrit Literature. That accomplished scholar 
seems to put Kalidasa's three plays between the second and fourth centuries ^. c, 
the period of the Gupta princes, jKandragupta, &c., see 1. c, p. 204 note ; but I 
am not quite certain that this is his real opinion. 

^ See Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 315 ; 
Fleet, Indian Antiquary, vii, p. 209 ; and Bhandarkar, Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, Bombay, xiv, p. 24. I owe this reference to Professor Biihler. 



302 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

even say that by that time both Kalidasa and Bharavi had 
probably become famous in India. Let us now see whether 
we can fix some kind of limit on the other side. . 



Vasubandh.u. 

Hiouen-thsang" ^ tells us that Vasubandhu, the pupil of 
Manorhita (Monoratha)j was a contemporary of Vikrama- 
ditya of /Sravasti (probably his northern residence). This 
Vasubandhu was a very famous Buddhist writer^ whose 
date can be fixed with tolerable certainty, not only by the 
testimony of Hiouen-thsang, whose travels in India are 
separated by two or three generations only from Vasubandhu, 
but by the literary history of the Buddhists also. It may be 
quite true that the dates assigned by Chinese or Tibetan 
writers to certain Bodhisattvas and Arhats are not always 
trustworthy. But when we find the works of great Buddhist 
authorities so arranged that the later presuppose the earlier 
ones, we may place a certain amount of confidence in such 
statements. 

Thus I-tsing tells us that Mkiriketa (Mother-child), who 
in his youth worshipped Mahesvara, became later in life a 
follower of Buddha and composed 400 hymns, and afterwards 
150 hymns. 

These 150 hymns, he continues, were admired by Asanga 
and Vasubandhu. 



1 According to Hiouen-thsang (ii, 115) the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu composed 
his Abhidharmakosha-sastra in the Great Monastery near Peshawer (Purusha- 
pura), and he tells us that there was a tablet there to commemorate the fact. 
His teacher Manorhita (Manoratha) also lived in the same monastery, and 
wrote there his famous Vibhasha-sastra. Manorhita was the contemporary of 
king Vikramaditya of iSravasti, and lost the favour of the king. The king 
convoked an assembly of ^Sastrikas and S'ramajias, in which the latter were 
defeated, which seems to mean that Vikramaditya withdrew his favour from 
the Buddhists and encouraged the followers of the old Brahmanic religion. 

When Vikramaditya had died, Vasubandhu wished to revenge his master 
Manorhita, and in an assembly convoked by the new king, he defeated the 
iSramawas, that is, he regained the favour of king /S'iladitya for himself and his 
co-religionists. Hiouen-thsang says in another place that /S'iladitya, who 
occupied the throne sixty years before his time (640 — 60 = 580), was full of 
respect for 'the three precious ones.' See also Bhao Daji, On Kalidasa, p. 225. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 303 

The Bodliisattva G^ina^ added one stanza to eacli of the 
150 hymns, so that they became 300 hymns, called the Mixed 
Hymns. 

xSakyadeva of the Deer-park again added one stanza to each, 
so that they became 450 hymns, called the Noble Mixed 
Hymns. 

This gives us the following succession : — 
(i) Matn^eta, 
(3) Asanga and Vasubandhu (pupil of Sanghabhadra), 

(3) ^^^^> 

(4) /Sakyadeva. 

We must now have recourse to another work, Taranatha's 
History of Buddhism. This is no doubt a very modern com- 
pilation, and in many cases quite untrustworthy. Still it 
may come in as confirmatory evidence^. 

Taranatha (p. 118) tells us that Vasubandhu was born one 
year after his brother Asanga had become a priest. Their 
father was a Brahman. Vasubandhu went to Kasmira, and 
became a pupil of Sanghabhadra, studying under him the 
Vibhasha, the /Sastras of the eighteen schools, the six Tirthya 
theories, and other works. After returning to Magadha he at 
first rejected the doctrine propounded by his brother Asanga 
in the Yoga/?;aryabhiimi-5astra. But when his brother had 
sent two of his pupils who recited the Akshayamati-(sutra) 
and the Da^abhiimika-sutra to Vasubandhu, he became con- 
vinced and converted. Vasubandhu then became his brother^s 
pupil ^. This brother Asanga, in order to expiate sin, had 
been commanded to teach the Mahayana with commentaries, 
and to repeat the Ush;2isha-vi^aya-vidya a hundred thousand 
times. Vasubandhu, after he had become his brother's pupil, 
recited many books, the Guhyapati-vidj^a among the rest, and 
obtained Samadhi. He was so learned that he could repeat 

^ See Hiouen-thsang, iii, p. 106. Was he the author of the HetuvidyH- 
s^stra, and the teacher of the Yog4fc^i-ya-bh1imis^stra of Maitreya ? 

^ TS,ranatha finished his history in 1608, when he was only thirty years of 
age. The Tibetan text was published from four MSS., by Wassiljew, who 
added a Russian translation, which was translated into German by Schiefner, 
and published at St. Petersburg in 1 869. 

^ Akshayamati also is mentioned as his teacher. 



304 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

500 Siitras (300,000 ^lokas), besides 49 collections made by 
'Ratnakula,, the Avata»?saka, Samayaratna, 6'atasahasrika-pra- 
^naparamita, with 500 great and small Mahayana-sMras^ 500 
Dharawis, &c. 

Vasubandhu became Pawc^ita in Nalanda, travelled about in 
Gaura and O^ivi^a, and died in Nepal. 

Many works, chiefly commentaries, are ascribed to him, 
his best known composition being the Abhidharma-kosha, 
which, with his commentary, he sent to Sanghabhadraj his old 
■ teacher in Ka^mira ^. 

All we wish to utilise in these statements of Taranatha is 
the relation of teacher and pupil between 

Sanghabhadra 

I 
Vasubandhu, 

and between 

the brothers Asanga and Vasubandhu. 

We now proceed to consult another Tibetan work, the Life 
of Bhagavat Buddha by Ratnadharmara_$/a. It is more modern 
even than Taranatha's work, having been composed in 1734, 
and we possess an abstract only of it, published by Schiefner 
in 1848, in the Memoir es de PAcademie de St. Petersbourg. Here 
we read in the last chapter, that, four hundred years after the 
death of Buddha, Kanishka will be born, the king of Galan- 
dhara^ and will be taught by the Arhat Sudar^ana. During his 
reign a third collection of Buddhist sacred writings is to 
take place in Kasmira, in the Ear-ornament (ku;i<?ala-vana ?) 
Vihara, there being assembled five hundred Arhats under 
Parsva, and five hundred Bodhisattvas under Vasumitra. 
There existed at that time eighteen sects. There lived also 
the AMrya Nagar_^una, who was received by EahulabhaS.ra, 
and who, having lived sixty years and taught the Middle- 
system (Madhyamika), went to Sukhavati. His disciples 
were xSakyamitra (Siw^hala), Aryadeva, Nagabodhi (?), Buddha- 
palita. Aryadeva's pupils were xSilra, /Santideva, and Dhar- 
matrata. 

^ On works ascribed to Vasubandhu, see TS,rjln^tha, p. 122. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 305 

This gives us : — 

Kanishka = Ptrsva and Vasumitra 

Nagar(/una (received by Ratulabhadra) 
I 



1 

iSakyamitra, Arya-deva, Nagabodhi, Buddhapalita 

, A. ^ 

(Sfira, iS'S.iitideva, Dharmatr^ta, 

After this, the Tibetan chronicler adds that nine hundred 
years after the death of Buddha, Arja Asahga and Vasubahdhu 
appeared. 

Arya Asanga is said to have been brought by Maitreya to 
Tushita, where he was taught by A^ita, and supported the 
Mahayana doctrine. 

Vasubandhu was brought by Arya Asanga to Tushita to see 
Maitreya. He had been a pupil of Vinaya,bhadra (Sangha- 
bhadra ?) in Kasmira, and of Akshayamati in Nalanda. 

Then follow their pupils ; 

(i) Arya Asanga's pupils were : — 

Sthiramati in Abhidharma, favoured by Tara (Kien-hoei, see 
H. Ths. iii, 46, 164). 

Dignaga in Pramawa, favoured by Maii^usri. 

Dharmakirti in logic. The two last quoted by Subandhu, 
in his Vasavadatta, p. 235. 

(2) Vasubandhu's pupils were : — 

Vimokshasena in the Paramitas^ 

Gu;2aprabha (bhadra ?} in Vinaya (H. Ths. iii, 125), 

Aryadefa, a Brahman^ 

A Chinese Master of the Tripizfaka^ (Hiouen-thsang ?), 

Gu?2amati (H. Ths. iii, 46, 164), 

Yawmitra^, the prince. 

Without looking upon these statements as firmly established 
historical facts, we may at least try to find out how far they 
fit with what we know from elsewhere. 



^ This, according to Julien, Melanges de Geographie, p. 189, is the recog- 
nised name of Hiouen-thsang, viz. San-thsang-fa-sse, Tripi<akaZ;a.rya. During 
his travels in India he called himself Mokshadeva, or Mahay^nadeva (Hiouen- 
thsang, i, p. 248 ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, p. 95). 

^ Yasomitra, author of the AbhidharmakoshavyakhyS, sphuiarthS,, quotes 
Guwamati and his disciple Vasumitra (not the author of the Mahavibhasba). 

X 



306 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS- 

f We had placed Yikramaditya in the first half of the sixth 
century^ about loo years before Hiouen-thsang'. If then 
we remember that Kanishka's birth is placed 400 years ^ 
and Asang-a 900 years after Buddha's death (see also Wassiljew, 
Buddhismus^ p. 53), we find an interval of 500 years between 
Kanishka and Asanga. And if we are right in placing Ka- 
nishka's coronation 78 a. n., we should get for Asanga and 
Vasubandhu about the second half of the sixth century, that 
is, nearly the same date at which we arrived before on the 
evidence supplied by Hiouen-thsang. 

This is something, and we now proceed to consider another 
fact which was first brought to our notice by one of the most 
ingenious Sanskrit scholars, whose death has proved a real 
misfortune to the progress of native scholarship in India, 
Dr. Bhao Daji. In a paper, read in i860 before the Asiatic 
^fc^»v>».j^'^Society of Bombay, he wrote: 'Mallinatha, in commenting 

4 ^<'^ 



on the 14th verse of the Meghaduta, incidentally notices that 



//// 



^ This is a very common date for Kanishka with the Northern Buddhists, 
whether of his birth or of his coronation, may sometimes seem doubtful (Hiouen- 
thsang, ii, 172). If we take 78, the beginning of the &ka era, as the date of 
Kanishka's coronation (abhisheka), the initial date of Buddha's Nirvana would 
have to be placed, not as a real event, but for the purpose of chronological 
calculation only, at about 322 B.C. Peirsva and Vasumitra would belong to the 
same period as Kanishka. 

According to the same chronological system, Asoka is placed lOO years after 
Buddha's Nirvawa (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 170), i.e. 222 B.C., and this, if I am 
right in my rectification of the chronology of the Southern Buddhists, is the 
real date of his death (Dhamraapada, Introd. p. xxxix). 

Again, the king of Himatala, who defeats the Kritiyas, who are enemies of 
Buddhism, is placed 600 after B.N., i.e. 278 A.D. (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 179). 

Hiouen-thsang is fully aware of the existence of three different eras. He says 
that some place the NirvS.Ka 1200 years ago (about 560 B.C.), others 1500 
years ago (about 860 B.C.), but, he adds, some assert that more than 900 
and less than 1000 years have now elapsed since Buddha's Nirva?ia. These 
were no doubt the authorities who placed Kanishka 400 years after the Nirvawa, 
and Hiouen-thsang himself, about 960 years after Buddha (Hiouen-thsang, i, 
p. 131). Wassiljew (Buddhismus, p. 52) states from Tibetan sources that after 
the death of Gambhtrapaksha (p. 282, n.), the patron of Asanga (900 post B.N.) 
iSrlharsha was the most powerful king in the west of India, and was succeeded 
by his son S'lla. It is curious to observe that in Tibetan literature Buddha's 
birth is supposed to have happened not long before the birth of Confucius 
(Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1882, p. 100). It might be 
well to distinguish the Southern Buddhist era by p. B.s. from the Northern 
Buddhist era, p. B. if. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKEIT LITERATURE. 



307 



DignagaMrya and Ni/^ula were contemporaries of Kalidasa, 
the former his adversary, and the latter a fellow and bosom 
friend ^.' Whatever we may think of the pointed allusion which 
Mallinatha discovers inKalidasa's own words to Ni/?;ula andDig- 
naga — and I confess that I believe he is right — there can be 
little doubt that Mallinatha must have known of both Niyl'ula 
and Dignaga as contemporaries of Kalidasa, before he could have 
ventured on his explanation ^. Dignaga is not a very common 
name, and if we know from our former evidence that Dignaga 
was a pupil of Asanga's, and that Asaiiga was a contemporary 
of Vikramaditya, we shall probably now feel more confident 
in placing Kalidasa in the middle of the sixth century. 

It might be objected, no doubt, that Dignaga was a Bud- 
dhist, and that a worshipper of /Siva, like Kalidasa, was not 
likely to have any personal relations with a heretic, such as 
Dignaga. The more we know, however, of the intellectual 
and social state of India at the time when Kalidasa lived, the 
less weight shall we ascribe to such an objection. Believers 
in Buddha and believers in the Veda lived together at that 
time very much as Protestants and Roman Catholics do at 
the present day, fighting when there is an opportunity or 
necessity for it, but otherwise sharing the same air as fellow 
creatures. We are told that Manatunga, though a Gaina, was 
admitted to the court of Harsha on the same terms as Bawa 
and Mayilra. I see no reason therefore why Dignaga should 
not have met Kalidasa at the court of Vikramaditya, or 
why he should not be the very Dignaga who is famous as a 
writer on Nyaya. We know that Vasubandhu, the brother 
of Asahga, was a student of the Nyaya philosophy, and pub- 
lished the posthumous work of Sahghabhadra, the Nyayanu- 
sara<yastra (H. Ths. i, io8). The Bodhisattva Gina,, who suc- 
ceeded Asanga (see beforCj p. 303), composed the Nyaya-dvara- 



^ The same discovery was made subsequently, but independently, by Pro- 
fessor Weber, Zeitschrift der D. M. G. xxii, p. 726. See also Shankar P. 
Pandit's preface to the Eaghuvamsa, p. 68. 

^ Mallinatha is placed by Dr. Bhao Daji in the fourteenth century, see On 
K^lidsisa, p. 2 2 ; see also Bhandarkar, preface to M^latimadhava, p. xii, and 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 321. 

X 2 




308 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

taraka (H. Ths, i, 188 '), and Hiouen-thsang himself, thougli 
a Buddhist, studied logic under a Brahmaraa (H. Ths. i, 187). 
I see no reason therefore why Dignaga, the pupil of Asahga 
in Prama^a, i. e. logic, should not be the author of a work on 
Nyaya, which, as Professor Cowell has shown in his important 
preface to the Kusumai?^ali, was criticised by Uddyotakara, 
the author of the Nyaya-varttika ^. 

fWe placed Dignaga, as the pupil of Asanga, in the middle 
of the sixth century. Uddyotakara, his critic, is quoted by 
Subandhu (Vasavadatta, p. 235^), and, curiously enough, 
together with Dharmakirti ^, a pupil of Asahga' s, who, like 
Asahga, was the great authority on logic among the Buddhists. 
Subandhu, again, is quoted by Bai^a, and Ba?za was the con- 
temporary of Hiouen-thsang. All this agrees, and fits so 
naturally that we can hardly attribute it all to mere accident. 
At one time I thought that there were certain dates of the 
Chinese translations of Sanskrit texts which made it impossible 
to assign to Asahga and Vasubandhu so late a date. The fact 
is that two works which are ascribed to Vasubandhu, the /S'ata- 
.^astra (No. 1 188), and theBodhi-X-ittotpadana-^astra (No. 1218), 
are supposed to have been translated by Kuma.raj/iva, i.e. about 
404 A. D. The earliest translations of his other works belong 



■"^ The NyS.ya-dv^ra-tS.raka-s^stra is ascribed to the Bodhisattva Dbannap^Ia, 
Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 191. 

^ Subandhu in his V^savadatta recurs several times to the eclipse that has 
come over the Mlm^msk and Ny^ya through the teaching of the Buddhists. 
See also Weber, Streifen i, p. 379. 

" See Hall, V^savadatta, preface, p. 9 note, as corrected by Cowell, in his 
preface to the Kusuma%ali. 

* Dr. BurneU, who had great faith in Taranatha's History of Indian Bud- 
dhism, wrote in the preface to the Samavidhana-brahmama, p. vi : ' Ttlranatha 
states that Kumarallla (i. e. Kumarila) lived at the same time as Dharmakirti, 
the great Buddhist writer on Nyaya, Some of his works still exist in Tibetan 
translations in the Tanjur, and he is quoted by name in the Sarvadarsana- 
sangraha as an authority on Buddhism. Now Dharmakirti is stated by the 
Tibetans to. have lived in the time of Sron-tsa,n-gam-po, king of Yarlang, who 
was born 617 a.d., and reigned from 629-698 a.d. About this date there can 
be no doubt, for the king married a Chinese princess, whose date is certain. As 
Hiouen-thsang left India in 645 A. D., and there is no mention in his work of 
the great and dangerous Brahman enemy of the Buddhists, Kumarila cannot 
have lived before that date, and for many reasons he cannot have been later 
than 700 A. D.' 



RENAISSAlSrCE OF SANSKEIT LITERATURE. 309 

all to the sixth century, though, as they are assigned to Bodhi- 
ru/^i^ to the heginning of it. This is strange, though not 
impossible. Eut what shall we say of translations of Vasu- 
bandhu by Kumara^iva ? There must be some mistake here. 
In the case of the jiSkta-sastra (Pai-lun)^ most likely the work 
is wrongly attributed to Vasubandhu, for Hiouen-thsang 
(i, 99) ascribes it to Deva, while, in another place (i, 191), 
the -6'ata-^astra-Yaipulya, is ascribed to Dharmapala. As to 
the Bodhi/^ittotpada, the difficulty remains, and cannot at 
present be solved, though I see that this work is sometimes 
ascribed to Mai trey a. However that may be, the evidence in 
support of making Vasubandhu a contemporary of Vikram- 
aditj^a and /Siladitya is too strong to be surrendered, and for the 
present it is the Chinese evidence which will have to yield ^. * 

I shall mention now a few more of the undesigned coinci- 
dences which support our placing the revival of Buddhist 
literature under the auspices of Asanga and Vasubandhu in 
the time of Vikramaditya and jSiladitya in the course of the 
sixth century. 

We have Vasubandhu 's Abhidharmakosha, which was ex- 
plained by Gu^amati and his pupil Vasumitra, both of whom 
are quoted by the commentator Ya^omitra, who is himself a 
pupil of Vasubandhu ^. 

Another pupil of Vasubandhu 's was GuT^aprabha of Parvata. 
His pupil was Mitrasena, and it was Mitrasena (eighty years 
old) who taught Hiouen-thsang (i, 109) the Tattvasatya- 
^astra (by Gu?iaprabha, i^ 106) and the Abhidharma-^Mna- 
prasthana-^astra (ascribed to Katyayana, i, 102, 109, 330 ; or 
to Katyayanl-putra, 300, p. b, n.) "We saw that Vasubandhu 
Ijad been for a time a pupil of Sanghabhadra's,, and that he 
became afterwards converted by his brother Asanga. This 

^ Mr. Bimyii! itfanjio informs me tliat in the preface to the Chinese transla- 
tion of the Pai-lun (S'ata-sastra) the text is ascribed to DeTa, who lived about 
800 p. B.W., the commentary to Yasn, the translation to Kum3,ra^iTa. The 
Eodhihridayotpada-ssistra is ascribed to Yasxibandhi!, and its translation to 
Kumara^Ya. But in the Khai-yraen-lu (a.D. 730) the text is assigned to either 
Maitreya or Yasnbandhn. Again, in the list of the twenty-three Indian Pa- 
triarchs (Cat. No. 1340) Yasubandhu is the twentieth. There were three more 
after Lim, and they all are supposed to have been known in China in 472 A, D. 

^ Schiefner, Lebensbeschreibung, p, 310. 



310 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 

seems to have been a conversion from the Hinayana to the 
Mahayana, for Sang-habhadra lived and died in a monastery 
attached to the Hinayana (H. Ths. i, 107), while Asahga 
belonged to the Mahayana. 

Now one of Asang-a's pupils was the famous -iSilabhadra 
(called Dharmakosha), an old man when Hiouen-thsang* 
came to see him (i, 144) and to study the Yoga-^astra under 
him, /iSilabhadra, being too old, appointed his pupil, 6^aya- 
sena (of Surash2!ra) to teach Hiouen-thsang (i, 21a, 315)* 
Afterwards when a Brahman of the Lokayata sect challenged 
/Silabhadra and the monks of his monastery (Nalanda), Hiouen- 
thsang disputed with him and defeated him, showing a pro- 
found knowledge of the Sankhya and the Vai^eshika systems 
(i, 225)' He afterwards composed a treatise against the 
Hinayana, which was highly praised by /Silabhadra. 

Another link between Hiouen-thsang and Asahga is Sthl- 
tamati ^. He too was a pupil of Asahga, and the teacher ^ of 
G^ayasena, who, as we have seen, was the teacher of Hiouen- 
thsang. • 

One more link in our chain of arguments is supplied by one 
of Mabhadra's teachers. At the time of Hiouen-thsang's 
visit to Nalanda, about 637-639, we know that Mabhadra was 
old, say seventy years. When he was thirty years of age his 
master, Dharmapala, employed him for the first time to dis- 
pute against the heretics, say 600 a, d. Now we are told 
by I-tsing that Dharmapala was the contemporary of Bhar- 
tr^hari, and that Bhartrihari died 650 a, d,, which, chrono- 
logically at all events, would harmonise very well. We may 
take notice also that Dharmapala^ was a contemporary of 

^ Schiefner, Lebensbeschreibung, p. 80. 

^ Hiouen-thsang, i, 21 2. StHtamati (xln-hoei-pou-sa) is different from Sthira- 
mati (Kien-hoei). Guwamati and Sthiramati are always mentioned togetlier 
(Hiouen-thsang, iii, 46; 164), and Gunamati was the teacher of Vasumitra, 
both having written on Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosha. 

^ Works ascribed to a Dharmapala, whose name is translated ^m ^^ 
Hu-fa, lit. guardian of the law. See Eitel, p. 32 b. 

No. 1174. 'Alambanapratyayadhy3,na-sastra-vyakhya' (a. D. 710, by I-tsing). 
[This is a commentary on the Bodhisattva Gina's s^stra.] 
,, 1197. Vidyamatrasiddhi(-sastra) (A. D. 659, by Hiouen-thsang). 
[This is a commentary on Vasubandhu's thirty verses.] 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE, 311 

Bhavaviveka (H. Ths. iii, 112), tlioug-h Bhavaviveka may 
have been considerably his senior h 



Asanga 



Sthitamati 



(rayasena 



iSilabhadra 



Gayasena 

I I 

Hiouen-thsang Hiouen-thsang. 



Sanghabhadra 

1 
Vasubandhu 

r-T— ^ -^ 

Yasomitra, Guwaprabha 
(quotes Guwamati I 
and Vasumitra) | 

Mitrasena 

Hiouen-thsans. 



Bhavaviveka (iii, 112). 

Dharmapala and Bhartnhari, died 650 A. D, 

(S'ilabhadra. 

It seems not unlikely, in fact, that the teachers -vyhose names 
Hiouen-thsang" mentions as famous in his time (iii, 46), 
were men whom he mig-ht either have known himself, such as 
.(S'ilabhadra, or whose memory was still quite fresh at Nalanda 
at the time of his visit. Several of these names are the same 
which I-tsing", who was at Nalanda in 6y^, or about thirty- 
six years later, mentions as recent, distinguishing them from 
the oldest and the middle teachers on one side, and the 
teachers still living on the other. 

HIOUEN-THSANG (iii, 46). I-TSING. 

Dharmapala (/Sabdavidyasaw^yuk- Dharmapala. 

ta-^astra). 
^andrapala. 
Gu^amati (teacher of Vasumitra). Gu^amati. 



No. 1 198. /Satasi,sfcravaipulya-vy§,khy^ (a. d. 650, by H. T.) 
[This is a commentary on Deva's sS,stra.] 
„ 1210. Vidyamatrasiddhi(-sastra) (a.d. 710, by I-tsing). 
[This is similar to No. 1197.] 
^ The following list of Hiouen-thsang's teachers is given from Tibetan sources 
(Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1882, p. 96) : Daatabhadra 
or -deva (/Silabhadra ?), Arya Sanga (Asanga), Vasumitra (pupil of Guwamati), 
Dharmarakshita, Vinaya-bhadra (Sanghabhadra?), DS,ntasena (feyasena ?). 
Buddha, Ananda, and Maitreya also are mentioned. 



312 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Sthiramatu Sthiramati. 

Prabhamitra. 

Ginamitra. Gina (Nyayadvarataraka 

.sastra). 
G^itana/^andra. 
xSig-hrabuddha. 
jS'ilabhadra (Dharmakosha). xSilabliadra. 

I-tsing mentions besides, as of reeerit date : Dharmaya^^s 
(Fa-hian ?), Simha^andra (one of Hiouen-thsang-'s fellow stu- 
dents, i, '261), Vraffnagui^ta. (a follower of the HinayAna, i, 32o), 
Paramaprabha, and Gu^^aprabha (pupil of Devasena, i, 106), 
some of whom may possibly be identified with Hiouen- 
thsang^'s names. As teachers of an earh^ ag-e I-tsing- mentions 
all those whom we have placed in the sixth century a. d., viz. 
Sang'habhadra (vidyamatra), Asahg-a (Yoga), Vasubandhu, and 
Bhavaviveka. 

As old teachers he enumerates, Nagar^una (Sunja,), Beva 
(pupil of Nagar^una), and A^vag-hosha^. 

Among" those whom he had known personally, he men- 
tions, Pra_^;>ia/l"andra (in the monastery Si-ra-chu at Surat), 
Hatnasi^ha (in Nalanda), Divakaramitra (in Eastern India), 
Tathagatagarbha (in Southern India), and /Sakyakirti (in 
Si-ri-fa-sai). 

Pravarasena, King of Kasmlra. 

Uncertain as some of these facts may be, their harmony 
serves nevertheless to produce some confidence that we are on 
terra firma, and not altogether on the quicksand of Indian tra- 
dition. Nor is this all. There are still some other supports 
which may serve to streng-fchen our position, and the date which 
we have assig-ned to Kalidasa and his patron Vikramaditya 
Harsha of U^^ayini, Most of the facts which have still to be 
considered, were first pointed out by the late Dr. Bhao Daji, 
now twenty years ago, and I then expressed to him my 

^ The lives of these three teachers are stated to have been translated by 
Kumaraf/lva, about 405 A.D. The life of Vasubandhu was translated by 
Paramartha, 557-589 a.d. _See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue, Nos. 1460-146 3. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 313 

general agreement with his arguments, revolutionary as they 
sounded at that time to most Sanskrit scholars ^. 

Dr. Bhao Daji thought that the great Vikramaditya, the 
founder of the Vikrama era, was for a certain time the contem- 
porary of Pravarasena, the king of Ka^mira, We read in the 
Ea_$7atarahgi;^l .(Book III, verses 102-252) of the two sons of 
/Sresh/^/^asena, Hira^ya and Toramai^a, ruling Ka^mira together 
for a time, till Hirawya, jealous of his brother, threw him into 
prison. Torama^a's wife A%ana, the daughter of V^rendra 
of the family of Ikshvaku, gave birth to a son, Pravarasena j 
but after the death of his father Torama^a, and of his uncle 
Hirawya, Pravarasena was una,ble, it seems, to assert his in- 
direct claims to the throne of Ka^smira. Under these cir- 
cumstances Vikramaditya, called Harsha, the king ruling 
at U^^ayini, the destroyer of /iSakas, and recognised as Em- ,, 
peror (eka>?:/?;/^atra5 >^akravarti) of India, appointed an eminent I 
poet, who had come to seek service at his court, Matr?gupta 
by name, to the throne of Ka^mira. Matr/gupta ruled Ka*- 
mira till the death of his patron Vikramaditya. He then 
retired to Vara^iasi as a Yati, while Pravarasena succeeded to 
the throne of Ka^mira. He became so powerful a ruler that 
he had actually to reinstate the son of Vikramaditya^ /Siladitya 
Pratapa^ila, on the throne of U/z/ayini. ' 

Dr. Bhao Daji started the boW theory that this Matngupta, 
who was for a time ruler of Kasmira^ was the great poet 
Kalidasa, and he informs >us that there always has been a tra- 
dition that Vikramaditya was so pleased with Kalidasa that 
he bestowed on this poet half of his territories^. Without 
confessing myself convinced, I must say that his arguments 
in support of this view are at all events very able. 

First, as to the name, we know that names in the literary 
history of India are often titles and honorific appellations 



^ See Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1868, pp. 
249, 251. May I venture to suggest that the friends and admirers of Dr. Bhao 
Daji owe it to themselves and to the memory of their eminent countryman to 
collect his essays and to publish them, together with a sketch of his life, and a 
description of his valuable collection of MSS., coins, and other antiquities? [See 
Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860, p. 220.] 

^ Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 228. 



314 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

rather than proper nameS; and that even in proper names^ if 
they have a meaning, the same meaning may be expressed in 
different ways. The Trikawf/a-sesha gives Eaghukara, Medha- 
rudra, and Ko%it as synonyms of Kalidasa. Kalidasa 
means 'the servant of the goddess Kali,' and if instead of 
Kalidasa V7e were to find Kaligupta, i. e. protected by Kali, 
we should probably hesitate but little to accept this as a 
synonym of Kalidasa. Kali, however, is one of the goddesses 
called Matri or Mothers^, and therefore Matfigupta conveys 
the same meaning as Kaligupta or Kalidasa. 

Dr. Bhao Daji then asks, Who is Mat/7'gupta? He must 
have been a great poet, yet we never meet with his name, 
except here in the History of Kasmira^. 

Secondly _, the author of that history mentions other poets, 
even Bhavabhiiti, who is evidently more modern than Kali- 
dasa, but he never mentions Kalidasa. 

Thirdly, we are told that Pravarasena, when restored to his 
kingdom, and Kalidasa, when retiring to Benares, parted as 
friends. 'Now, there is in existence a poem in Prakrit, called 
the Setu-kavya, the Bridge-poem, with a Sanskrit com- 
mentary, in which it is said that the poem was composed by 
Kalidasa at the request of Pravarasena ^. Vidyanatha, in his 
work on poetry, the Pratapa-rudra (end of twelfth century), 
quotes an Arya verse from the Setu-kavya, calling it a Maha- 
prabandha, while jyandin (in the sixth century) praises the 
same poem in his Kavyadar^a as an ocean of beautiful sentences, 
though written in Priikrit. Lastly, Bamasrama, the com- 

^ The name of MatW occurs in the royal family of Kasmira, Toramawa being 
the son of Matndiisa, a grandson of Matrikula, perhaps the same as Matn- 
vishwu (Bhao Daji, On Kalidasa, p. 220). Might not therefore Matj'z'gupta 
have belonged to Toramajia's family, and have sought refuge at the court 
of Vikramaditya after Toramawa's fall ? And. might not Vilsramaditya have 
appointed him to succeed to the throne of Kasmira on account of his relation- 
ship with the old royal family ? 

^ Dr. Bhao Daji discovered a commentary on /S'akuntala by Eaghava Bhafa, 
son of Przthvldhara of Visvesvarapattana (Benares), in which ■ MatWgupta 
is quoted with reference to the characteristics of dramatic comiDOsition. He 
met in the same commentary with slokas worthy, as he says, of Kalidasa, and 
with one from the Hayagrlvabadha, a play written by Bhartribhaiia or 
Ehartrimem^Aa, during the short reign of Matj'igupta. 

^ Published by S, ^lad^E^oldschmidt, Havawavaha oder Setubandha, 1880. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 315 

mentator on Siindara's V^ra^^asi-Darpawa, speaks of Kalidasa, I 
who wrote the Setu-kavya. Pravarasena again is known to I 
have constructed a famous bridge of boats across the Yitasta 
(Hydaspes); on which the capital of Kasmira was then situated 
(R%at. iii, 354), and it was in connection with this event that 
Kalidasa is supposed to have written his Bridge-poem. This, 
at least, we may gather from a verse of the poet Bma, the 
contemporary of Hiouen-thsang, who says (Harshaiarita, p. i): 

Kirti/^ Pravarasenasya prayata kumudo^^vala 

, Sagarasya param param kapiseneva setuna^, -puJ^/ll^-^ 1^ 

' Nirgatasu na va kasya^ Kalidasasya suktishu -4*-# /.ff'}l6 

Pritir madhurasardrasu ma%arishv iva ^ayate ? ' 

' The glory of Pravarasena, bright as the white lotus, went 
forth to the other shore of the ocean by means of his bridge, 
like (Rama's) army of monkeys (which crossed over to Ceylon 
on a bridge). Or who does not feel delight in the beautiful 
lines sent forth by Kalidasa, as in clusters of flowers moist 
with sugar?' 

This, if it proves nothing else, fixes at all events the fame of 
Kalidasa for the beginning of the seventh century, and likewise 
his conn ectjon with Kasmira and its king Pravarasena ^. 

^ See Beames, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 2406. 

^ NisargaslJlravamsasya, ed. Calcutta. 

^ It is but right to state that Dr. Bhao Daji himself brought forward some 
objections against his identification of Matngupta and Kalidasa. 'Kalidasa, 'he 
remarks, 'was a Sarasvata Brahman, a worshipper of S'iva and Parvatl, while 
Mat7'zgupta, as ruler of Kasmira, appears from the Ea^atarangiiii to have 
conciliated the Buddhists and (?ains by prohibiting the destruction of living 
beings. He also pleased the Vaishwavas by constructing a temple to Vishrai, 
and the deities invoked in the Setu-kavya are first Yishnu and then ;Siva.' (See 
Bhao Daji, Abstract of a paper on Kalidasa, p. 8.) Now this,. I confess, would 
disturb me least ; on the contrary, it would to my mind seem to reflect the 
true character of the time. MatrtZ;eta, like Matrtgupta, began as a worshipper 
of /Siva, and then became a famous Buddhist poet. Lalitaditya erected statues 
to Vishnu and Buddha. (See before, p. 307.) What troubles me most, as I 
wrote to Dr. Bhao Daji in 1861, is that 'Matngupta is spoken of in the 
Eagratarangijil as a poet, and yet never identified with the famous author 
of (Sakuntala. Is it possible that Kalhana PancZita, who is so well acquainted 
with literary history, should have told the extraordinary career of Matrt'gupta 
without giving a hint that this poet, raised to the throne of Kasmlra, was the 
famous Kalidasa ? ' I also pointed out to him that the two verses which he had 



316 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Fourthly, Dr. Bhao Daji tries to connect this Pravarasena, 
the king of Kasmira, and the friend, if not the successor of 
Kalidasa, with the king" who ruled in Ka.?mira, and was an 
old man at the time of Hiouen-thsang's visit to that country. 
We read that ' when Hiouen-thsang arrived at the capital of 
Ka^mira, he stopped in a convent, called Gayendra -vihara, 
which had been built by the father-in-law of the king.' Ac- 
cording to the E.a^atarangiwi (iii, ^^^), the genealogy of the 
kings of Kasmira was : 

'VsLffrendva, 

I 

About 500^, Toraniama and Angana., her brother (Jayendra 

I 

Pravarasena. 

It is stated in the Ra^atarangi^ii that (zayendra raised an 

edifice known by the name of Vihara of Sri G'ayendra and of 

I the great Buddha, ' the very edifice, no doubt, in which 

Hiouen-thsang was received as the guest of the king.' 

Hiouen-thsang mentions besides another house where he spent 

a night, and calls it the 'house of happiness.' Now, according 

to the E-a^/atarangim there was in the same town a house 

I called ' Am^^ta-bhuvana, i.e. the abode of immortal or hea- 

\ venly bliss,' for the use of foreign mendicants, built by the 

great-grandmother of Pravarasena. 

All this is very welcome evidence to support the statements 
contained in Hiouen-thsang's travels. No doubt, he passed 
^through the capital of Ka^mira, he may have slept in the very 
/houses which are described in the chronicle of Ka^mira. But 
the king who received him could not have been Pravara- 
sena. Hiouen-thsang never mentions his name_, and nothing 
is said in the text of Gayendra, the builder of the ^yendra- 
vihara, being the maternal uncle of the then reigning king. 
There is a note in Julien's translation, ' ce couvent avail ete 



given from the Harsha/iaritra, and which seemed to join Pravarasena and 
KS,lidasa, do not follow each other immediately, as published by Dr. F. Hall 
(Vasavadatta, Preface, p. 14), while in the Calcutta edition the various 
reading nisargastJlravauisasya seems to point to. the Raghuva/nsa rather than 
to the Setubandha. 

^ Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 249. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 317 

constrmt par le beau-joere du roi {Note cle Vauteur cJimols)? 
This does not necessarily mean ttat (jajendra was the father- 
in-law of the then reigning king, but only of the king living 
at his time. Nor had (rayendra, so far as we know, ever been 
the father-in-law of Pravarasena^ but his maternal uncle. 

But, however that may be, Hiouen-thsang, so far as we 
know at present, returned to China in 645. Pravarasena, if 
he ascended the throne of Ka^mira after the death of Vikra- 
maditya^ may be supposed to have begun his reign about 550, 
and even if he reigned sixty years, that would only bring us^ 
to 610 A.D. How then could he be brought together with 
Hiouen-thsang and his visit to India in 629—645 ? 

Here, therefore, I can no longer follow Dr. Bhao Daji who, 
in order to escape from this difficulty, wishes to put Hiouen- 
thsang's visit sixty years earlier. We have only to give up 
what after all is a mere conjecture, that Pravarasena was the 
king of Kasmira who received Hiouen-thsang, and all the rest 
of our chronological arrangement holds good. I know, of 
course, that Dr. Bhao Daji has other reasons also for wishing to | 
place /Slladitya, the friend of Hiouen-thsang, in the middle of I 
the sixth century 1, but these will have to be discussed inde- ' 
pendently, and after a new and careful examination of the 
dates of the Chalukya dynasty. 

Hiouen-thsang's travels in India are contemporaneous with j 
the Hejrah (623 a.d.), and the first spreading of Moham- | 
medanism, and, curiously enough, the historian Bedia-ad-din 
tells us that the first year of the Hejrah coincided with the t 
thirtieth year of Beckermadul, i. e. Vikramaditya of Kasmira 2, ' 
and that Baladut, i. e. Baladitya, was contemporaneous with 
Yezdijerd. Instead of Pravarasena, therefore, Baladitya would 
have been the most likely host of Hiouen-thsang in Ka^mira, 
and 622 A.D. would represent the thirtieth year of his great 
predecessor Vikramaditya, while Pravarasena would retain his 
date of about 550, the time between him and Vikramaditya, 



^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 250. 
^ See Wilson, Asiatic Researches, xv, pp. 41, 42 ; Fergusson, Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 97. 



318 :notes and illustrations. 

, who began to reig-n 590, being filled by Yudhishi^i^ira, Naren- 
draditya, and bis brother Ra^aditya ^. 

It cannot here be my intention to give new outlines for the 
whole history of mediBeval Sanskrit literature, but considering 
how chaotic the state of that history has hitherto been, it 
may be useful to mention at least a few more facts which 
seem to fit easily into the system here devised, and thus may 
serve to confirm what otherwise, from the nature of the case, 
•can only be considered for the present as a provisional pro- 
gramme. 

Early Astronomers, 

Some of the earliest works of the Eenaissance period of 

Sanskrit literature of which it is possible to fix the date are 

the works of astronomers. Some of the knowledge conveyed 

by them is presupposed by Kalidasa and his contemporaries, 

and we therefore expect that these astronomical writings should 

;. be of an earlier date than the period of Yikramaditya, while 

I on the other' hand, if our view of the Turanian Interregnum, 

I (100 B.C. — 300 A.D.) is right, they should not be earlier than 

'> the third century a.d. 

' The founder of astronomical and mathematical science in 
India,' as Lassen called him, was Aryabha2^a, or Aryabha^a the 



^ If Mr. Fergusson is right in stating that copper plates assign to Dhruvasena 
of Valabhl the dates 628 and 640, reckoned according to the Valabhi era 
(310 + 318 = 628 ; 322 + 318 = 640), he may also be right in identifying Dhruva- 
sena with Dhruvapaiu, the nephew of ;Slladitya of Malava, and son-in-law of 
/SilMitya of KS.nyakubg'a, the patron of Hiouen-thsang. See Hiouen-thsang, 
i, 206; iii, 162. Journalof the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 90. The Valabhl 
and Gupta dates, however, are very doubtful, because the era is doubtful from 
which they are reckoned. Dr. Btihler has published a Valabhi grant (Ind. 
Ant. 1877, p. 91) in which the grantee is the monastery of Sil Bappapada 
(see Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 80), built by the Afearya Bhadanta Sthiramati. 
He has also pointed out that this must be the monastery described by Hiouen- 
thsang (iii, p. 164) as at a little distance from Valabhl, erected by the Arhat 
Afcara, and then inhabited by the Bodhisattvas Sthiramati and Gunamati. 
If then any additions to the Vihara had been made by Sthiramati, at the 
time when the grant was made, the grant could not have been made very 
long before Hiouen-thsang's visit to India. Yet the grant is dated Sam 269 ! 
This, with 190, would give only 459 a.d., while with 319 (see p. 294), it would 
give 589 A. D., at all events a possible date, if Hiouen-thsang and I-tsing are to 
be trusted. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 319 

elder (Vriddhaiyabha/a), who is quoted by Varahamihira, Brah- 
magupta, Bhaz^/'otpala^ and BhaskaraMrya, and who was born, 
as he tells us himself, in a.d. 476 ^. He was the author of what 
is called the Aryabha;!iya Sutra ^, consisting (i) of the ten verses 
of the Da^agitika, and the 108 verses of the Aryashifa^ata, the 
latter divided into three Padas, (2) the Gai^itapada, (3) Kala- 
kriyapada, and (4) Golapada ^. He seems to have written 
no more, but he will always remain famous as having boldly 
pronounced in favour of the revolution of the earth on its 
axis, and on the true cause of solar and lunar eclipses \ This 
was known hitherto from a quotation from Aryabha?^a by 
P/ithiidaka, 'the sphere of the stars is stationary, and the 
earth, making a revolution, produces the daily rising and 
setting of the sun.' We have it now in the very words of 
Aryabha?^a ^ : ' As a person in a vessel, while moving forward, 
sees an immovable object moving backward, in the same 
manner do the stars, though immovable, seem to move (daily). 
At Laiik^ (i.e. at a situation of no geographical latitude) they 
go straight to the West (i. e. at a line that cuts the horizon 
at right angles, or, what is the same, parallel to the prime 
vertical at Lanka).' 

Here then we have the oldest scientific Indian astronomer, 
clearly fixed as born at Pa^^aliputra at the end of the fifth 
and the beginning of the sixth century a.d., and the fact 
that Aryabhazfa quotes no predecessors^ tends to show that | * 
there were none to quote. 

We next come to Varahamihira, the son and pupil of 
Adityadasa, a native of U^^ayini, born at Kapitthaka in 
Avanti. He wrote several works. First, the Kara^a'^, 
commonly known under the name of Pa??/^asiddhantika, 

. ^ Bhao Daji, On the age of Aryabliafo, &c., pp. 5, 14. 

" Different from this is what Dr. Bhao Daji calls the Maharyasiddhanta, 
containing about 600 to 612 verses, ascribed to a junior Aryabhaia. 

^ The Aryabhadya, with the commentary of Paramtdlsvara (Bha^adipikS,), 
edited by Dr. H. Kern, Leiden, 1874. 

* Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, vol. ii, p. 392. 

^ Aryabhafiya, ed. Kern, p. 76 (Golapada, verse 9). 

" Dr. Bhao Daji mentions one doubtful allusion to the Brahma-siddhanta, 
I.e., p. 15. 

'' Karanas adopt the Yuga era, Siddhantas the *Saka era. Kern, pref. p. 24. 



320 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

because founded on the five Siddhantas^. Secondly, a Hora- 
«astra, divided into a (zataka, a Yatrika, and a Vivalaa-pafala, all 
these existing in two forms, long or short. Lastly, the Brihat- 
sa?^hita. He generally wrote in the Arya metre, a metre 
/ which, as Professor Kern pointed out, has a certain chronolo- 
I gical character^. We know that he died Saka. 509, a.d. 587 ^, 
and, as far as chronology is concerned, he may well take rank 
as one of the Nine Gems, and a contemporary of Kalidasa. 

He quotes his predecessor Aryabha?^a, and adopts the epoch 
of the E-omaka-siddhanta, which, according to Dr. Bhao Daji, 
dates from a.d. 505*, though Albiruni assigns this date to 
Varahamihira's Pa»y?;asiddhantika^. Varahamihira also notices 
the Paulina ^5 Vasish^^^a '^, Saura, and Paitamaha Siddhantas, 
all of which must therefore belong to the sixth century. 

The beginning of the sphere being determined by ^Piscium 
refers the Siddhantas to the same century (Rig-veda, vol. iv, 
p. xiv). 

The next great mathematician, Brahmagupta, wrote his 
Brahma Sphu^a-siddhanta when he was thirty years of age, 
in A.D. 628. His father is called Gish^u, and it is just possible 
he may have been the G^ish^u mentioned as a contemporary 
of Kalidasa ^. 

We may add, though they belong to a later period, the 
dates of Bhai^^fotpala, the commentator of Varahamihira, as 
fixed at 967, and that of Bhaskara Akkrja,, the author of the 
Siddhanta^iroma?^i, who was born 1114^. 

^ A MS. of this work was discovered by Dr. Biihler (Report, 1874, p. 11), 
wlio gives the curious verse in which the movement of the earth is refuted. 

^ Bhao Daji, I.e., p. 16; also Shankar P. Pandit, Malatlmadhava, pref. p. 27. 

^ See Bhao Daji, On the Age and Authenticity of the work of Aryabhafa, 
Varahamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhaiiotpala and Bh§,skara/(;arya, p. 15. 

* Romaka can only be a name for Roman, and Romaka-vishaya (Varahami- 
hira, Kern's pref. p. 57), for the Roman Empire. The Romaka-siddhanta is 
ascribed by Brahmagupta to (Srlshena, who bases his calculations on those of 
Laia, VasishfAa, Vigrayanandin, and Aryabhafa. 

^ See Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 16 ; Journal Asiatique, 1844, p. 285. 

® Composed by Paulus al Yun^ni, according to Albiruni, and based on Paulus 
Alexandrinus, according to Bhao Daji, who also identifies the Yavanesvara 
Asphu^dhvagra with Speusippus, while Kern (pref. p. 48) suggests Aphrodisius. 

'' Ascribed to Vishjiu^andra. Vishjiugupta, who is quoted by Varahamihira, 
is identified with jKanakya by Utpala. ^ See Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 28. 

* One of his ancestors, as Dr. Bhao Daji remarks, BhSskara-bha^fa, received 



is^'> 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 321 

What is important for our purposes is the Greek influence 
clearly perceptible in these astronomical compositions, and 
again in the poetical literature of the Indian Renaissance. 
If we confine our remarks to one subject, namely, the adoption 
of the Greek zodiac in India, the evidence is so irresistible 
that it might seem almost a waste of time to restate it, if 
it were not for the fact that some very eminent scholars, 
particularly in India, still try to escape from the consequences 
of that discovery-^. I shall therefore state the case once, 
more, briefly, but I hope, clearly, and I trust that the rising 
generation of Sanskrit scholars in India will no longer allow , 
their patriotism to interfere with their judgment, remembering I 
the words of Garga ^ : 

' The Yavanas (Greeks) are indeed MleM-^as, but amongst " 
them this science (astronomy) is firmly established. Hence 
they are honoured, as though they were jSishis ; how much 
more then an astrologer who is a twice-born man ^ ! ' 

The Names and Pictorial Eepresentations of the Twelve 
Zodiacal Divisions. 

It is most likely that the division of the heavens into 
twelve equal portions was first made by Chaldsean or Baby- 
lonian astronomers. Letronne, Ideler, Lassen agree on that 
point, and they likewise agree in admitting that the know- 
ledge of this division of the heavens into twelve equal portions 
or dodecameries reached the Greeks from Babylonia (about 
700 B.C.?) 

Whether the Babylonians possessed names and pictorial 
representations for these dodecameries, and whether these too 
were borrowed by the Greeks^ is more doubtful. But what 
is quite certain is this, 

That to the time of Eudosos, 380 B.C., the Greeks, 
though they had twelve divisions (introduced by Kleostratos 

the title of Vidy^pati from Bho^ra, king of Dhara, 1042 A.D. See also Weber, 
Sanskrit Literature, p. 261. 

^ See Shankar P. Pandit's preface to his edition of the Eaghuvamsa. 

* Kern, pref. p. 35 ; see also Brihat-samhita, ii, 15. 

^ M-leJckha, hi Yavanas, teshu samyak sastram idam sthitam, 

iZishivat te 'pi p%yante, kim punar daivavid dvigah. 

Y 



322 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

of Tenedos, 496 b.c), had but eleven signs, the two 
divisions, now represented by scorpion and balance, being 
represented by one sign only, the scorpion with its claws 
' stretching across two divisions. Even Aratus and Hipparchus, 

150 B.C., do not know the Balance as a separate sign, and it 
is first mentioned by Geminus and Varro, about the begin- 
ning of the first century B.C. 

Hence the important criterion by which Letronne de- 
stroyed the presumed fabulous antiquity of Egyptian and 
other zodiacal representations, viz. 'in whatever monument 
or book the Balance occurs as a separate sign {Cj^hiov), that 
book or monument cannot be earlier than the first century 
B.C.;' and, we may add, the astronomy of that country, whether 
Egypt or India, must have been directly or indirectly under 
the influence of Greece. 

The earliest Sanskrit astronomer, as far as we know at 
present, who mentions the names of the twelve divisions of 
the Greek zodiac is Aryabha^a (Golapada, v. i) ^ There never 
was any authority for saying that Hhe twelve zodiacal pictures ' 
S-^4 occur in Anquetil Duperron's translation of the Maitrayawi 
^^^^fjl I Upanishad (Weber, Ind. Stud, i, p. 2^78), for we only find 
^. yo^f^h'd^ there 'duodecim bordy (signa) solis/ which are the Adityas 
in the original. It is different with a statement of Cole- 
brooke's, who (Life and Essays, vol. ii, p. 215) quoted a 
passage from Baudhayana in which the names of some of 
the Greek zodiacal signs occur. It is true that he took 
the passage, not from Baudhayana direct, but from an 
astronomical writer, Divakarabhai^^^a. Nevertheless, the fact 
\ seems true. In the Baudhayana-sutras (see Sayai^a's com- 
mentary in MS. India Oflice Library, p. 13a) we read: >\ 
' Meshavnshabhau sauro vasanta^, minameshau va ^.' This, "~ 

^ The occurrence of the zodiacal signs in the Ramayawa (i, 19; ii, 15, ed. 
Schlegel) has been often discussed. See also Urvasl, ed. BoUensen, p. 70. 14. 

2 MS. 288, India Office Library, p. 13 a: ^'?ITTI ^THTm^ hW^ II 

^H^ "m^sT^»n^fr ?f^^ TT^n^r: ^f^ 1^ ^^ t^^R 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 323 

though differing from Colebrooke's quotation, is evidently 
the passage meant, and, unless it belonged originally to an old 
commentary, would certainly prove a knowledge, not only of 
the twelve divisions, but of their Greek names, at the time 
when the Baudhayana-kalpa-sutras were finally settled. This 
point, however, requires further elucidation. 

Next to Aryahhafa, the oldest astronomer who, so far as 
we know, shows an acquaintance with the names and pictorial 
representations of the zodiacal divisions is Satya. 

This Satya Bhadatta (or Bhadanta, i. e. the Buddhist, see 
Cat. Bodl. p. 509) is quoted by Varahamihira, and is there- 
fore older than Varahamihira, who died 587 a.d. 

Satya, as quoted by Utpala in his Commentary on Varaha- 
mihira's Briha^^^taka, says (MS. Bodl. Walker 165, p. 6^): 

^^: §^ ^^T "J^^T^T ^xi^^^i:t II «i II 

WafiXJ^ JfT^t -^Wt g^^^g jft^JT^ II ? 11^ 

m II 'jnT(H^T)f^?:Tf^^«i^>?1[3Trr^7 ^t^: ^: f^f^d wit ^ftr ^'^- 

^iTT^^^tT5fi;i»f rTf^if^Ti: 11 ^ '^T ^riT^^f-5»n^wri H^fiT I ^t^;- 
m^TTJsr '^if^?^: i #^^^ ^ ^f^ft ^^uf^f^^ ^fifr irr ^^ 

w^wHRfiT'^wn I^T^^ I Tnn^>^ ^f^^ ^^^t^ ^fjt ^k: i 
^'^'wmftr j^ I irm ^ ^jf^fir:^!^ i wf^^ Trf^ft: ^*^ m^: 
n^^ '^•5: 1 ^^^^ ^fw I IJ^ "^ ^^^^^"ft^ m^^^lTRr^ ^ 
JTi-^^^t^f I g# ^T ijrfw<wc?ji( ^f^^TT^^JiT^r ^fir ^: i ^^^rar 

^n^tt^xR^wm?^ I -^HTrnfiT '^^ I "^jwi: rt^m ^ ^tj^^s^tot- 
iftfir I ^^ ^^^ ^5^F5Jr?rg^ i f^y^i^ ^i|r^drfifH 'g i f^^^ni 

^ WlfT^f5' II 

^ Taking the first verse as an Arya, 12 + 18+12+15,1 had to read mesho 
instead of go, the reading of the MS. The second verse is a Glti, 12 + 18 + 
12 + 18. 

Y 2 



Ii/m^^ 



324 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

123 
' The ram, the bull, a pair, one holding a lyre, the other 

4 .5 .6 

a club, in the water a crab, a lion on a mountain, a girl 

7 
standing in a ship holding in her hand a lamp and corn, a man 

s . 9 

holding a balance, a scorpion, then a man with a bow, and 

10 
his hinder part a horse, half of a Makara in front a beast, 

II 12 

a man with a pot, a fish and a fish.' 

It will be seen that this description of the signs by Satya 
contains none of those indications by which Lassen (ii, p. 1127) 
endeavoured to prove that the Indian pictorial representations 
were not borrowed from Greece, but from Babylon. He 
might indeed object to ' the pair, one holding a lyre, the 
other a club/ instead of the Greek twins, but in all other 
respects the Indian representatives of the twelve divisions 
are accurate copies of the Greek representatives, such as we 
find them after the first century, B.C. 

Another astronomer, likewise quoted by Varahamihira and 
therefore supposed to be anterior to him, is ,Badaraya?^a ^ (Kern, 
pref. p. 39). He too describes the pictorial representations 
of the twelve divisions, and at the same time their relation to 
the different parts of the body of Brahman or the Creator : 

^^"1 »T^^fn^ f^4 ^c5t^: I 

^%^c5T^^^ iff ^SJT: ^T1|^ II «i II 

I ^ 2 

' The ram is the head, the face of the creator is the bull, 

3 , 4 5 

the breast would be the man-pair, the heart the crab, the lion 

^. . 7 

the stomach, the maid the hip, the balance-bearer the belly, 

^ Both Satya and Badarayawa are mentioned in the C'yotirvid-abliaraMa as 
contemporaries of Vikramaditya. See Shankar P. Pandit, Eaghuvamsa, pref. 
p. 44. 

^ The metre of the first verse is Vasantatilaka, of the second Upagiti, if we 
supply two syllables by reading Z;aitasyeti or something like this. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 325 

8 _ ■ 9 _ _ 

the eighth (scorpion) the membrum, the archer his pair of 

lO IT 

thighs, the Makara his pair of knees, the pot ^ his pair of 

12 

legs, the fish pair his two feet.' 

This distribution of the zodiacal signs among the different 
members of the body of Brahman has been considered a modern 
invention. It occurs, however, in Varahamihira's Bnha^^a- 
taka, where the members of Kala, Time, are given in the 
same succession : 

'The members of Kala are the head, the face, the chest, 
the heart, the stomach, the hip, the belly and the membrum, 
the two thighs and knees, the two legs, and the pair of feet.' 

Other writers who knew the zodiacal signs are Yavane- 
5vara^ and G^rgi (Bnha//^ataka, MS. Bodl. Walker 165, p. 6^), 
but as their age is more difficult to fix, their statements as 
given by Utpala in his commentary to the Br?ha_j7^ataka need 
not here be quoted. The verses of Varahamihira himself, in 
which he describes the representatives of the twelve zodiacal 
divisions, have been often referred to by Whish ^, Lassen ^, 
and fithers. They are : 

'Two fishes, a man with a waterpot, a pair of men, one 



■" Here tlie pot instead of the pot-bearer would favour Lassen's argument. 

^ Yavanesvara in translating the old Nakshatra-divi^on into the moderrT 
zodiacal division assigned 2^ Nakshatra to each zodiacal division. Gargi did 
the same and identified Mesha (Aries) with Asvini, Bharawi, and one 
quarter of Kr^ttika. Tatha fea YavanesvaraA, dve dve sapade bhavanam 
matam bheti. Tatha ^a GargiA, Asvini bharawi meshaA kn'ttikapadam eva 
lea,, &c. See also Eaghunandana, Gyotistattva, p. i. 

^ Whish states that they are taken from the Hor^sastra ; see Transactions 
of the Literary Society of Madras, Part I, London, 1827, pp. 63-77. 

* Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, iv, 302. 



m 



326 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

with a clubj tlie other with a lyre, a man carrying a bow, 
ending in a horse, a Makara with the face of a wild beast, 
a man with a balance, a maid in a boat, carrying corn and 
a lamp ; the rest are like what their names say, and they all 
are placed in their own element,' (i.e. the fishes in the 
water, &c.) 

Much more important, however, than this is another verse, 
in which Varahamihira gives the actual Greek names of the 
zodiacal divisions in their Sanskrit corruptions. I give it 
from the Enhay^^i-ataka (MS. Bodl. Walker 165, p. 11): 



"^^T.: m^Z'., Sanskrit word 
retained, though karka/aA 
would have better cor- 
responded to KapKcvog, 

tn^: ^^T TrapOevo? (tn''qf«T, 
comm.), 



Wmi ^f^W, (TKOp-KLO^, 

Tnf^^ W^ To^t/co'?, 
^ToFloFTf T^'C: aiyoKepco?, 
■^t: 'fv?: vSpo-xpu? (not 



This knowledge of Greek astronomy and even of Greek 
astronomical terminology came to India not later than the 
fifth century. If then we find clear traces of it in the poetry 
of Kalidasa and his contemporaries, our proposal to place the 
renaissance of Sanskrit poetry in the sixth century will receive 
a new support. That Kalidasa, both in his Raghuva»z-5a and 
in his Kumara-sambhava, shows a familiarity with Greek 
astronomy, particularly as embodied in the Horasastra, was 
clearly shown by Dr. Jacobi (Monatsberichte der Preuss. Aca- 
demic, 1873, p. 544), who dwelt strongly on the word ^amitra 
(Stajuerpor), used by Kalidasa in the Kumara-sambhava (vii, i), 
as one of the many words borrowed by Sanskrit astronomers 
from Greek. Shankar P. Pandit, in his preface to the Ra- 
ghuva»2*a, has tried to invalidate the conclusions to be drawn 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 327 

from such evidence, but without effect. He might indeed 
have quoted Kalidasa's belief in Rahu swallowing- the moon 
(Raghuv. xii, 28), as pre-Aryabha^ean ; but in the very same 
poem (xiv, 40) Kalidasa shows his knowledge of Aryabhai!a's 
astronomy, by saying, ' For what in reality is only the shadow 
of the Earth, is regarded by the people as an impurity of the 
"piire Moon.' Shankar Pandurang Pandit himself points out 
several passages clearly proving the poet's acquaintance ' with 
the judicial astrology based on the zodiac,' but he declines to 
discuss 'the very large question of how much the Indians 
borrowed or lent' (p. 37), and suggests, that even if the 
Indians borrowed from the Greeks, 'they might have done 
so two or three centuries before the Christian era ' (p. 43). 
They might, no doubt ; but is there any allusion to a native /■ 

scientific astronomer at that early date ? •i>^w>*T«t. 

Amarasimha. 

Having proceeded so far, we may try at least whether one 
or two more of the other so-called 'Nine Gems,' or, as we 
should say, the Nine Classics of the Renaissance^ can have a 
place assigned to them in the chronological scheme which we 
have elaborated so far. And first of all Amara or Amarasii^ha. 

We owe to General Cunningham^ a very ingenious attempt 
to fix the age of this famous lexicographer. He shows that 
the Buddhist temple at Buddha-Gaya is the same which was 
seen by Hiouen-thsang, and which did not ^yet_ exist at thej 
time of Fa-hian. It must therefore have been built, he thinks, \ 
between 414 and 643. An inscription found by Mr. Wilmot 
and translated byWilkins in 1785 (Asiatic Researches, vol. i, 
p. 384) ascribes the building of the temple at Buddha-Gaya ; 
to Amaradeva, one of the Nine Gems at the court of \ 
Vikramaditya. This is certainly curious. But the date of 
the inscription is Sam vat 10 15 (949 a.d.), and unfortunately 
we have not the original to test the accuracy of the transla- 
tion. Still, so far as it goes, Amarasi?^ha's date, as one of 
the Nine Gems of Vikramaditya, in the middle of the sixth 
century, would well agree with this Amaradeva, one of the 

^ Kern, Brihatsamhita, pref. p. 19. 



328 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Nine Gems of Vikramaditya, and the builder of a temple at 
Buddha-Gaya. 

It should be added that Stanislas Julien quotes a Chinese 

translation of the Amara-kosha, called Fan-wai-kwo-yu, or 

Kii-sho-lun-yin-yuen-sh', by Gu^earata, a native of JJffffajim, 

/ ?^ / ^^^ lived under the Emperor Wou-ti of the Tcheou dynasty 

y''^ ^ {^6\~^66), though he does not know whether it is still in 

existence^. ■ 

Vetalameraf^a. 

Another name among the Nine Gems is Vetalabha?5z;a, the 
author of the Nitipradipa, published in Hseberlin's Antho- 
logy (p. 528). Dr. Bhao Daji has identified him with Vetala- 
xca^ntli^, and maintains that he is mentioned in the Ba$?ata- 

■ rangim as a contemporary of Vikramaditya, but without 
, giving chapter or verse ^. 

Bhartrme?i^i^a is spoken of very highly by Raj^asekhara 
(14th cent.) in his Balaramaya^^a (ed. Calc. p. 9), where Val- 
miki, Bhartreme^z^/^a, Bhavabhuti, and Ra^asekhara himself 
seem placed much on the same level. 

Mahkha (1150 a.d.) informs us that his style resembled 

■ that of Subandhu, Ba^za, and Bharavi^ being full of puns 
; (Biihler, Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 

1877, p. 43). 

Dr. Bhao Daji is inclined to take Bhartnme^2i5/^a for 
Bhartribhai^^a, and this again for Bhartrihari, but there is 
jiO- proof for this ^. 

There is a poet called Bhartrme^z^/^a, the author of a poem 
(Biihler, Detailed Report, p. 42) the Hayagriva-vadha^ who 
was royally rewarded by Matr?gupta (Ea^at. iii^ 360) ; but 
I cannot find a Vetalame»(^/?a *. 

I do not like to attempt any more of the 'Nine Gems,' 
because I could only repeat the more or less vague conjec- 
tures of other scholars as to the probable date and character 

* Journal Asiatique, 1847, Aoftt, p. 87. 

^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1862, p. 218. 
' Bhao Daji, I.e., p. 218. 

* Professor Weber suggests that Vetalabha^ia may be the author of the 
Vetalapa^ftavimsati, Z. D.M. G. xxii, p. 723. 



EENATSSANCE OF SANSKEIT LITERATURE. 329 

of Dhanvantari ^, Kshapawaka ^, /Saiiku^, Gha^^akarpara, and 
Vararu^i. Having, however, found Hiouen-thsang's memoirs 
so useful a sheet-anchor for some of the floating literature of 
the sixth and seventh centuries, I add a few more cases in 
which the Chinese traveller seems to me to have supplied 
some useful hints as to the dates of certain names famous in 
Sanskrit literature. 



Ba,wa and Maytira. 

We saw that Ba^a, the author of the Harsha^arita, passed 
some time at the court of /S'iladitya, the king of Kanya- 
kub^a, the patron of Hiouen-thsang. He was a Vatsyayana, 
the son of Xitrabhanu*. We therefore can fix the date 
of Baraa and his literary productions, such as the K^dam- 
barij and possibly the Ratnavali^ (ascribed, like the Naga- 
nanda, to Harsha), in the first half of the seventh century. 
Now Bana tells us himself in his Harsha^^arita that he 
counted Bhadra, Naraya^^a ^, t^ana, and MayAraka among his 
friends. In fact, B^Tza and MayAra are generally mentioned 
together, and we are told that Mayura was the son-in- 
law of Ba^za. Ray/asekhara'^, as quoted in the dSarngadhara- 
paddhati, speaks of Ba^a and MayClra as living ~ at the Court 



^ Quoted by Dandin in the DasakumaraAarita as a famous physician. 

* Might, this be Bhartrthari ? 

^ This cannot be /Sanku, the son of Maylira, quoted by iSarfigadhara (Cat. 
Bodl. 124, 125), nor /Sankuka (Blihler, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 
Bombay, 1877, p. 42). 

* Hall, Vasavadatta, preface. Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, Bombay, i860. 

^ See Biihler, Indian Antiquary, ii, p. 127 ; and Ind. Studien, xiv, p. 407. 
'AH Kasmira MSS. of the Kavyaprakasa read Ba?!a, not Dhavaka. In the 
iSarada alphabet the two words may easily be confounded.' Hall, Vasavadatta, 
pref. p. 15. 

^ The Vewisamhara is ascribed to a Bhaf^a Narayaiia, and the date of this 
poet is referred by GriU, in his edition of the Venlsamhara, to the sixth century. 
But, according to Eajendralal Mitra (Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, 
1864, p. 326) Bhaiia Narayawa, the author of the Vemlsamhara, was one of the 
Brahmans who came to the Court of AdislJlra, a.d. 1072 ? 

'' Hall, I.e., p. 20. Ea^rasekhara wrote this Prabaudhakosha in 1347. 
Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 113 note. 



330 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

of /Sriharsha, ag-ain the patron, we should think, of Hiouen- 
thsang \ 

The story ^ told of Baraa and Maytlra is that Mayura was 
a Pandit living" at U^^ayini, honoured by the older Bho^a. 
His son-in-law was Ba^a, who was likewise very learned, 
and they soon began to squabble with each other. The king 
therefore sent them to Kasmira, which seems at that time to 
have been celebrated for its learning, and told them to have 
it settled there which of them possessed greater learning. 
The award seems to have been slightly in favour of Bawa. 
"When they had returned to Bho^a's capital, Mayura, the 
father-in-law, once listened to a quarrel between Bawa and 
his wifCj and called his daughter a Ka,ndi, a scold. There- 
upon the daughter cursed him, and he became a leper. In 
order to be freed from his leprosy, Mayura wrote the Mayura- 
5ataka ^ in praise of the sun, and having been cured became a 
great favourite with Bho^a. Bma, being jealous^ had his own 
hands and feet cut off^ and then praised Kundika, *, asking her 
to restore his limbs. This also was accomplished. Then the 
Cainas, anxious to show that their holy men could perform 
as great a miracle, produced Manatunga Stiri, who allowed 
himself to be fettered with forty-two chains, and by composing 
the Bhaktamara-stotra, in forty-two verses, freed himself from 
them. 

If then Bma, Mayura, and possibly Manatunga^ lived early 

;. ^ The other Harsha, the son of Hira, and sometimes called the nephew of 
■Mammaia, is reported to have written, besides the Naishadhiya, the Sthairya- 
vi/carama, the Vi(/aya-prasasti, the Kha?it7ana-khamc?a-khadya, the GaucZorvlsa- 
kula-prasasti, the Arwava-varmana, the ^/iawcZaprasasti, the (Sivasaktisiddhi, 
and the Nava-sahasanka-^-arita : see Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 18; Biblio- 
graphy, p. 160; P. N. Pdrnaiya, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 29; Cat. Bodl. 
p. 124''; Buhler, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1875, p. 279. 

^ See Biihler, on Chandikasatakam of Bawabhafia, in Indian Antiquary, 
April, 1872. The story is told by the Gaina commentator on the Bhakta- 
marastotra. 

8 The MayHra-sataka (stirya-sataka), in (SardMa-vikricZita metre, was pub- 
lished by Yagriiesvar /Sastri. 

* The XaTO^ika-stotra, in /Sardftla-vikrlrfita metre, consists of 102 verses. 

^ Called also Matanga, as in the verse of Rar/asekhara, 'Aho prabhavo 
vagdevya yan Mitangadivakara/i &lharshasyabhavat sabhya^ samo Ba?»ama- 
ytirayo/i.' Cf. Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 21. This surely proves that all three 
were favourites of Harsha (whatever Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna in his edition 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 331 

in the seventh century at the Court of Harsha(vardhana), the 
works and the writers whom Ba«a quotes must be referred to 
a still earlier period. Such are : 

Zaura, i. e. Zaurisuratapa?ii?;asika, see Biihler, Ind. Stud, 
xiv, p. 406. 

Subandhu, author of the Vasavadatta. 

Bha?!i^ara-Hari/;andra. 

/iS'alivahana or Satavahana, the author of an Anthology 
(Gathakosha^). 

Bhasa^_, a dramatic writer. i,f(,¥(^ 

Kalidasa, whose date, as the author of the Setukavya, is 
fixed by that of king Pravarasena, and as the author of the 
Meghaduta by that of Dignaga. 

The author of the Brihatkatha, Gu;^4^/^ya ^, and A.d/iya,Ya,ga, 
or Adyara^a, of whom we know nothing, for he cannot be 
meant for Kavira^a, the author of the E-aghavapa^^<^/aviya, 
who himself quotes both Subandhu and Ba^abha^^^a as his 
equals in the art of poetry*. 

As to Subandhuj the contemporary of Ba^^a and Mayiira, 
it is possible that he may have lived even somewhat earlier. 
Ba^ia quotes him, not he Ba/^a, and in several places^ when '^-'^^ 
the three are mentioned together, Subandhu's name comes -^^^^-a' 
first, though, of course, this may be an accident only. Like -"^V*^ 

of the Kavyaprakasa, Vigrwapana, p. 19, may say to the contrary) ; for the 
meaning is that the power of Sarasvati is so great that even a Gaina could 
become a favourite of king Harsha, like Ba?ia and Maytira, i. e. as if he were 
their equal. 

^ See Biihler, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 106. Hema^andra gives Hala as a 
synonym of S3;tav4hana. 

^ Kalidasa, in the well-known passage in the introduction to the Malavikag- 
nimitra, quotes Bhasa and Saumilla, as his predecessors in dramatic composi- 
tion. The name of Dhavaka, as the real author of Harsha's Nag§,nanda, 
is supposed to be due to a wrong reading. 

3 See p. 357. 

* Ragh. i, 41. Kavirac/a's patron was Ea_9'a Kamadeva of the Kadamba 
family, at Gayantipura, in the Southern Marhatta country (see Fleet, Indian 
Antiquary, x, p. 249). If the Mu%a, whom he refers to, is the uncle of Bho(/a 
of DhSra, his date must, of course, be later. Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 19, 
places (Jayantipura among the Khasiya bills in Eastern Bengal ; Weber, Ind. 
Streifen, i, p. 371, in the East, according to the scboliast. 

^ KavirHgra mentions Subandhu before BS.«a, so does Ea^rasekhara (Vasa- 
vadatta,, Hall, pref. p. 21), and Bho(/a in the Saras vati-kawiA.abharana. 



332 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Ba»a and Dandin, Subandhu quotes Gunsid/ijsi, the author of 
the Bnhatkatha (in Bhutabhasha), and he seems familiar with 
Upanishads, Bharata, Bamayawa, Harivamsa, Pura^as^, the 
Z^^andovi/?;iti, Nakshatravidya, Nyayasthiti, Uddyotakara, 
Bauddhasangati^j Alahkara (Dharmakirti), Mallanaga's (Vat- 
syayana's) K^masMra^, &c. 

Dandin. 

Dandin, again, the author of the Da^akumara^arita and 
of the Kavyadar^a may be earlier than Ba^2a, but he can hardly 
be placed before Kalidasa. Nor did Colebrooke ever say this. 
He writes, ' Da^^in, this distinguished poet, famous above all 
other Indian bards for the sweetness of his language, and there- 
fore ranked by Kalidasa himself (if tradition may be credited) 
next to the fathers of Indian poetry^ Valmiki and Vyasa*.' 
But it is well known that Dandin quotes Kalidasa's Prakrit 
poem, the Setubandhu (i, 34), and the utmost therefore that 
could be conceded to tradition would be that Dandin was 
a contemporary of Kalidasa, who wrote the Setubandhu 
(Dasamukhabadha) for Pravarasena, the king of Kasmira. 

Bhavabhtiti. 

Having had to fix some of the dates of the kings of 
Kasmira who were brought in contact with Vikramaditya 
and his successors, we may determine the date of Bhavabhuti 
and some later writers, meotioned in the history of that 
country. 

We saw that Vikramaditya of Kasmira came to the throne 
in 592 A.D., and that his successor, Baladitya, may have been 

* There is a reference by name to one at least of the Purawas in Ba?ia's 
Kadambarl, ed. Calcutta, p. 83, namely, the Vayu-pnrana ; see Bhartnhari, 
ed. Telang, p. viii. 

^ Is this the Buddhasamgiti-sHtra (Cat. No. 401) which was translated by 
Dharmaraksha between 265-316? There is also (Cat. No. 1298) the Mahayana- 
bodhisattva-vidya-sangiti-sastra, ascribed to Dharmayasas (the commentator of 
the Vasavadatta mentions Dharmakirti), and translated by Fa-hu (Dharma- 
raksha?) and others. 

^ Hall, pref. p. 11 ; Catal. Bodl. p. 218. 

* Colebrooke's Life and Essays, iii, p. 154. 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 333 

the contemporary of Hiouen-thsang. With him the Gonardiya 
(or Gonandiya) dynasty came to an end, and a new dynasty 
began with Durlabhavardhana, the husband of Anaiigalekha. 
After Durlabhavardhana follows Durlabhaka Pratapaditya, 
and he is succeeded by Zandr^pif/a, who was murdered and 
succeeded by his brother Tarapif^a (Va^raditya). 

Here we have to note a synchronistic event, namely, an 
embassy, mentioned by Chinese historians, as having been 
sent in the years 713 and 720 to king Xentolopili, who must be 
Xandrapif/a. Tarapif/a having been murdered, his brother 
Muktapi^a, known as Lalitaditya, succeeded to the throne of 
Ka,smiraj and acquired the supreme sovereignty of India. 
Here again we receive a certain confirmation from Chinese 
history, for the Mutopi, to whom an embassy under Foe-li-to 
was sent during the reign of the Chinese emperor Hiouen- 
tsung 713—755, was probably Muktapi^a, i.e. Lalitaditya. 
His minister was xSaktivarman ^. 

It would carry us too far were we to examine the exact 
dates of these kings from Vikramaditya to Lalitaditya^ which 
will have to be settled hejeaffcer on the evidence of coins and 
inscriptions rather than on the statements of the R^ataran- 
gini. I doubt even whether the number of years assigned to 
some of these kings refers to the years during which they 
reigned, and not to the years of their lives. Reigns of 42, 
^^ (or 13), ^6, and 50 years, following each other as in the 
case of Vikramaditya, Baladitya, Durlabhavardhana, and 
Pratapaditya are very unusual. For our present purpose, 
however, we may be satisfied with the terminus a quo, namely, 
Vikramaditya 592-634, and the terminus ad quern, namely, 
Lalitaditya, whose reign, we are assured, began 700,, leaving 
the intervening reigns to be determined by future archaeo- 
logical evidence^. 



* See Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 106. It was during his reign that Vagra- 
bodhi, a learned Afearya of Malava, and his pupil Amogha-vaprra arrived in 
China and introduced Tantrik doctrines (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
Bombay, 1882, p. 93). 

^ Biihler, Brief von Kaschmir, Sept. 16, 1875, and his Report on KaSmir, 
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 42, where a correction 
of twenty -five years is recommended. 



334 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

One of the earliest victories of LalitAditya was that over 
Yawvarman, king" of Kanyakuh^a, and this Yasovarman, as 
the Ra^atarangi^i informs us, was the patron of JShaivd^fhtttir^ 
Vakpati^^nd-S^jasrtr a.^ (^rcMc^^M^ , / ^^ W. 

Here tlien we are again on literary ground. Bhavahhuti 
was a native of the Vidarbhas, the modern Berars, but he may 
well have lived at the Court of Yasovarman in Kanyaknb^a. 
Vakpati is known as the author of a Praknt poem (discovered 
by Dr. Biihler, and now in course o' publication), the Gauf/a- 
baha, celebrating Ya^ovarman's victory over a Gau^a king, 
and in that poem he speaks highly of BhavabhCiti. If then 
we place Bhavahhuti in the first half of the eighth century, he 
is at a proper distance from Kalidasa, and we can understand 
at the same time why Ba%a, who lived under Harshavardhana, 
610-650, should have left out Bhavabhilti's name in the list 
of poets at the beginning of his Harsha/^'arita^. 

After the glorious reign of Lalitaditya we have Kuvalaya- 
pi^a, reigning one year, 736-737, then Va_$)'raditya (also called 
Vappiyaka and Lalitaditya) 737-744, Prithivyapif/a 744-748^ 
Sangramapi^a 748-755. Then follows Gayapif^a (755-786), 
and his reign supplies us again with some literary facts, 
though of a date too late for our immediate purpose. We are 
told that the king himself studied Sanskrit under Kshira, 
who has been supposed to be the same as the commentator of 
the Amarakosha^. He re-established the Mahabhashya ^ (of 



fUA^ ' I baha, 



;^' 



King Yasovarman of Kanyakub^'a and Vakpatiragfa, author of the Gauda- 
are mention ed in the T a^ gaTr/ia. P aY/airalt as living about Samvat 800, 
i.e. 744 A. D. This is not very far from the date we have assigned to his 
contemporary, Lalitaditya, particularly if we were to adopt the correction in 
the chronology of the Ra^atarangint, proposed by Cunningham and Biihler, 
who places Lalitaditya 725 a.d. 

^ All this has been very ably discussed by R. G. Bhandarkar, in the preface 
to his edition of the MalatlmS^dhava, 1876. 

^ Ragrat. iv, 485 seq. Kshira, the commentator of Amara, quotes from 
Kalidasa (cf. Shankar P. Pandit, Raghuvamsa, pref. p. 77). Professor Auf- 
recht, however (Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1874), places the commentator 
Kshira between the eleventh and twelfth centuries, chiefly because he quotes 
the (Sabdanusasana, ascribed to Bho^a or BhogsLrkga,. Biihler mentions a 
Kshira as the author of an Avyayavntti and Dhatutarangiwi, and he calls 
him ' GayapicZa's teacher.' 

* Helara^a, the author of a commentary on Bhartrihari's V^kyapadiya, 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 



335 



Pata%ali?), and there lived at his Court the following- lite- 
rary men : — Thakriya, Bha^fz^a, Damodaragupta\ Manoratha, 
/Sankhadatta, Za^aka, Sandhimat, andVamana. 

KINGS OF KAaS'MIRA. 



Sreshi/iasena. 



About 500 Hirawya and ToramSwa. 



544-550 Matngupta, 
patronises 
BhartrimewiZia. 

531-579 Kiosru Nushirv^n. 



550 



622 Hejrah. 
632 Yezdijerd. 



692-634 



Yasovarman of KSnya- 


700-736 


kub^ra defeated by 




Lalit^ditya, 




patronises Bliavabli\iti. 


736-37 


„ Vakpati. 


737-44 




744-48 




748-55 




755-86 



788 



Va^endra. 

I 
-J- A%anS. (her brother, 

I G'ayendra). 

Pravarasena. 

Kaiidasa's SetukS,vya, praised by 
Handia and BB,na. 

Yudhish<7iira and Padmavatl. 

Narendr3,ditya. 

Rawiditya and Raw§,rambha. 

Vikram adity a. 

BS,laditya, cont. Hiouen-thsang (?). 

Durlabhavardhana AnangalekhS. 

Durlabhaka Pratapaditya (Karko/a 

dynasty). 
^andr§,pida (713 and 720, Chinese 

embassy). 
TarS.plda Vag^riditya. 
MuktS,pWa LaKtaditya Pratapaditya. 

His minister /Saktisv^min. 

(713-755, Chinese embassy.) 
KuvalayipicZa. 
Va^tditya. 
Vrithivj^pidai. 
SangrS,maplda. 
GaySplc^a, 

patronises Kshlra, "Vamana, 

introduces Matabhashya. 
Birth of /SankaraA-arya. 



Gainas, Siddhasena, Mfi,natunga. 

I had hoped that the study of the (raina literature, since it 
was taken up in good earnest by Dr. Jacobi and others, would 



descended from Lakshmama, the minister of Muktapida, i. e. Lalitaditya. See 
Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 285. 

^ The Hanuman-naiaka is ascribed to a Damodara-misra. 



336 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

have yielded some useful results in support of our chronology 
of the Renaissance period of Sanskrit literature. It has 
thrown, no doubt, considerable light on the religious state of 
India at the time when /Sakyamuni started his reform by the 
side of other reformers^ such as Vardhamana Mahavira Gnkta.- 
putra^, the founder of G^ainism, Purawa Ka-syapa, Maskarin 
Go^aliputra, Sa%ayin Vairaz!«!i-putra, A^ita Kesakambala, 
Kakuda Katyayana ^, and others. The date of Vardhamana's 
'NixYSLna,, ^%6 B.C., shows him to have been, or to have been 
believed to have been, a contemporary of /Sakyamuni, and if 
his era is liable to the same kind of correction as the Ceylonese 
era of Buddha^ 543 b. c, we should have the true date of the 
founder of G^ainism, 460 B.C., by the side of the corrected date 
of Buddha, 477 B.c.^ 

Leaving, however, the early period, we ask at what time 
the sacred canon of the (rainas was fixed and written down, 
and here the answers vary, though within narrow limits. 
Devarddhiga^i* Kshamasrama^^a, to whom the work of writing 
down the sacred canon is ascribed by tradition, lived 980 after 
Vardhamana's Nirvana, i.e. 454 a.d. (or, if corrected, 530 A.D.). 
He did for (rainism what Buddhaghosha had done about thirty 
years before for Buddhism ^. 

At the very same time, 980 a. v., we are told that Bhadra- 
bahu's Kalpasutra was re-arranged in nine va/^anas or lectures, 
and was read in the hall of Dhruvasena, king of Anandapura, 
to console him after the death of his son Senanga^jca ^. 

One more statement should here be mentioned, which was 
first made by Bhao Daji (Kalidasa, p. 25), and has since been 
repeated by others, viz. that ' Gains, records mention Siddhasena 



^ Kalpasutra, ed. Jacobi, Introduction, p. 6. 

^ Burnouf, Introduction, p. 162 ; Indian Antiquary, Nov. 1879. 

^ See Jacobi, I.e., p. 6. 

* Also called Devava^aka, pupil of Dtishagawi ; of. Indian Antiquary, xi, 
p. 247. 

^ Jacobi, 1. c, p. 16. 

® Other dates of this event are 993 A. v. and 1080 a. v. See Jacobi, 1. c, p. 24. 
The last date 1080, if corrected, would give us 620 a.d., and thus bring 
Dhruvasena of Anandapura together with Dhruvabhaia of Valabhl, provided 
Dr. Btihler's conjecture as to the era of the Valabhl grant (Indian Antiquary, 
1878, p. 80) be correct. See before, p. 318, note. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 337 

Suri, a learned G^aina priest, as the spiritual adviser of Vikra- 
maditya^.' Professor Jacobi (Kalpasutra, pref. p. 14) added: 
' Siddhasena is a Gaina author, who is said to have made the 
arrangement of the Samvat era for king Vikramaditya ^.' 

Now Sena (/S'ri-she^?a) is mentioned by Brahmagupta and 
Albiruni ^ as the author of the Romaka-siddhanta, one of the 
five siddhantas used by Varahamihira. Sr^ta-sena or /Sruti- 
sena is quoted as one of the astronomers of Vikramarka, in 
the G'yotirvidabhara?2a. The question therefore arises whether 
all these names belong to one and the same Sena, called 
Siddhasena (the blessed Sena) by the G^ainas, and /S'ri-she^ea 
by the Brahmans, and whether the calculation of the 
Vikrama era, as 600 before 544 a.d., the date of the battle of 
Korur, is actually the work of this (zaina astronomer. We 
find a certain confirmation in the Pa?!i!avalis of which Dr. 
Klatt has lately given extracts in the Indian Antiquary, 
xi, p. 245. Here we read in the Kharataragai;/?a Tattaivali 
that at the time of Si^^zhagiri there lived Padalipta/^^arya, Yrid- 
dhavadisLiri, and his pupil Siddhasena-divakara, who received 
the Diksha name of KumndaX-andra, and that the latter 
converted Vikramaditya. The same story is repeated in the 
Pa^;!Avali of the Tapaga/?;/^a, where we read that Arya-mangu, 
Vriddhavadin, Paclalipta, and Siddhasena-divakara lived at 
the same time, and that the last, the author of the Kalya^xa- 
mandirastava, converted Vikramaditya. The date assigned to 
Siddhasena is 470 after Vardhamana's 'NivYma., which would 
be exactly the beginning of the Vikrama era ^6 b. c, but 
cannot be used for historical purposes. 

The same Vatiavalis confirm also the accounts of Mana- 
tunga which we discussed before. We find in the Kharata- 
ragaMa Vattsivali, under No. 23, Manatunga, author of 
the Bhaktamara and Bhayahara stotras, and in the Tapa- 
gaMa Pa^^avali, under No. 30, Manatunga (malavesvara- 

^ See Hall, Bibliograpliy, p. 166. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, Bombay, x, p. 130, Dr. Bhao Daji quotes the Prabandha ^intamawi 
and other works in support of the statement that Siddhasena Divakara and 
Kalidasa were contemporaries of Vikrama. 

^ Siddhasena is quoted by Varahamihira, Bjihar/gr. 7, 7. 

^ Kern, BrihatsaTOhita, pref. p. 47. 

Z 



338 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

i-aulukyavayarasi;;«liadevamatya/^), who by means of his Bliahta- 
marastavana converted the king who had been beg-uiled by the 
sorceries of 'Ba,na, and Mayura at Vara^^asi, and convinced 
Nagara^a by means of his Bhayaharastavana. He also com- 
posed a stavana, beginning ' Bhattibhara.' The date assigned, 
somewhat before 980, i.e. before Devarddhigam (454 or 530 
A.D.), is again systematic rather than historical. It should 
be borne in mind that all these statements taken from G^aina 
authorities are either of very modern or of very doubtful date. 
Nevertheless there is some hope that, under certain restrictions, 
the Gainsb literature also may help to the elucidation of Indian 
chronology. 

I-tsing. 
I entertain, in fact, a strong hope that a continued study of 
the Gaina and Buddhist books will bring out some more facts 
throwing light on the parallel stream of Brahmanic literature, 
which by itself is without any landmarks, and seemingly 
flowing from nowhere to nowhere. We shall soon possess 
.a catalogue of the whole Buddhist Tripi;5aka in its Chinese 
itranslation, giving us the dates of each translator, whether 
iHindu or Chinese, and thus enabling us, if we may trust the 
Chinese chroniclers, to fix at all events the lowest date of the 
Sanskrit originals. We owe a great deal already to information 
contained in the travels of Chinese pilgrims in India, particu- 
larly of Fa-hian, 400-415 a.d., of Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, 
518 A.D., and of Hiouen-thsang, 629-645, in helping us to 
determine a period of literary and religious activity in India 
: extending from about 400 to 700 a.d., the very period of what 
we may now call the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. I 
shall add here a short abstract of some quite unexpected in- 
formation on the literary state of India in the seventh century, 
which I lately discovered in the works of the Chinese pilgrim, 
I-tsing. 

The Kasika. 
There is, a famous commentary on Pa?^ini's grammar, called 
the Ka«ika Vntti/^^. 

^ Kasika, a Commentary on Pajiiui's Grammatical Aphorisms, by Pandit 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 339 

Professor Boehtlingk, in the introduction to his edition of 
Pacini's Grammar (p. liv), referred the Ka^ika V;7'tti to about 
the eighth century, on the supposition that Vamana, the 
author of the Ka^ika^ could be proved to be the same as the 
Vamana who is mentioned in the Chronicle of Kasmira (iv, 
496). The evidence on which that careful scholar relied was 
as follows: — Kahla^a Vandita, the author of the Rar/atarangi^zi, 
is evidently anxious to do full justice to G^ayapif/a, who, after 
the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the throne of his father, 
and became a patron of literature. He mentions, therefore, in 
full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical 
studies in Ka^mira, and particularly the interest he took in 
a new edition, as we should call it, of Pata^^ali's Mahabhashya. 
He then passes on to give the names of other learned men 
living at his Court, such as Kshira (author of Dhatutarangini, 
according to Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, /Sankha- 
datta, Zataka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. This Vamana was 
supposed to be the author of the Ka^ika. But if this Vamana 
had been the author of the Ka-sika — that is to say, of a com- 
plete commentary on Pa^ini^s Grammar — would not Kalha^a 
have mentioned him as connected with the revival of gram- 
matical learning in Ka,smira, instead of putting his name 
casually at the end of a string of other names ? 

It ought to be stated that Professor Boehtlingk has himself 
surrendered this conjecture. There is another conjecture, first 
started by Wilson (Asiatic Researches, xv, p. ^^), that the Yk- 
mana here mentioned at the Court of 6^ayapifZa was the author 
of a set of poetical Sutras and of a Vntti or gloss upon them. 
Dr. Cappeller argues against this in the introduction to his 
edition of V^mana's Kavyalankara-vr^tti (Jena, 1875). Va- 
mana, he says, the author both of the text and of the gloss of 
this work, quotes xSudraka, the author of the M^rikMakatika ; 
Kalidasa, the author of the /Sakuntala, Urva^i, Malavika, 
Meghadilta, Kumarasambhava, and ^aghxivamsa ; Amaru, 
Bbavabhiiti, Magha, the Hariprabodha, the Namamala, Ka- 
mandakaniti, Vi^akhila, and Kavira^a. Now if this Kavir%a 

Vamana and Gay^ditya. Edited by 'Pa.ndit Balasastrl, Professor of Hindu 
Law in the Sanskrit College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.) 

Z 2 



340 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

is intended for the author of the E,aghavapa;2f/aviya, \^ho is 
supposed to have lived later than the tenth century, this would 
be sufficient to place V^mana at least after looo a. d., while 
(?ayapif/a, his supposed patron, died in 776 (or 786) a. d. 

All dej)ends here on the date of Kavira^a, who may after 
all not be so late as Dr. Cappeller supposes. 

After having- assigned Vamana, the author of the Kavya- 
lahkara, to the twelfth century, Dr. Cappeller proceeds to 
identify this late Vamana with Vamana, the author of the 
Ka6'ika Vr^tti. His arguments^ however, are hardly con- 
vincing. He relies chiefly on a statement of Bala^astrin, in 
the introduction to his edition of the Ka-sika, where that 
learned scholar speaks of a third Vamana, a poet, who wrote the 
Lokottaralalita, in Maharashz^ra, and places him in Saka 1595, 
i. e. 1(573 A. D., adding that the grammarian Vamana lived 500 
.years earlier, i. e. 11 73 a. d. If Professor Weber states that 
Balamstrin assigns the grammarian Vamana to the thirteenth 
century (Hist, of Sansk. Lit. p. 226J, this must refer to some 
other paper which has escaped my notice. Bala^astrin, how- 
ever^ gives no evidence in support of his statement, nor does 
he, so far as I am aware, ever hint at Vamana^ the gram- 
mariauj being the same as Vamana, the rhetorician. 

Professor Goldstiicker, in a similar manner — that is, without 
producing sufficient evidence — referred Vamana, the g-ram- 
marian, to the same recent period as the Siddhanta-kaumudi, 
Nage^sa, Purushottama, and other grammarians (Goldstiicker, 
V Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a period later at all events than the 
thirteenth century. 

Before we proceed further, it will be necessary to determine, 
first, whether Vamana was the only author of the Ka,sika. 
Colebrooke (Sanskrit Grammar, p. 9) spoke of the Ka^ika as 
the work of (rayaditya, or Vamana (zayaditya. Bala.yastrin, 
the editor of the Ka^ika, thought likewise at first that Vamana 
and Gayaditya, who are mentioned as the authors, were one 
and the same p3rson (Psiudit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He 
found, however, afterwards that Bha?fto^idikshita, the author 
I of the Siddhanta-kaumudi, clearly distinguishes between the 
I opinions of G'ayaditya and Vamana (Sutra v, 4, 43 ; ed. Tarka- 
vaZjaspati, i^p. 727); and he might have learnt the same from 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 341 

Professor Aufrecht's excellent edition of the U^adi Sutras (pref. 
p. XV, Sutra i, 52). Balasastrin alterwards assigned the first, 
second, fifth, and sixth books to 6^ayaditya, the rest to Va- 
mana_, while in an ancient MS. of the Ka^ika^ discovered by 
Dr. Biihler in Ka^mira (Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 
R. A. S., 1877, p. 72), the first four adhyayas are ascribed to 
G^ayaditya, the last four to Vamana. (See also Professor Kiel- 
horn, Katyayana and Pata^ali, p. 12, note.) The evidence is 
therefore decidedly in favour of Vamana and G^ayaditya being 
two difierent persons and joint authors of the Ka.sika. 

In the preface to the sixth volume of my edition of the 
B.ig-veda (p. xxix), I endeavoured to show that the statement 
made by Bha^^fo^idikshita in the /Sabdakaustubha^ and by the 
author of the Manorama, viz. that Vamana, whose fame had 
been eclipsed by Vopadeva, had been brought forward again by 
Madhava, was to some extent confirmed by the commentary on 
the E,ig-veda, Vopadeva being nowhere quoted by Madhava, 
while Vamana is quoted at least once in the commentary on 
the E-ig-vedaj and more frequently in Saya;2a's Dhatuvr^'tti. 
Bala^astrin concluded rightly that Vamana must be older 
than Madhava, 1350 a. d., and older than Vopadeva, who 
lived in the twelfth century. I added that Skjana. quotes 
both Haradatta, the author of the Padama%ari, an exposition 
of the Kasika, and Nyasakara, i. e. G^inendra, the author of 
the Nyasa or Ka5ika-vr/tti-pa;?^ika. This last book is like- 
wise quoted by the author of a commentary called the Kavya- 
kamadhenu, probably the work of Vopadeva, so that the 
interval between the authors of the Kasika and those who 
could quote from commentaries on their works must be 
extended accordingly. 

This was the state of uncertainty in whicb the date of the 
Kasika had to be left. ' It must be earlier than the twelfth 
century' (Barnell, Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians, 
p. 92); 'it is not a modern work' (Biihler, loc. cit., p. 73), 
Such were the last utterances of two of the most competent 
judges. 

One other argument in favour of the comparatively early 
date of Vamana and G^ayaditya should not be passed over. It 
was produced by Bala^'astrin, who showed that both were 



342 



NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 




evidently (?ainas, or, what is the same with him, Bauddhas. 
Like the Amarakosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- 
cation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom 
always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors 
of the Kasika' actually alter the text of Pa^zini, which no 
orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sutra iv, 2, 43, 
they insert sahaya, writing grama_$)'anabandhusahayebhyas tal 
instead of Pamni's grama_^anabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they 
quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, 
no respectable writer would do. When giving an instance of 
the use of the verb ni, in the Atmanepada, meaning 'to be 
honoured' (Pa%, I, 3, 36), they say, ^Oj^a leads, i.e. is honoured 
in the Lokayata school.' This jSTarva (A'^arvaka ?) is said to be a 
name of Buddha, and means here an heretical teacher, who is 
honoured in the Lokayata school ^. An orthodox writer would 
have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilistic, 
schools. And Balasastrin adds that there were other distin- 
; guished grammarians too at that time who were G^ainas — for 
instance^ the author of the Nyasa, Ginendrabuddhi^ — but that 
their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox 
grammarians, such as Bha;5i^o^idikshita, Haridikshita, Nage- 
sahhaifa,, &c. 

After thus having established two points — viz. that 

■ Vamana and 6^ayaditya were joint authors of the Ka-?ika, and 

■ that they were 6^ainas or Bauddhas — we return to the ques- 
tion as to their probable date. Meeting in Mr, Beal's 
Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripi/aka (p. 94) with the title 

- of a work called Nan-hae-ki-kwei-chouen, being ' Records 

I concerning Visits and Returns to the Southern Seas,' I con- 

1 suited my friend and pupil Mr. Kasawara on the contents of 

I the work. He informed me that it was written by I-tsing, 

one of the best-known Chinese pilgrims, who left Kwang-chau, 

in China, in the eleventh lunar month of the year 671 a.d., 

arrived at Tamralipti, in India, after a long voyage, in the 

second month of 6y^, and started from that place for Nalanda 



^ On Lokayata as another name of the Jiarvaka school, see Cowell, Sarva- 
darsana-sangraha, p. 2. 

^ ' Not later than the twelfth century, because quoted by Vopadeva,' Eiihler, 
Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 57. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 343 

in the fifth month of the same year. After the lapse of some 
years, he returned to Tamralipti, and sailed to Si-ri-fa-sai, in 
the Southern Sea countries. 

It seems that he wrote his book, ' The Accounts of Buddhist 
Practices sent, being entrusted to one who returns to China, 
from the Southern Sea Countries/ in Si-ri-fa-sai, for he 
generally compares the practices of India with those of the 
Southern Sea countries. His work consists of two volumes, 
containing four books and forty chapters. Though he does not 
mention how long he was in India, yet, as he refers to the 
usurper Queen, Tsak-tin-mo-hau, whose date is 690, we see 
that he must then have been absent from China twenty years^ 
and have spent eighteen years in India. We may gather, in 
fact, from remarks occurring in his work that he was born 
about 6;^^, that he left China in 671, arrived at Tamralipti 
in 673, and was still absent in 690, at the time of the 
usurpation of Queen Tsak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation 
lasted till 705, when the Tang dynasty was restored. It is 
stated elsewhere that I-tsing died in 713, seventy-nine years 
old, and that he had returned to China in 695. 

In the thirty-fourth chapter of his work I-tsing treats of 
learning in the West, and chiefly of grammatical science, the 
/iS^abdavidya, one of the five vidyas or sciences. He gives the 
name Vyakara^^a, grammar, and then proceeds to speak of 
five works, generally called grammar in India. 

I. The first is called elementary Siddhanta, and begins with 
siddhirastu. It was originally taught by Mahe^vara, and is 
learnt by heart by children when they are six years old. 
They learn it in six months. 

Most likely this refers to the /S'iva Sutras, granted by the 
favour of Mahe^'vara. But, from the description given, this 
Siddhanta must have contained much more than the fourteen 
Siva Sutras. ' There are forty-nine letters,' I-tsing writes, ' the 
compounds of which are divided into eighteen sections, and of 
which altogether more than io,coo words are formed. These 
words are arranged in 300 slokas, of thirty-two syllables each.'' 

II. The second grammatical work is called Sutra, the 
foundation of all grammatical science. It is the work of Pa^^ini, 
and contains ipoo *lokas. He was inspired by Mahe^vara, 



344 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

and is said to have been endowed with three eyes. Children 
begin to learn it when they are eight years old, and learn it 
in eight months. 

III. Dhatu, This consists of i,ooo ^lokas, and treats of 
grammatical roots. Evidently a Dhatupa^^/m. 

IV. Three so-called Khilas : — (i) Ashzfadhatu, consisting 
of i,ooo -jlokas (on declension and conjugation); (2) Man-y^a, 
consisting of 1,000 .slokas ; (3) JJnkdij consisting of 1,000 slokas. 

Boys of ten years learn these parts of grammar, and finish 
them after three years. 

The explanation of Khila as ' uncultivated pieces of land ' 
is no doubt quite correct. We should say appendix or 
excursus instead. But it is difficult to say what I-tsing 
could have meant by the second Khila. Mr. Beal called my 
attention to a note of Stanislas Julien's in his index to 
Hiouen-thsang, where (vol. iii, p. 5^4) Men-tse-kia is evi- 
dently'meant for the same word, and explained by Manchka. 
Hiouen-thsang mentions Men-tse-kia (vol. i^ p. 166) as one 
of two classes of words, the other class being the Uwadi. He 
tells us that Professor Spiegel approved of this interpretation, 
but I cannot find any place where Professor Spiegel has 
treated of jna,7idaka, and traced it back as a technical term 
to some corresponding sa.m{/nsi of Sanskrit grammar. I found 
afterwards that in 1871 I had consulted my learned friend, 
Stanislas Julien, on the same subject^ asking him whether 
Men-tse-kia could possibly be intended for Nirukta or 
Nighaw^Ju. He wrote on the first of December, 1871, ' Je 
regrette de vous dire que je ne suis pas en mesure de repondre 
parfaitement aux differentes questions de votre lettre. Dans 
ma Methode de transcription (p. 221) le second mot de Men- 
tse-kia represente da, dans pa?«riaka et d/ia, dans virufMaka, 
mais il y a loin de 1^ k Nirukta.' 

What I-tsing really says^ according to Mr. Kasawara's 
translation^ is : — ' Wanka. treats of the formation of words by 
means of combining (a root and suffix, or suffixes). One of 
many names for tree, for instance, is vriksha in Sanskrit 
(that is to say, the word vriksha is made up of vrfksh and a). 
Thus a name for a thing is formed by mixing the parts 
together, according to the rules of the book, which consists 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 345 

of more than twenty sentences (or feet of .sloka). Uwadi is 
nearly the same, with a few differences, such as what is full 
in the one is mentioned in brief in the other, and vice versa,' 

Mr. Kasawara informed me that Ma;?/^a may be meant for 
xnmida, possibly for ma?^(^aka, but I do not see that even this 
would help us much. M.sind means to adorn, manda is used for 
cream on milk, also for gruel, but all this, even if we admitted 
the meaning of mixing, would not yield us a technical name 
for the formation of words by means of joining a suffix with 
a root. At all events, I have never met with mand, or any 
of its derivatives, in that technical sense. I thought at one 
time that mandsi might be meant for Ma^zc/uka, because the 
Mandukejas were famous for their grammatical works (see 
M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 146), and 
one of these might possibly have been used by I-tsing when 
studying the Kr^d-anta chapter. But I do not think this 
likely, even if, as I am told, the Chinese transliteration should 
admit of it. 

We now proceed at once to No. V, which is called Vr^'tti 
Sutra, a commentary on the foregoing Sutra. We are told 
that 'it is the best among the many commentaries. It 
contains 18,000 .slokas, citing the words of the S ultras, and 
explaining intricate matters very clearly. It exposes the 
laws of the universe and the precepts of heaven and man. 
Boys of fifteen begin to study this commentary, and under- 
stand it completely in five years. This commentary is the 
work of the learned (rayaditya, who was endowed with great 
ability. His literary talent was so excellent that he under- 
stood matters of literature hearing them once, and did not 
require to be told twice. He revered the three venerable ones, 
and performed all religious duties. Since his death it is 
nearly thirty years.' 

If we take the lowest date for I-tsing's work, viz. 690 a.d. 
(because he mentions the usurpation which took place in that 
year), he would have been four years, as he says, in Si-ri- 
fa-sai, and thirteen in India, when he wrote the thirty-fourth 
chapter of his work ; and there is no reason why he should 
not have known, and, if he cared, have been able to ascertain 
the exact date of the death of the author of one of the most 



346 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - 

famous grammars of that time, moreover a grammar which 
he recommends all true students, coming- from China to 
India, to learn by heart. On the whole^ his description of 
that grammar agrees well with the Kaiik^ Vntti, and it is 
almost impossible to imagine that he should have fixed by 
;, accident or fraud on the real name of one of the authors of 
I that grammar, (rayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing^s 
woi'k can be shown to be a spurious compilation, we are 
justified in assuming that he knew a commentary on Pacini's 
Sutras by Gayaditya, and that he believed G^ayaditya to have 
died not later than 660 a. d. 

I-tsing then continues : ' After having studied this com- 
mentary, the students learn composition in prose and in 
verse, and devote themselves to logical science (Hetuvidya) 
as well as to the Kosha (/Sabda-kosha, or Abhidharma-kosha?).' 
After learning the Li-men-lun (Nyayadvara-taraka sastra, as- 
cribed to (rina or Dharmapala) they draw inferences correctly 
(Anumana), and after studying the Pan-shang-kwan (G^ataka- 
mala) their talents become excellent. Then, being instructed 
by their teachers, and instructing others, they pass two or 
three years, generally in the monastery of Nalanda in Central 
India, or in Valabhi in Western India. These two places are 
like Zing-ma, Shih-/^siu, Lung-man, and Xsiie-li (the seats 
of learning in China). There eminent and accomplished men 
assemble like clouds, and discuss the possibility and impossi- 
bility of their opinions ; and having been approved as to their 
excellence by the wise, having become famous for their pre- 
eminence far and wide, and having made themselves assured 
of the sharpness of their own abilities, they go thence to the 
Imperial Court to lay down before it the sharp words (of 
their intellect). There they present their schemes to show 
their (political) talent, being desirous to receive good appoint- 
ments. When they are in the place of discussion, they 
prove their wonderful cleverness. When they are in the 
place of refutation, all their opponents become tongue-bound 
and own their shame. Then the sound of their fame makes 
the five mountains vibrate, and their renown flows, as it were, 
over the four borders. They then receive grants of land, and 
enjoy high rank, and their names, written in white, are cele- 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 347 

brated high on the lofty gate. After this thej^ can follow 
whatever occupation they like.' 



Fata^ali's Mahabhashya. 

I-tsing then returns to the Vr?"tti Sutra^ i.e. the Kasika 
Vn'tti, and says : ' There is a commentary on it, entitled Kvirm, 
containing 24,000 slokas. It is a work of the learned Pata;7- 
^ali, and explains clearly that commentary (Vrztti) by illus- 
trating accurately its meaning, and inquiring into its small 
details. Advanced scholars learn it in three years, and the 
labour is similar to that of learning the Z^un-tshu and the 
Yih-king (in China).' 

As Xurni is a name for commentary^ and Pata^ali is ac- 
tually called Kurnikrit, the author of the Kuvui, there can 
be little doubt, if any, that I-tsing is here speaking of 
Pata%ali's Mahabhashya. It does not follow, however, that 
he considered Pata%ali's Mahabhashya as more recent than 
the Ka<yika^ though it is not impossible. 

Bhartrihari. 

I-tsing then continues : ' Next, there is the BhartWhari- dis- 
course^ a commentary on the foregoing Knvni, the work of 
the great scholar Bhartr2hari. It contains 25,000 i'lokas, 
which treat of the principles of human affairs and of gram- 
matical science, and relates also the source of the rise and 
fall of many families. Bhartr?hari was intimately acquainted 
with (the principles of the doctrine of) " Only Knowledge " 
(vidyamatra), and well versed in logic (lit. in the reason, hetu 
and in the example, udahara^m). This scholar was very 
famous througliout the five divisions of India, and his virtues 
were known everywhere. He believed deeply in the " Three 
Jewels," and meditated on the " Twofold Voidness." Having 
desired (to embrace) the excellent religion, he belonged to 
the priestly order, but, overcome by worldly desires, he re- 
turned again to the laity. Thus he seven times became a 
priest^ and seven times returned to the laity. Unless one 



348 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

believes well in the truth of cause and effect, one cannot act 
like him. He wrote the following- verse with self-reproach : 
> " Through attachment I returned to the laity, 
5 Being" free from desire I again wear the priestly cloaks. 
*: Why do those two things play with me like a child ? " 
I He was contemporaneous with Dharmapala.' 
: This Dharmapala was most likely the teacher of /Silabhadra, 
y who was an old man when he received Hiouen-thsang at 
i Nalanda in 6^^. Dharmapala's name is mentioned in con- 
' nection with a grammatical work, the /Sabdavidya-sawzyukta 
^astra (saiigrahg, iastra), and his time would therefore well 
agree with Bhartrihari's time, supposing that, as I-tsing says, 
he died 650 a.d. 

I-tsing goes on to tell some other stories about Bhartn'hari 
which make it not unlikely that he is speaking of Bhartrihari, 
the author of the three xSatakas on Kama (love), Niti (disci- 
pline), and Vairagya (tranquillity). ' Once,' he says, ' Bhar- 
trihari was a priest, living in a monastery. Overcome by 
worldly desires, he was disposed to return to the laity. Yet 
he remained firm, and asked a student to get a carriage ready 
at the outside of the monastery. A man asked the cause. 
" It is," he replied, " the place where one performs meritorious 
actions, and it is designed for the dwelling of those who keep 
the moral precepts. Now passions already predominate within 
me, and I am incapable of following the excellent law. One 
such as I am should not intrude into an assembly of the 
priests from every quarter." Then he returned to be a lay 
devotee (upasaka), and^ wearing a white garment, continued 
to exalt the true religion in the monastery.' 
i ' It is forty years since his death.' 

^ There is besides, the Vakya-discourse (Vakj^apadika), 
which contains 700 6'lokas, and 7,000 (words) in its explana- 
tion. It is also Bhart/7'hari's work, a treatise on observation 
and inference according to the scriptures.' 

As the second work is the Vakyapadiya, we can see in the first 
a commentary only on the Mahabhashya by Bhartrihari, i.e. the 
Mahabhashya-vyakhya^. We might think of the Karikas, which 

' This work exists in the Dekhan, fragments at Berlin. 



EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 349 

are mentioned by Taranatba (pref. to Siddhanta-kaumudi, vol. 
ii, p. 2) as between Bhartnbari's commentary on tbe Maba- 
bbasbya and bis Vakyapadiya (also called Vakyapradipa), but 
tbey would probably have been described by a different name. 

Here then we should bave the famous Bhartr^bari, so often 
described as tbe elder brother of king Vikramaditya in the 
first century B.C. as a Buddhist, a man tossed about between 
kama and dharma, between the world and the monastery, a 
poet, a grammarian, a philosopher, the contemporary of Dhar- 
mapala, known, it would seem, to some of the eminent men 
whom I-tsing visited in his travels through India, and re- 
ported to have died not more than forty years ago, say 650, 
that is, shortly after Hiouen-thsang's return to China. That 
there was a Buddhistic flavour about Bhartrfhari's xS'atakas, 
has long been perceived ; still, even those who did not believe 
in the Augustan Court of Vikramaditya and his brother 
Bhart?7'hai-i in the first century B.C., hardly ventured to do 
more than place him hesitatingly in the first or second century, 
instead of the seventh century a.d. 

There is one more difficulty which we bave to meet. 

After having told us all this about Bhartrihari, I-tsing 
continues : ' Next, there is tbe Pina or Pida or Vina. It 
contains 3,coo verses of Bhartr?'hari, and 14,000 (words ?) in 
its explanation by Dharmapala, an author of treatises. It 
fathoms the deep secrets of heaven and earth, and treats of 
the philosophy of man. A person who has reached the study 
of this work (after having learnt gradually the foregoing 
works) is said to know grammatical science very well, and 
may be likened to one who has learnt the nine Kings and all 
the classics (in China). All those above mentioned are studied 
by both priests and laymen, otherwise they cannot be called 
well-informed. ' 

The text from which this translation was made, is very 
imperfect, and Mr. Kasawara wishes his rendering to be con- 
sidered in many places as tentative only, hoping to publish a 
better one as soon as he has returned to Japan. I asked him, 
as a mere conjecture, whether it was possible that Pida could 
represent ^Yiaiti, and he thought it was just possible, but no 
more. It is clear that the book must have been a grammatical 



350 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

work, and the Bha^/ikavya (or Ravawabadha) may be called a 
grammatical work. It is also well known that the authorship 
of that poem has frequently been assigned to Bhartrihari. 
Among the various commentators^ Kandarpa/?;akravartin calls 
the author Bhartrihari, the book Bhatti ; Vidyavinoda calls 
the author Bhartf ihari, the son of /S'ridharasvamin ; Bharata 
Mallika calls him Bhartnhari. The oldest manuscript calls 
the poet Bha^2Ji-brahma%a, the son of /S'ridharasvamin of 
Va^abhi; the oldest commentator, G^ayamangala, calls him 
Bha;^^!i, Harihara does the same, while Pu^^c/arikaksha in 
his Kalapadipika speaks of him simply as Bhaiti^. Bhao 
Daji and Bhandarkar inform us that Bhatii was believed by 
some to have been the son of Bhartr^hari, and to have lived 
under ^ridharasena of Va/abhi. 

After all this, we can well understand that I-tsing should 
have been told that the Bhai^i!i was the work of Bhartrihari, 
always supposing that BhaUi could in Chinese have been 
represented by Pida. As to the date of the Bha;;^;ikavya we 
know very little beyond the fact that its author lived under 
/Sridharasvamin of Va/abhi. Lassen ^ identified this king with 
<Sridharasena of Va/abhi, the son of Guhasena, 530-5455 ^^^ 
this too is a mere guess, and need not by itself invalidate 
I-tsing's statement. 

I may add in conclusion the little we know of BhartHhari 
as a grammarian, from Brahmanic sources. 

TarkavaX^aspati, in his edition of the Siddhanta-kaumudi \ 
reminds us very properly that Somadeva's Kathasarit-sagara 
is only an extract from the B/vihatkatha, a work in 70,000 
/S'lokas, supposed to have been composed by Katj^yana, and 
taught by him to Kawabhuti. He then tells the story of 
VararuH, called Katyayana, and his fellow-pupils Yja.di and 
Pafiini. They were all three the disciples of Upavarsha. Pacini, 
the least clever of them, having been vanquished in a disputa- 
tion by the others, went to propitiate Mahadeva, and, having 
been taught by him, composed a grammar in four parts 

^ See Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, Aug. 1881. 
^ Ind. Alterthumskunde, iii, 512. 

3 See also ;Sabd4rtharatna by T^ran^tba Tarkaval-aspati, Calcutta, 1852, 
Bhfunika, p. 2 ; and Z. D. M. G. xiv, 566. 



BENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATUHE. 351 

(the Siltra-pa^^/^a, the Ga?ia^Sit/ia,, the J)hktxvp2^,tAa, and the 
Linganusasana), which he afterwards proclaimed before XJpa- 
varsha. Vararu/?:i, recognising the excellency of that new 
grammar, composed the Varttika by way of completing and 
briefly explaining it, while Vyac^i composed a work, called 
Sangraha, consisting of 100,000 xSlokas, intended to explain 
by arguments the principles of Pa?dni^s grammatical system. 
These works became so famous that the Aindra and other 
popular grammars of the time fell into disrepute and were 
lost. 

It is added that Pa^^ini was the son of Dakshi^; that 
Vararu/^i was the son of a Brahman Somadatta of Kau^ambi 
and of Vasudatta^ and that, after composing the Brihatkatha, 
and other works, he became Minister of King Nanda; while 
Vya^i, the son of a Brahman Karambha, dwelt at Vetasa. | 

Tarkavaiaspati then quotes another story _, taken from the 
Vakyapadiya, a work which he ascribes to Bhartrihari, the 
elder brother of Vikramaditya. He first states himself that 
in the course of time the Sangraha by Vyaf7i became neglected, 
and Pa^eini's work too had suffered considerable damage, when 
the Bhagavat Pata^i^ali resolved to compose the Mahabhashya, 
containing first the essence of the Sangraha, namely the Siitras, 
Varttikas, and the comment, and secondly the arguments 
laid down in the Sangraha^. 

But in this form also the system of Pacini was again 
neglected, though one copy of the original grammatical work, 
made by Bava?za, was preserved in the South on the mountain 
ZitrakQii^a. This copy was carried off by some Bakshas, in the 
guise of a Brahman, and given to Vasurata, Zandra and other 
teachers, and from them descended to their pupils, Bhartrihari 
and others. Bhartfihari explained the Mahabhashya, com- 
posed the explanatory Karikas, and also the Vakyapadiya, * 
sometimes called Vakyapradipa, consisting of three parts, the 
Brahma, Vakya, and Padaka^z^a ^. 

' See Pan. 1, 1 , 20, Karika in MahelbhUshya. 

^ This agrees well with Kielhorn's correct description of the character of the 
Mahabhashya, given in his essay Katyayana and Pata«(/ali (1876), p. 7 seq. 

* See Goldstiicker, Pawini, p. 237; Weber, Indische Studien, v, 159; Stenzler, 
ibid. p. 447 ; Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 285. 



352 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

He then quotes from Bhartr^'hari's Yakyakknda, the following 

verses : 

nrw ^%q^'^'t7r^f^?nTTPc?TfT5i;i 
^tW f%5nr^^ ?t^ ^iT^TrftT^'^^ ii ^ n 

tjtwTc^TJTT c5^T m^^'^iTTgHTftfH: I 

^RIT^T^1TifTeR«T^ ^ ^ ^^-^ I 
TTTTflTfr ^^WTWT-^JTTmTTiWajf : II 5 II 

' When the Sahgraha (of Yysicli) had been lost, having 
come down to grammarians who mostly preferred short 
manuals, and possessed but a small stock of knowledge, 

' And when afterwards by the venerable and studious Pata»- 
^ali the Mahabhashya had been composed, a work containing 
the original Sutras (vij^a), and the argumentations, 

'Unfathomable from its depth, and yet almost shallow from 
its perfect method^; then men of small minds were yet unable 
to understand it. 

'And when this work of the i^fshi, which contained the 
(substance of the) Sahgraha, had been perverted by Vai_^i, 
/Saubhava, and Haryaksha^ because (in attempting to explain 
it) they followed their own sterile reasoning only, 

' The tradition of the grammar, which had fallen away from 
the disciples of Pata;7^ali, existed in time as a text only 
(without being understood) among the people in the South ^. 

'' Read paripail, in the commentary. 

^ It is no doubt very easy to discredit the native traditions with respect to 
the early literary history of India. They are certainly not historicid, in our sense 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 353 

' But ZiandraMrya and others (Vasurata, etc.) received the 
tradition again from Parvata (the mountain KiirakAfa. or 
Triku;!a ?), and following the original SMras (vi^a) and the 
Bhashya, they made it branch off into many schools ^. 

'Then, after having studied the diflferent lines on which 
the (grammatical) arguments rest and his own grammatical 
system also, the Guru (Zandra or Vasurata) brought to us 
this resume of old grammars.' 

We have now examined a considerable number of names, 
famous in Sanskrit literature^ most, in fact, of the Mahakavis 
and the Mahakavyas, and we have seen, I think, that not one 
of them could be referred to a date beyond the fifth century 
A.D. Kalidasa, formerly represented as the contemporary of 
Augustus^ has become the contemporary of Justinian, and the 
very books which were most admired by Sanskrit students as 
specimens of ancient Indian poetry and wisdom, have found 
their natural and rightful place in the period of a literary 
renaissance, coinciding with a period of renewed literary 
activity in Persia, soon to be followed there, as later on in 
India, by the great Mohammedan conquests. 

I have confined myself chiefly to what used to be called the 
art poetry of India, nor could I attempt to examine here the 
whole of our post-Vedic literature, partly for want of space, 
partly for want of knowledge. 

There was no necessity, considering what our immediate 
object is, for going beyond the ninth century, for it is not 
likely that any literary works that can be referred to so late a 
date, would ever be claimed for the four, blank centuries 
between loo b.c. to 300 a.d. 

of tlie word, but, on the other hand, they possess this merit that, as a rule, they 
are not invented with a purpose, or intended to support any preconceived 
system. What purpose, for instance, could the author of the Uttara-kancZa of 
the Eamayana (sect. 36, vv. 44 seq.) [this curious passage was pointed out by 
Muir, Sanskrit Texts, iv, p. 490] have had in saying that Hanumat, when he 
was studying grammar, studied it, Sa-sHtra-vritty-arthapadam mahartham sa- 
sangraham, that is, according to the commentary, 'the Mahabhashya (Patawg^ali), 
containing the Stitras, the commentary, and the Varttikas, and the Sahgraha. 
(Vyadi),' thus making the Ramayana, at all events, iQore modern than Vyadi ? 
^ See Kielhorn, Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 245. 

A a 






354 NOTES AND ILLUSTEATIONS. 

In the eighth century we enter already on the age of com- 
mentaries and glosses. We have -iSankara, the great commen- 
tator of the Vedanta SMras, born in 788, and he was preceded 
by Govinda and Gau^apada, to whom a commentary on the 
Sankhya-karika is ascribed. If we may accept Burnell's con- 
jecture, Bhavasvamin, the commentator of the Baudhayana 
Sutras, belonged to the same age, though I must confess 
that his arguments do not seem to me quite convincing^. 

Epic Poems. 

Nor have I said anything, of the two great epic poems, the 
^ Wi/^^' Mahabharata and Bamaya^a, beyond noting their being men- 

tioned by name among the popular literature of the sixth 
and seventh centuries. We want a great deal more of truly 
scholarlike work ^, and a great deal less of truly unscholarlike 
theories on the Mahabharata and Ramayai^a, before any clear 
light will dawn on the sources, the growth, and the final 
redaction of these Indian epic cycles. But whatever date 
may in the end be assigned to these poems, as we now have 
them, or to thsir first collection, or to their gradual augmen- 
tation, our views on the literary blank between 100 B.C. and 
300 A.D. could hardly be affected thereby. Epic poetry, as 
we know, if it is popular, and not artificial, like that of Kali- 



^ Burnell, Catalogue (i 870), p. 1 3, says that Madh.iva quotes Bhaskara Misra's 
commentary on the Black Yag^ur-veda, and that the Pandits place him 400 years 
before Sayawa. Bhaskara, again, quotes not only the M^nava-dharma-sastra, and, 
what is more important, the last book of it (xii, 100), but also Bhavasvamin, the 
commentator of the Baudhayana Kalpa Stitras, ' who may therefore have lived 
in the eighth century' (Cat. p. 26). It is well known that Sayawa also wrote a 
commentary on Baudhayana (Cat. Southern Division, Bombay, fasc. i, p. 8), and 
that in his Ya^cilatantra-sudhanidhi, which gives the Adhvaryava as well as 
the Hautra and Audgatra of the principal sacrifices, he chiefly follows Bau- 
dhayana. He there calls himself the son of Mayamarya, and the brother 
(sahodara) of Madhavarya. See also Buhler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. 
xiv, p. xlii. 

^ Adolf Holtzmann, Agni, nach den Vorstellungen des MahS,bharata, 1878 ; 
Arjuna, ein Beitrag zur Reconstruction des Mahabharata, 1879; IJber das 
alte indische Epos, 1881 ; Uber das Mahabharata. Weber, IJber das Eama- 
yana, 1870. K. T. Telang, Was the Bamayawa copied from Homer? 1872 ; E. 
G. Bhandarkar, Considerations of the date of the Mahabharata, Journal of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, x, p. 81 (1872). 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 355 

dasa, may live on among the people, when all other literary 
activity has ceased. It forms, so to say, the literary bread 
and water, without which no nation can long- subsist. What 
we want to know is to what period the work of Vyasa, the 
Diaskeuast, can be ascribed, how many such Vyasas were 
employed in giving some kind of form to the enormous masses 
of floating epic poetry in India, and lastly, how much should 
be ascribed to their individual genius, particularly in the case 
of Valmiki, in what we now admire in the two great national 
epics of India, the Ramaya^a and Mahabharata ^. I ought to 
add, that I do not think that hitherto any facts or arguments 
have been produced to justify us in admitting any Greek 
influences in the growth of epic poetry in India, still less any 
Christian influences in the production of that famous episode 
of the Mahabharata which is known under the name of the 
Bhagavadgita Upanishads. 

Popular Stories. 

And what applies to epic poetry, applies also to what we 
call Folk-lore. No people is ever without popular stories, and 
no country was probably richer in them than India. It has 
lately become the fashion to ascribe all these popular stories 
in India to a Buddhistic source, nor can there be a doubt of the 
truth of Benfey's great discovery that the fables which we 
find collected in the Hitopade.sa, the Pa;?/?;atantra, and similar 
works, belonging to the Benaissance period of Sanskrit litera- 
ture, presuppose Buddhistic collections of them. But that is 
very difierent from saying that the Buddhists invented them . 
The Buddhists used them, improved them, added to them, but 
they invented them as little as the brothers Grimm invented 
' Rumpelstiltzchen.' There is one Buddhist collection of 
so-called G^ataka-stories, in Sanskrit, the date of which can 
be fixed in the fourth century a. d. It is ascribed to Arya- 
sura ; and another work of the same author is stated to have 
been translated in the year 434 a. d. We also know that the 

^ The occurrence of tlie name of Vyasa and V^lmlki in the LankS,vatara is 
of interest, but the date of the chapter in which they occur is doubtful. 

A a 2 



.356 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

fame of these stories had reached Persia at the time of Khosra 
Nushirvan (531—579 a. d.), and that he sent Barzoi to India 
to bring" them to his Court and translate them into Pahlavi*. 
But the original from which Barzoi translated has not yet 
been discovered, and the Brahmanic collections of fables which 
we possess, the Paiz/^atantra, Hitopade^a, etc., are of a later 
date. 

The Katha-sarit-sag-ara, ag-ain, by Somadeva, is as late as 
the beginning- of the twelfth century, having been written to 
console Queen Silryavati, the mother of King Harsha of 
Kasmira, on the death of her son who was killed noi a. d. 
It should be remembered, however, that Somadeva too did 
not invent, did not even claim to have invented, the tales 
collected in his ' Ocean of the Rivers of Stories,' and that 
their existence can probably be traced back to the time of 
Pawini. 

As this is of importance with regard to certain historical 
or semi-historical statements contained in Somadeva's work, 
it may not be out of place here to explain why I con- 
. sider some of them quite as trustworthy as, for instance, 
/*^v ^-7. Kalhawa's History of Ka^mira, so far as it bears on early 
times. It is easy to say that what Somadeva tells about Pacini 
and his friends is only a story. To me ' only a story' carries 
more weight than history made on purpose, such as we know 
Kalha?za''s history to have been. We must take Indian litera- 
ture as it is, and try to make the best of it. And in 
1 doing this we must, as much as possible, divest ourselves of 
{the idea that Hindu writers always wish to impose upon us, 
and to make everything as old as possible. First of all, these 
writers never thought of us ' outer barbarians,' in writing 
down what they knew, or what they imagined they knew, of 
their ancient history. Secondly, what we should call ' old,' 
would not seem at all old to them, to whom ten thousand 
years more or less is a mere nothing. 

My impression is that Somadeva, when telling us about 
Pa?ani, Yykdi, and Katyayana, tells us simply what he knew, 



^ See Selected Essays, vol. i, p. 527. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE, 357 

and that what he knew came to him from tradition, which in 
India was more tenacious than anywhere else. We know, 
besides, thanks chiefly to the researches of Burnell and Biihler, 
that Somadeva was not left entirely to depend on tradition. 
He tells us that his book contains the essence of the Br ihat- 
katha, written originally in the Paisa/^i dialect by Gnnsid/iya, 
and that it differs from its original in language only, and by 
its being more condensed^. The story of Gu.nkdky3i is no 
doubt legendary too, but it need not therefore be considered 
as ajpure invention, so far as Gnnkd/ija. himself is concerned. 

We are told that originally the stories of the seven Vid- 
yadhara Zakravartin's or Fairy Kings were told by /Siva to 
Parvati. They were overheard by an attendant, Pushpadanta, 
who repeated them to his wife (?aya. For this he was cursed 
by Parvati and condemned to be born as a man, and his 
brother Malyavat, who interceded for him, received the like 
sentence. Afterwards Parvati relented so far that she decreed 
that Pushpadanta's curse should end when he had met a 
Viskksi, called Kai^abhuti, and told him the stories ; while 
Malyavat should be free when he had heard the Br^hatkathas 
from the mouth of Kawabhuti, and spread them over the 
earth. 

Pushpadanta, we are then told, was born as Vararu/("i 
Katyayana, and became a great grammarian and Minister of 
Yogananda, the last of the Nandas. Having communicated 
the stories to the Vissika. Ka;^abhLlti, he returned to his 
heaven. 

Some time later Malyavat, who as Gunkd/ija. of Pratish- 
t/mna had become Minister of Satav^hana, went with his two 
pupils, Gu^adeva and Nandideva, to the dwelling of Kana- 
bhuti, and received from him the seven stories in the Vaiskki 
dialect. Then he wrote them down with his own blood in 
100,000 /SI okas each, and sent them to Satavahana. Satava- 
hana, however, rejected them ; upon which Gunkd/iya burnt 
six of the stories. The seventh only was preserved, and 
Satavahana, after studying it with the help of Guwadeva and 



^ See Biihler, Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 302. 



358 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Nandideva, wrote the introduction to it, likewise in tlie Vaishki 
dialect. 

Dr. Fitz-Edward HalP was the first to show that this legend 
was not entirely a legend, for Da-nci'm in his Kavyadarsa (I, 38}, 
mentions a Brihatkatha written in a Bhuta (Piskka) dialect ; 
and Subandhu, the author of the Vasavadatta, knows a Bnhat- 
katha divided into Lambakas. Dandin, we know, is at least as 
old as Bkna, the joourt-poet of Harsh avardhana in the seventh 
century, while y^ubandhu must be older than Bana, being 
praised by him in his Harsha/^aritra. 

Thus it may be accepted as a fact that a B/*ihatkatha 
in a Bhuta dialect, and divided, like Somadeva's work, into 
Lambas or Lambakas, existed at least before the seventh 
century of our era. 

Nor is this all. Dr. Biihler, during his literary researches 
in Gujaratj discovered a work very similar to the Kathasarit- 
sagara of Somadeva, namely, the Bnhatkatha-ma%ari of 
Kshemendra Vyasadasa^. This Kshemendra wrote during 
the second and third quarters of the eleventh century, and he 

!too seems to have based his own work on the Vaiskki text of the 
Brihatkatha, ascribed to Guna,d/ija. He says^: '-iSarva pro- 
, claimed it first ; Ka^eabhuti heard it from the Gai^a (Pushpa- 
I danta-Vararu^i), and told it to GntiSid/ija, who delivered it in 
I turn to his pupils and to Satavahana. The story which thus 
I had come to be written in the Pi,sa^a language gave trouble to 
I the readers, and was for this reason rewritten in Sanskrit.' 
■' Although Somadeva was perhaps two or three generations 
later than Kshemendra, Dr. Biihler has shown that he could 
not have copied from Kshemendra, but that both must have 
^*^ ^^ used the same original in Vaiskki or Prakrit. 

yiJih^;s -^g ^l^^g arrive at the very unexpected result that the 
stories told by Somadeva in the twelfth century were known, 
at all events, before the seventh century, and, if we could 
accept the historical character of Satavahana and Yogananda, 
of Kawabhuti and Vararuy?;i-Katyayanaj in the first century 



* V^savadatta, pref. pp. 22-24; Biihler, I.e., p. 303. 

''■ Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 46. 

^ Biihler, Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 307. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 359 

A. T>., or even, it may be, before the end of tlie Nanda dynasty. 

Without as^ yet wishing, however, to make Katyayana-Vara- 

ru^i, the original promulgator of the Seven Stories, the same 

person as Katyayana Vararu/?;i, the author of the Varttikas 

and the contemporary of Pacini, we may at all events say 

this, that Somadeva's much-despisjedKatha-sarit-sagara carries -'^ -^^-^ ./ 

really as much historical weight as Kalhai>«a's Ra^atarangi??i, 

the Chronicle of Kashmir, 1148-57. Kalha?za wrote in the 

middle of the twelfth century, and was therefore later than 

Somadeva. What his ideas of history were has been well 

shown by Dr. Biihler^^ who writes: 'An author who boasts 

that "his narrative resembles a medicine, and is useful for 

increasing and diminishing statements of previous writers 

regarding kings, place, and time,"" must always be sharply 

controlled, and deserves no credit whatever in those portions 

of his work where his narrative shows any suspicious figures 

or facts.' 

Philosophical Stitras. 

A second class of literature which I have not touched upon 
consists of the philosophical Sutras. These were and are still 
supposed by many scholars to belong to the centuries preced- 
ing our era. All I can say is, I know, as yet, of no sound 
arguments, still less of any facts in support of such assertions. 
Neither in the Pali nor in the Sanskrit canon of the Buddhists 
have any references to or quotations from the six collections 
of philosophical Sutras been discovered. 

It is different with the philosophical systems themselves. 
The names of the three Vedas, possibly of foar, such words also 
as Vedanta and Upanishad (upanisa), and Yoga, occur in Pali, 
but they do not prove the existence of our Vedanta or our 
Yoga Sutras. In the Buddhist Sanskrit canonical books there 
are constant references to tirthaka or heretical systems of phi- 
losophy. The names of the founders of six of these are mentioned 
again and again, but we hear nothing of literary works ascribed 
to Badarayawa, the founder of the Uttara-mimamsa, of G^aimini, 

^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, P- 5^* 



360 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

the founder of the Pilrva-mima»?sa, Kapila, the founder of the 
Sankhya, Pata%ali, the founder of the Yog-a^ Kawada, the 
founder of the Vai^eshika, and Gotama, the founder of the 
Nyaya. The occurrence of the names of Ka^ada, Kapila, 
Akshapada and Bnhaspati in the Lankavatara is curious, but 
requires verification. What is still more curious is that in the 
literary works which we have referred to the sixth, seventh, and 
eighth centuries no actual quotations from the SAtras of the 
six Dar^anas have yet been met with. It is true, that Varaha- 
mihira mentions Kapila and Ka^aabhu^^, and that Ba^za in his 
Harsha/^arita knows of Aupanishadas, Kapilas, and Ka^adas^, 
but even this does not establish the existence of the Siitras, 
containing their doctrines. And yet we know now, thanks to 
Mr. K. B. Pathak (Ind. Ant. 1 883, p. 174) ^ the date of Sankara 
Akarya*^ to whom most, if not all of these Sutras must have 
been known. He was born 788 a.d., and he must have lived 
to a considerable age, if he accomplished all that is ascribed to 
him. The date 3921 Kali, i.e. 830 a. d., cannot be intended 
for the date of his death, but is meant for that of his becoming* 
a Muni, which we are told took place in his 32nd year 
(dysbivimse). 

The first tangible evidence of the existence of a system- 
atic treatise on any of the six systems of India would 
really seem to be the Chinese translation of the Suvarwa- 
saptati-^astra, that is, the Sankhya-karika, with a com- 
mentary ^. It is said by the Chinese translator to have been 
composed by the Rishi Kapila, a heretic, and to explain the 
twenty-five truths (tattvas^). Towards the end of the work 
it is stated that there were 60,000 gathas composed by 

^ Bn'hatsamhita, ed. Kern, pref. p. 29. 

^ Vasavadatta, ed. Hall, pref. p. 53. 

' He quotes from a MS. the following list : Siva, (Sankara), Vishmu, Brah- 
man, Vasish^7«a, Sakti, Parasara, Vyasa, i?uka, Gauc^apada, Govinda, (Sankara. 
He also mentions Eamanu^'a as the pupil of Yadavaprakasa, and Madhva as 
pupil of Aiyutapreksha. 

* It is his descent from S'iva which is alluded to in calling him iSankara- 
Aaryanavavataram. 

^ I am informed by Mr. Kasawara that this commentary resembles the com- 
mentary of Gaudapada, but that the name of Gaudap^da is not mentioned. 

* See Safikhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. pp. 6, 42. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 361 

Paii^a^ikha (Kapileya), the pupil of Asuri, the pupil of Kapila, 
and that afterwards a Brahman, named I^vara Kn'shwa, 
selected 70 gathas out of the 60,000. As this work was 
translated into Chinese by Zan-ti, i. e. Paramartha, during 
the KJi2a\ dynasty, 557-589, we have proof positive that 
l^vara Knsh?ea's work, such as we now possess it, and a 
commentary, belonged at least to the sixth century, and that 
the author, who has actually been identified with Kalidasa^, 
may at all events have been a contemporary of the great poet. 

But it follows by no means that what we call the Sankhya 
Sutras must have existed before that time. The metrical 
Karika seems in this case older than the Sutras, and where 
there are literal coincidences between the two, it has been 
shown that the metrical version is the more original 2. 

With regard to the Vai^eshika also, we can prove the 
existence of at least one work, the Vai^eshika-nikaya-dasapa- 
dartha-^astra, composed by G^wana/^andra ^, previous to Hiouen- 
thsang's time, because he translated it into Chinese, and his. 
translation is still in existence. In this case, however, the" 
Sanskrit original has not yet been discovered. 

It certainly would be going too far were we to conclude 
from the fact that Hiouen-thsang did not translate and did not 
even mention the authoritative Vaiseshika Sultras by Kawada 
that therefore they did not exist at his time. Much less 
should I venture to apply this line of argument to the Sarva- 
dar^ana-sangraha. Still we ought to take note of it. Hiouen- 
thsang evidently knew the Vedanta-philosophy, for he speaks 
of Aupanishadas, which can only be an older name of the 
followers of the Vedanta. He tells us that he studied Nyaya 
under a Brahman, and he mentions several works on Nyaya, 
which were written by Buddhists : — 

1. Nyaya-dvara-taraka-sastra by Gina Bodhisattva (i, 188) 
or Nagar^una (i, 102), explained by Dharmapala (i, 191). 

2. Nyayanusara-^astra by Sanghabhadra (i, 93; ii, 183; 
227), edited by Vasubandhu (i, 108). 

He mentions the Sankhya and Vai^eshika systems by name 



See Sankhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. p. 29. * Hall, I.e., p. 11. 

^ See above, p. 312, 



362 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

(i, 225), and relates how Gu^amati had defeated a famous stu- 
dent of the Sankhya-philosoph J, called Madhava (ii, 442). 

It is difficult to say anything about the Yog-a-philosophy, 
because that name was adopted by the Buddhists themselves. 
6rina Bodhisattva was a teacher of Yoga (iii, no), and Hiouen- 
thsang's chief object in going to India was to study there (i, 
144) that very Yoga-philosophy which he had studied already 
in China from such books as the Saptadasa-bhumi-5astra (by 
Maitreya Bodhisattva, iii, 109), afterwards called YogaMrya- 
bhumi-^astra (i, 13 ; 118). One of the books which he most 
carefully studied during his stay in India was the YogaMrya- 
bhumi-^astra-karika (i, 211). 

If we turn to the literature of the G'ainas, we find in the 
Kalpasutra (ed. Jacobi, p. ^^) only one system of philosophy 
mentioned, the Shash?!i-tantra, and this is explained by the 
commentator (p. loi) as Kapiliya-^astra, so called on account 
of the sixty padarthas^. In other passages, however, this Sha- 
sh;fi-tantra is mentioned by the side of the Kapila, the system 
of Kapila, and it becomes extremely doubtful, therefore, whether 
the two were originally identical, or whether the Kapila system 
is a later form of the Shash^i-tantra^. In the Anuyogadvara- 
*astra, quoted by Weber, the principal systems of philosophy 
mentioned are : Vai^eshika, Buddha^asana, Kapila, Lokayata, 
Shashititantra, while in the later Shac/dar^ana-samuMaya the 
author refers to the Sankhya,Vai,seshika, Naiyayika, G^aiminiya, 
Bauddha, and Gaina systems^. 

It is probably in the Sanskrit literature of the Buddhists 
that we find the earliest mention of these systems^. Thus 
we read in the Lalita-vistara, p. 179, that the young Bodhi- 
sattva had to study, besides many other subjects, the 
Sankhya, the Yoga, the Vai^eshika, the Barhaspatya, the 

^ See also Bhagavati (ed. Weber), ii, pp. 246-648. 

^ According to Dr. Leumann, the Berlin MS. of the Nandistitra leaves out 
Kavila. The Calcutta edition has it, and the Aupapatika-Stltra (§ 76) mentions 
' the followers of the Sarikhya and the Yoga-philosophy, and of Kapila, &c.' 

* Hall, Bibliography, p. 165. In Merutunga's Sharfdarsana"\d,l-ara the six 
systems discussed are : Gaina, Bauddha, Sankhya, Gaiminiya or MlmamsS, 
Aulukya or Kan^da, and Gautamiya. See Journal of Eoyal Asiatic Society 
of Bombay, ix, p. 147. 

* See above, p. 1 7. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 363 

Hetuvidya\ &c. But again, these are but titles of philo- 
sophical doctrines, and they cannot strictly be used to prove 
the existence of the six collections of Siitras which at present 
are considered as the classical text-books of these systems. 
Similar names, as is well known, occur in the Upanishads and 
Brahma^zas, and the first germs of the later growth of philo- 
sophical thought may be discovered even in the hymns of the 
Veda. But all this does not concern us at present, and with 
regard to what does concern us, namely, the date of the six 
Dar.sanas, as we now possess them, all we can say is that, as 
yet, nothing has been produced to prove that they were com- 
posed previous to 300 a. d. 



Metrical Law-books. 

There remains one more class of Sanskrit literature which 
will no doubt be appealed to by many Sanskrit scholars as 
being post-Vedic, and yet decidedly more ancient than the 



^ In Ku Fa-hu's translation (a.d. 308) the whole paragraph is left out. This 
does not, however, prove that it did not exist, as passages referring to subjects 
of no immediate interest to Buddhists, or, it may be, unintelhgible to them, are 
sometimes passed over by the translators. In Divakara's translation (a. d. 68 3) we 
find certain portions of this paragraph rendered into Chinese, but others likewise 
left out. Among the subjects in which the Bodhisattva excelled, are mentioned : 
' Quick jumping, racing, wrestling (langhite, pr^kfcalite), writing, seals, counting- 
numbers (lipi-mudra-gawanasankhyS,), archery, riding, going on the water, 
cleverly managing horse and chariot, and (fishing with) a hook and line (salam- 
bhadhanurvede gravite, plavite, asvapWshf/te, rathe, aiikusagrahapasagrahe) ; 
Matma (?), gambling (akshakrirfa), physiognomy or expression of face (kavya- 
vyakarawe 1), drawing (granfchara/cite rtipe), carving (rtipakarmarai), playing on 
musical instruments (viwayam), singing and dancing (vadyanHtye), theatrical 
performance (gltapafAita akhyate), shampooing (samvahite), changing several 
precious things, magic (mamrage vastrarage mayakWte), divining a dream 
(svapnadhyaye), the marks of six kinds of animals (cows, horses, sheep, pigs, 
dogs, and fowls), and several mixed sorts of polite accomplishments (strllaksha?ie, 
purushalakshawe, asvalakshawe, hastilakshane, golakshawe, a^falakshane, misrita 
lakshame) ; the (S^astras of Keita (kaiiabhesvara-lakshane), Ni-ken-dzu (Nir- 
ghaw^au), Pu-ra-na (Purame), I-^i-ka-sha (Itihase), I-da (Vede), Ni-ro-H 
(Nirukte), Shik-sha (sikshayam), Shi-ka (Sankhye?), Bi-shi-ka (Vaiseshike), 
[could Kriyakalpe be meant for (Jaiminiya 1] A-ta (arthavidyayam), king or 
kings (Barhaspatye ?), A-bi-ri (?), all birds and beasts (mrigapakshirute), the 
science of sound (sabdavidyayam ?), the science of cause (hetuvidyayam). All 
the polite accomplishments of men and gods he thoroughly understood.' 



S64 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

fourth century a.d., namely, the metrical Dharmaiastras^ and 
more particularly those of Manu and Ya^wavalkya. 

It is generally supposed that Manu was a purely mythological 
name, that it meant measurer, and therefore law-giver, that 
it naturally became the name for moon, as the measurer of 
times and seasons, and lastly a recognised name for man in 
general^ the measurer, the thinker. There is some truth in 
all this, but it is curious nevertheless that Manu, the law- 
giver, often discloses some personal traits of character even in 
the vague traditions which are related of him. 

When we read in the Rig-veda, VIII, 30, of ' the thirty- 
three gods, the gods of Manu/ we ought no doubt to take 
Manu as a representative of man in general. Yet, the definite 
number of his gods, the Thirty-three, leaves an impression 
that even here an individual man, or rather an individual 
clan, was meant. 

When we read in the Taittiriya-Sawhita, II, 3, 10, 2, 'What- 
ever Manu said is medicine^,' we have again a kind of 
suspicion that Manu must be more than a general name for 
mankind, and that the saying possibly refers to a sage whose 
utterances were remembered and recorded. 

In the Brabmawas, Manu, as saved from the Deluge^, is no 
doubt a mythical character, but as the father of Nabhane- 
dishtksi, and as laying down the law on inheritance (avava- 
ditn)^ the historical element begins again to betray itself^. 

It has been supposed that even our Manu Svayambhuva is 
sometimes referred to as a legal authority in very early times. 
There is a curious passage in the Nirukta (III, 4) in which 
Manu Svayambhuva is quoted, and again on the very subject of 
inheritance. It is true the passage comes in rather incon- 
gruously, but unless we start with the a priori conviction that 
there can be nothing incongruous in an ancient Sanskrit 
author, we can hardly off-hand reject the passage as a forgery. 
The verse (*loka) quoted says : ' The share of sons, of boys and 
girls, is the same according to law, Manu Svayambhuva said 
so in the beg-inning;' of the creation.' 



^ M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 89. 
* Ibid. p. 425. 3 Ibid. p. 433. 



RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 365 

This seems indeed to imply the existence of a legal au- 
thority under the name of Manu Svayambhuva, but though the 
wording strongly reminds us of the phraseology of our Manu, 
the doctrine is not his, unless we completely twist the mean- 
ing of Manu IX, 105, where it is said that the eldest brother 
takes possession of the patrimony, while the others live under 
him, as they lived under their father. This would hardly 
be the same thing as that all children take equal shares as 
heirs. The Nirukta goes on quoting the opinions of other 
teachers : ' Some say that daughters do not (inherit). Hence 
it is known that a male is an heir (dayada), not a female. 
Therefore they expose a female, not a male child. Females 
are given away, sold, and exposed, not males ; though some say, 
males also, as we see in the case of Snna/iseTpa.' 

I pointed out (see p. 2^^) that Manu, a real Manu, seems 
to have had something to do with the first introduction 
of /Sraddhas, and in a passage of the /Sankhayana Grihya 
Sutras (II, 16) Manu^s name is again quoted in support of the 
doctrine that at xSraddhas, or, more accurately, at a sacrifice in 
which the Pitns are the deities, also at a Madhuparka and a 
Soma sacrifice, the killing of cattle is allowed. This is not 
only the teaching of Manu, but the very words, as here 
quoted by /Sankhayana, have been incorporated in our text of 
Manu (V, 41). There are many more such references to a 
Manu^, as well as quotations, both in prose and in verse, occur- 
ring in the Dharmasutras and embodying Manu^s own peculiar 
doctrines, so that we can hardly doubt that there was, during 
the Brahma^xa and Siltra periods, some real Manu, or some 
real clan claiming descent from Manu, and possessing some 
collection of legal saws. 

It is well known also that the Mahabharata contains many 
verses ascribed to Manu, some of which form part of our 
Dharmasastra, others do not. 

But when we come to the question whether a metrical 
Manava Dharma^astra, or a BhWgu-samhita in twelve books, 
is ever appealed to either during Vedic times, or in early 
Buddhistic writings where there was so much opportunity for 

^ See Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, pp. xvii-xx. 



366 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

it, or even during" the first centuries of the Renaissance period, 
our answer must be in the negative. 

I am willing to admit that Baca's mention in the Harsha/?;arita 
of Dharma^astrins^ and Pauramkas proves the existence of cer- 
tain Dharmasastras and Pura^as in the seventh century a. d. I 
may admit even that the fact of Varahamihira quoting from Manu 
a number of .slokas, proves his knowledge of a Manu-Dharma- 
isastra, though certainly not of the one which we possess. But it 
is well known that what we call the Manu-samhita is in reality 
a Bhn'gu-samhita^, and certainly the spirit of the lines quoted 
by Varahamihira as coming from Manu, is very difierent from 
the spirit that pervades our Manu-samhita in its chapter on 
Women. Nor is it likely that these verses, a string of regular 
*lokas, were taken from the Manava-dharma Sutras, the cha- 
racter of which has lately been so well described by P. von 
Bradke in his careful essay, ' Uber das Manava Grih.ja, Sutra.' 
They may be taken, however, from earlier editions of the Manu- 
samhita, which are often quoted under the names of V;7'ddha 
and Bf^ha;^ Manu^. 

And here it should be remembered that even Yriddha Manu 
was acquainted with the Greek zodiacal signs, for in a passage, 
quoted in the commentary on the Gobhiliya Grihya Sutras, he 
speaks of the sun entering the sign of Kanya, i. e. Virgo ^. 

From whatever source therefore these verses are taken, 
they would in no way. prove the existence of our twelve 
books of Manu at the time of Varahamihira. How much 
later than the fourth century a. d. our Manu-samhita may 
prove to be, I do not wish to discuss at present, as, I have 
no doubt, that this question will soon be treated by far 
abler hands, by Dr. Burnell and Professor Biihler in their 
promised translations of Manu. All I am concerned with is 
the absence of any proofs of its existence previous to 300 a.d. 

^ Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. 53. 

^ See Sankhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. p. 8. Ta.nka.n'kha.h sljltrakara asuri- 
sishya^. Kapilam iti prasiddhis tu sampradaya-pravr^tteA, Bhriguproktasatw- 
hit&yEim iva ManusamakhyS,, 

^ On V?'iddlia and Brihat, see Sarvadhikari's Tagore Lectures, p. i68. 

* Madhye va yadi v^pyante yatra KanyS,m vra^ed raviA. 

SapakshaA sakalaA sieshth&h sraddhashorfasakam prati. 



NOTE H, p. 137. 

TEXTS ON THE DELUGE. 

The Varaha or Boar. 

Taittiriya-Samhita VII, i, 5, i^: — 

Apo va idam agre salilam asit, tasmin pra_$/apatir vayur 
bliutvay?;arat, sa imam apa^yat, tatn varaho bhutvaharat, ta»^ 
visvakarma bhutva vyamar?^. 

Sapratbata, sa pr itbivy abbavat, tat pr^thivyai pritbivitvam. 
Tasyam a^ramyat pra^apati>^, sa devan asrzV/ata, vasiin rudran 
adityan. 

Te deva/i pra^apatim abruvan, pra ^ayamaba iti. So 'bra- 
vit II I II yatbabam yusbmams tapasasrikshy evam tapasi 
pra//ananam i^Madbvam iti. 

Tebbyo 'gnim ayatanam praya^Mad, etenayatanena -sram- 
yateti. Te 'gninayatanena^ramyan, te samvatsara ekam gam 
as;-i$7anta, taW vasabbyo rudrebbya adityebbya/^ prayaM/^an, 
etam raksbadbvam iti, tarn vasavo rudra aditya araksbanta. 

Taittiriya-BrabmaTza I, i , 3, 5 seq. : — 

Apo va idam agre salilam asit. Teaa pra^apatir a^ram- 
yat 115 11 Katbam idam syad iti. So 'pasyat pusbkarapama?;? 
tis]xt/ia,t. So 'manyata asti vai tat, yasminn idam adbitisb^/^a- 
titi. Sa varabo rupam kntv6panyama^_^at. Sa pntbivim 
adba arM>^at, tasya upabaty6dama_^^at. Tat pusbkaraparae 
'pratbayat. Yad apratbayat II 6 11 tat pHtbivyai pritbivitvam. 
Abbud va idam iti, tad bbumyai bbiimitvam. 

/Satapatba-Brabma/ia XIV, i, 2, 11 : — 

Atba varabavibatam, iyaty agre asid itiyati ba va iyam 
agre pn'tbivy asa prade-samatri. Tam emilsba iti varaha 

^ See Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, i, 75 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, 
i, p. 52. 



368 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

uffffSigh^na so 'sya/^ pati/^ prayapatis tenaivainam etanmi- 
thunena priye^za dliamna samardhayati kntsnam karoti. 

The Ktirraa or Tortoise. 

/Satapatha-Brahma^za VII, 5, i, 5: — 

Sa yat kiirmo nama, etad vai vAipam k;-itva pra_$7apati^ 
praya asre^ata yad asr z^atakarot tad yad akarot tasmat kurma^ 
ka^yapo vai kiirmas tasmad ahuk sarva>^ pra_^a^ ka«yapya 
iti 11511. Sa ya-^ sa kurmo 'sau sa aditya^. 

Taittiriya-Arai^yaka I, 23, i : — 

Yo rsbsa/i so 'pam antarata/^ kmraam hhAtam sarpaiita»« tam 
abravit^ mama vai tvanmanasa samabhilt. Nety abravit, 
pilrvam evaham ihasam iti. Tat purushasya purushatvam 
iti. 

The Annual Deluge. 

Plutarch De Solertia Animalium (ed. Eeiske, 10, p. 37): — 
Ot ixev ovv jJivOoXoyoL t(2 AevKaXtcovC c^acri TrepicrTepav ex TrJ9 

\apvaKOs acfiLeixevrjv, SrjAco^a yevecrdai, )(etjU(3yo? fxev, ettro) ttclXlv 

kvhvojxivriv, cvbCas be, aTTOTTTacrav. 



Page 153. The following passage from the Aitareya-Arai^- 
yaka III, i, 2, 2, shows that during a heavy rain people used 
to say that heaven and earth embraced each other : Tad utapi 
,il yatraitad balavad anjftdgrzh^an sandadhad ahoratre varshati 
dyavaprithivyau samadhatam ity utapyahu^. See Sacred 
Books of the East, vol. i, p. 249 : (' The first half is the earth, 
the second half the heaven, their uniting the rain, the uniter 
Par^anya.) And so it is when it (Par^aoya) rains thus strongly, 
without ceasing, day and night together, then they say also, 
" Heaven and earth have come together." ' 



NOTE I, p. 194. 

ON PARGANYA IN GEEMAN. 

I am afraid that Slavonic scholars may think that I have 
represented the identity of Par_^anya and the Lithuanian Per- 
kuna as more certain than it really is. Though I have pointed 
out one difficulty, namely, the Lithuanian guttural tenuis k 
taking the place of a Sanskrit palatal media, I ought perhaps 
to have added that the transition of Perkuna into the Old 
Slav. Perunu is not free from difficulties either. G. Krek 
(Einleitung in die Slavische Literaturgeschichte, Gratz, 1874, 
p. loi) still keeps to the old derivation of Perunu (thunder) 
from a root pr, ferire, and looks upon the k as a phonetic 
intrusion, as in Lith. arklas = 01d Slav, oralo. The name 
Perkuna, however, seems older than the forms without the k, 
for it occurs in the Lithuanian Dainos (Schleicher, Handbuch 
der Litauischen Sprache, vol. ii, p. i seq.). In Russian the 
name of Perun is mentioned by Nestor (about iioo a.d.), 
while Perkunu still occurs in old E-ussian documents of the 
thirteenth century (Kerk, I.e., p. loi, n. 3). All this is diffi- 
cult to explain ; yet Slavonic scholars would hardly feel 
inclined to admit two different deities, one Perkunu, the 
other Perun. Here we must wait for further researches, par- 
ticularly with reference to the phonetic laws of the Slavonic 
languages. 

But if the identification of Par^anya with Perkuna is not 
quite free from doubt, this is much more the ease with another 
identification of Par^anya with the Gothic fairguni, first 
suggested by Grimm in his Teutonic Mythology, and sup- 
ported by him, as may be expected, with very powerful 
arguments. Fairguni in Gothic means mountain, and Grimm 
thinks that the chief mountains, being considered originally 
as the seat of the thunder-god, may after a time have been 

B b 



370 NOTES AND ILLTJSTEATIONS. 

called by his name, as we speak of the St. Bernard, instead of 
the Mount of St. Bernard^ and that, still later, the name of the 
chief mountain may have become the name for mountain in 
general. As relics of the proper name he points out Fer- 
gnnna, an old name of the Erzgebirge, and Virgunia, the tract 
of wooded mountains between Ansbach and Ellwangen^ etc. 
The name of the god, if it had been preserved in Gothic, would 
have been Fairguneis, and the existence of that name is con- 
firmed by the Old Norse Fiorgyn, fem., gen. Fiorgynior, the 
goddess of the Earth_, the mother of Thor, and by Fiorgynn, 
masc, gen. Fiorgyns, the father of Frigg, the wife of Odin. 

A young and talented scholar, Professor Zimmer, has lately 
supported the same view by some more and very ingenious 
arguments, in the Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum, Neue 
Folge, vol. ii, p. 163 seq. According to him, the Northern 
nations formed a feminine deity Fiorgyn by the side of the 
masculine Fiorgynn. This Fiorgyn, as a feminine, was meant 
for the Earth, just as Par^anya's wife was Prithivi, the 
Earth. OcUnn, who took the place of Tyr (Dyaus), and of 
the male Fiorgynn (Par^^anya), was the husband of lord, the 
Earthj and became naturally the husband also of Fiorgyn, 
the Earth, while Fiorgynn himself became absorbed in Thorr. 
If therefore Thorr is called the first son of Ocfinn, this is the 
same as Par^anya being called the son of Dyatis, and if 
Thorr is called Tartar lurr and Fibrgynjar hurr, this is the 
same as Par^anya being called the son of Pr^thivi, though 
being her husband also. 

Grimm in his German Dictionary, vol. i, p. 1052, thinks 
that Greeks and Romans, changing f into h, represented 
Fergunna or Fergunnia by Hercynia, and he traces in the end 
both lerg and hi7'g back to Par^anya. 



NOTE K, p. 227. 

ON THE TJTRIS OR FATHEES. 

In Manu the belief in the Pit^-z's or Fathers and the rules 
for their worship have assumed a most complicated character^ 
and there are many passages that might be quoted by those 
who hold that in India also a belief in the Fathers came first, 
and a belief in the Devas followed afterwards. There are 
other arguments too that might be used in support of such 
a theory, and I wonder they have not been used^ though I do 
not think they can be upheld against the mass of evidence on 
the other side. The name of the oldest and greatest among 
the Devas, for instance^ is not simply Dyaus, but Dyaush-pita, 
Heaven- Father, and there are several other names of the same 
character, not only in Sanskrit, but in Greek and Latin also. 
Does it not look as if Dyaus, the sky, had become personal and 
worshipful, only after he had been raised to the category of a 
Pitn, a father, and that this predicate of Father must have 
been elaborated first, before it could have been used to com- 
prehend Dyaus, the sky, Varuwa, and other Devas ? This 
sounds plausible, nor do I deny that there may be some truth 
in it. But it is not the whole truth, and nothing, I believe, is 
so constant a source of error as this mistaking of some truth for 
the whole truth. The Vedic poets believed in Devas, gods, 
if we must so call them, literally, the bright ones; Vitris, 
fathers; and Manushyas, men, mortals^. Who came first 
and who came after is diflScult to say, but as soon as the three 
were placed side by side, the Devas certainly stood highest, 
then followed the Pitn's, and last came the mortals. Ancient 
thought did not go so far as to comprehend the three under 
one common concept, but it paved the way to it. The mortals, 
after passing through death, became Fathers, and the Fathers 

^ Atharva-veda X, 6, 33. 
B b 2 



372 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

became the companions of the Devas. This answered for 
a time — it was some truth, but not the whole truth. 

In Manu there is a decided advance beyond this point. 

The world, all that moves and rests, we are told (Manu III, 

, 201)5 has been made by the Devas, but the Devas and Danavas 

^■^■4-jt^r were born of the Pitris, and the Pitn's of the ^ishis. The 

/ y *^ ^2shis were originally the poets of the Veda, where their 

/ number is given as seven, the Sapta ^ishaya^^. How they 

]pW~Z^^ff„ came to be placed above the Devas, and above the Pitris, is 

^ difficult to understand ; still so they are, at least at the time 

of Manu. He gives even their names and genealogy ^. 

Manu Hairawyagarbha 

His sons, the seven iJjshis. 
Vira^ MarlH Atri Kavi (Bhngu) Angiras Pulastya VasishiAa 

Their sons, the Pitn's. 
Somasads Agnishvattas Barhishads Somapas Havishmats Agryapas Sukalins 

Their descendants. 
Sadhyas Devas Daityas Brahmanas Kshatriyas Vaisyas S'udras 

He then mentions the Pit/'/s who belong exclusively to the 
Brahma??as : 

Agnidagdhas, Anagnidagdhas, Kavyas, Barhishads, Agnish- 
vattas, Saumyas. 

The first book of Manu tells us of seven Manus (I, 61). 
These were : 

Svayambhuva, Svaro-^isha, Auttami, Tamasa, Baivata, 
Zakshusha, Vaivasvata. 
Svayambhuva Manu is said by KuUiika to have been the 
grandson of Brahman or SvayambhA, and would therefore have 
to be taken as the son of Vira^ (I, 32). But in another place 
(I, 58) we read of Manu Svayambhuva receiving the law from 
Brahman, and teaching the code to the Munis (^^shis), viz. 
Mari/?:i and the rest, including Bhrigu. Again, our Manu 
Svayambhuva tells us that he first created ten Pra^apatis, viz. 

Mari/?;i, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Pra/?;etas, 
Vasishi^i^a, Bhf^gu, Narada, 
and that these created the seven Manus. 

^ Eig-veda IV, 42, 8. ^ Manu III, 193 and 198. 



ON THE PITiJZS OR FATHERS. 



373 



These Manus are intimately connected with the theory of 
the Yugas and Kalpas. 

(i) The Kn'ta-Yuga . . = 1,728,000 years 

(3) The Treta-Yuga . . = 1,39^,000 years 

(3) The Dvapara-Yuga . = 854,000 years 

(4) The Kali-Yuga . . = 433,000 years 



A Mahayuga 



A Manu period . . 



With fifteen intervals 
of 1,738,000 each . 



= 4,330,000 years 

71 



= 306^730,000 years 
14 



4,394,080,000 years 
35,930,000 years 



4,330,000,000 years, 
which is one short day of Brahman. 

In this way the tradition about the Fathers and the ^^shis 
and the Manus and Pra^apatis goes on growing, different 
conceptions being mixed up together, each family or school 
adding their own legends, till in the Pura^xas the confusion 
exceeds all bounds, and the original germs of sense are 
smothered beneath a thick layer of mere nonsense. 



NOTE L, p. 242. 

ON 511ADDHAS. 

In the Nirnaya-sindhu tlie /Sraddhas are classified under 
twelve heads 1; — 

I. Nitya-CTaddha ; perpetual, obligatory, daily offerings to 
ancestors, without the Vai^vadeva offerings^. A man who is 
unable to offer anything else may perform this sraddha with 
water. 

3. Naimittika-^raddha ; occasional, as, for instance, the 
ekoddish^a, i. e. the sraddha intended for a person lately de- 
ceased, and not yet incorporated with the Pitn's. This, too, is 
without the Vai^vadeva offering, and the number of Brahma^ias 
invited should be unequal. 

3. Kamya-sraddha ; voluntary, or rather, offered for a special 
object. 

4. Vnddhi-,sraddha ; offered on occasions of rejoicing or 
prosperity^ such as the birth of a son, etc. 

5. Sapi^^ana-^raddha ; performed when the recently de- 
parted is incorporated among the Vitris. For this ^raddha 
four patras or vessels are required, full of sesame and scented 
water for argha, and the vessel of the recently deceased person 
is poured into the vessels of the Vitris, with the two verses 
' ye samana/i.' It is in one sense an ekoddishz^a, and for the 
rest to be performed like the nitya-^raddha. It can be offered 
for a woman also^. 

6. Parva^a-sraddha ; performed on a parvan day, i. e. new 
moon, the eighth day, the fourteenth day, and full moon. 

7. Gosh^^i-^raddha ; performed in a gosh;!,^! (house of 
assembly), for the benefit of a number of learned men. 

8. ^uddhi-^raddha ; performed for the expiation of some sin, 

^ See Colebrooke, Life and Essays, vol. ii, p. 196 ; Wilson, Vishnu-purazia, 
P--314- 

^ Vishwu-purawa, p. 326. * See Y%7;avalkya I, 252-253. 



ON SHADDHAS. 375 

and including the feeding of Brahmawas. It forms part of a 
prayas^itta, or expiatory rite. 

9. Karmanga-^raddha; forming part of some other ceremony, 
such as the Sa»2ska,ras or sacraments at birth, etc. 

10. Daiva-.sraddha; offered for the sake of the Devas. 

11. Yatra-.sraddha ; performed by a person going on a 
journey, for his safe return. 

15^. Push^-^raddha ; performed for the sake of health and 
wealth ; also called aupaMyika. 

The four principal /Sraddhas are the Parvawa, Ekoddish^a, 
Vriddhi, and Sa>Tpmda.nsL .sraddhas. 

/Sraddhas may be performed in one's own house, or in some 
secluded and pure place. There are besides certain localities 
which are considered particularly favourable to the perform- 
ance of the ancestral rites, and these naturally vary during 
different periods of Indian history. In the Mahabharata the 
following are mentioned as particularly sacred : Kurukshetra, 
Gaya, Ganga, Sarasvati, Prabhasa, Pushkara. In the Aditya- 
pura^ea Gayakshetra is described as five krosas, Gaya<siras as 
one kro<sa, west of the great river as far as the mountain 
G/zdhre^vara, north of Brahmayilpa, as far as Dakshiwa- 
manasa (?). Other localities are mentioned also as particularly 
unfavourable for the performance of /tSraddhas, and a careful 
study of these places^ both favourable and unfavourable to 
the performance of /Sraddhas, would be very instructive as to 
the geographical horizon of successive generations. 

The number of -S'raddhas to be performed each year by those 
who can afford it varies considerably, but ninety-six seems to be 
a generally received number, Mr. Bourl'uin, in his translation O, 
of the Dharmasindhu (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of ^ 
Bombay, 1881, p. 32), enumerates them as follows: — ^Twelve 
Ama or new-moon rites ; four Yuga and fourteen Manu rites 
(i. e. on the anniversary days of the beginnings of the fourteen 
Manvantaras and the four Yugas) ; twelve Kranti, corre- 
sponding to the twelve passages of the sun into the zodiacal 
mansions ; twelve Dhr^ti, performed on the day of the month 
the sun and the moon are on the same side of either solstice, 
but of opposite direction ; twelve Pata, performed on the day 
of the month the sun and the moon are on opposite sides of 



376 ' NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

either solstice and their declination is the same ; fifteen 
Mahalaya, great funeral rites and sacrifices performed at the 
end of the Hindu lunar year in the month of Bhadrapada 
(which is the last month of the year of the era of Vikrama- 
ditya, but not of /Salivahana, showing* that Vikramaditya''s era 
was once followed by all Hindus (?), as now even those who 
follow iiSalivahana's era still perform those rites according to 
Vikramaditya's calendar in the month of Bhadrapada) ; five 
Ashifakas, performed on the eighth day of five months of the 
year ; five Anvashi^akaSj performed on the ninth day of five 
months of the year ; and five Purvedyu^, performed on the 
seventh day of five months of the year.' This is summed up in 
the following verse : 

It should be remarked^ however, as Colebrooke pointed out, 
that difierent authorities do not concur exactly in the number, 
or in the particular days, when the /S'raddhas should be 
solemnized. 



Note to page 328. I have received the following note from 
Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio with reference to the Chinese transla- 
tion of the Amara-kosha mentioned by Stanislas Julien. It 
shows how careful we ought to be in using the statements 
even of the very best Chinese scholars. 

' I venture to say a few words on this statement of M. 
Stanislas Julien. According to the Khai-yuen-lu (compiled 
A. D. 730), fasc. 7, fol. 6 a, the titles of the Chinese translation 
in question are — 

'!• ^^ ^h H ^' T^an-wai-kwo-yu, lit. '^translation- 
foreign (' outside ')-country-word." 

'3. jl -^ 1^ ^ $ ^ii-sho-lun-yin-yuen-sh', lit. 
" Kosha-.sastra-hetu-pratyaya-vastu." 

' 3. ^ ^ Tsa-sh', lit. " Sai^yukta-vastu." 

' ' The two latter titles are given in a note under the first title. 



ON 5IIADDHAS. 377 

The work is said to have been in seven fasciculi, and already- 
missing in A. D. 730, when the Khai-yuen-lu was compiled. 

^ From the second title, I can judge that the work might 
have been one which treated or explained the subject of the 
six kinds of cause (Hetu) and the four kinds of co-operating 
cause (pratyaya) — these being the subjects fully discussed 
in the second chapter of the Abhidharmakosha-sastra, by 
Vasubandhu. But there is no trace in the three different 
titles of the Amara-koshsi. 

' The name of the translator may be Kulanatha^ instead of 
Guwarata; because this name is translated ^ -^^ Tshin-i, 
lit. " intimate-relying," though it is transliterated Zii-na-lo- 
tho (Zii-lo-na-tho ?). See my Catalogue, col. 433 (Appen- 
dix 11), No. 104. 

' Kulanatha (Gu»arata) or Paramartha first worked at trans- 
lations, A.D. 548-557, under the Lian dynasty, a.d, 502-557; 
then A. D. 557-569, under the Kkan dynasty, a. d. 557-589. 
He did not, however, work during the reign of the Emperor 
Wou-ti, of the Tcheou (Z^eu) dynasty, who reigned a.d. 
561-577 (not ^66, when the name of the year was changed 
into a new one, which happened once more in 57^)- Anyhow 
it is strange that Julien mentions this Emperor, who be- 
longed only to a secondary dynasty, contemporaneous with 
the K/iau, and was one of four famous sceptical Chinese rulers 
with regard to Buddhism. 

'B. N.' 



INDEX. 



ABBA Seen river, the, p. I'j^note. 
Abhidharma-c/wana-prasth^na-sSstra, 

309- 

Abhidharmakoslia-sS,stra, 302 note, 
304^ 309^ 377- 

Abhlriki dialect, 295. 

Abraiaman, 56. 

Abu Fazl, 57. 

Active side of human nature in Eu- 
rope, 99. 

Adam and Eve, 29. 

Adhvaryava, the, 354 note. 

Adhjarkga,, 331. 

Adi Brahma Samaj, 143 note. 

Adi«1ira, court of, 329 note. 

Aditi, meaning of, 196. 

— connected with the Dawn, 197. 
Aditya, 138-195. 

Adityas, the, 185, 196, 219, 223, 322. 
Adrogha, not deceiving, 65. 
Adrogha-va^% 65. 
Aeneas, 29. 
Aerial gods, 148. 
Aeschylos, 205. 
Afghan, 37. 

Afghans or Pushtus, 170. 
Afghanistan, 139. 
Apita, 305. 

Agrita Kesakambala, 336. 
Agni, 144, 145, 148, 155, 176, 226, 
230, 245, 252. 

— presence of, 177. 
Agni = ignis, 23, 182, 
Agnihotra sacrifice, 127. 
Ahin Posh Tope, 293. 
Ahura Mazda, 224 note. 
AiKovpos, 262, 266. 
Aindra grammar, the, 351. 
Air, gods of the, 244. 

Aitareya Brahmawa, on heaven and 

earth, 156. 
Akbar, 57. 
'AK€ffivr]s = Asiknl, 165,173. 



Akhyanas, 88. 
Akshapada, 360, 
Akshayamati, 303 note, 305. 
Afcyutapreksha, 360 note. 
Alankara, 332. See Dharmaktrti. 
Albiruni, 282 note, 283, 294, 320, 

337- 
Alexander, 19. 

— Indian river names, at the time 

of, 169. 

— army of, turned back on the Vipas, 

172. 

— Indian rivers known to, 172, 173. 

— effects of his conquest of India, 

274. 
Ali Musjid Tope, 294. 
Allahabad, 77. 
All-Sacrifice, the, 67. 
Alphabet, 18, 203. 

— whence derived, 1 8. 

— Ionian and Phoenician, 203. 

— two used in Asoka's inscriptions, 

206. 
Am£i, twelve, 375. 
Amara, or Amarasimha, 327. 
Amaradeva, 327. 
Amara-kosha, the, 334, 342, 376, 

377- 

— Chinese translation of the, 328, 376 • 
Amaru, 339. 

Amitabha worship, 87. 
Amr^ta-bhuvana, the, 316, 
Amsa, 196. 
Ananta, 300. 
Anaxagoras, 157, 205. 
Anaximander, 205. 
Anaximenes, 305, 
Ancestor worship, 221. 

— Herbert Spencer on, 221. 
Ancestors, spirits, 220, 233." 
Ancient myths, 152. 

Ancient Sanskrit literature, 88, 89, 

95. 97- 
A%ana, 313, 316. 
I Angiras, 225, 372. 



380 



INDEX. 



Anhilpura dynasty, 284. 

Animal enmities, 264. 

Animism, 109, 

Annals ofthe After Han D3masty, 275. 

Annals of the Sui dynasty, 275. 

Annual Deluge, 368. 

Anrita, 64. 

Ansik or Parthia, 275. 

Antiochus the Great, 259. 

Antipodes, the, 198. 

Anumana, 346. 

Anushfubh, wife of Mitra, 145 note. 

Anuyogadvara-sastra, 362. 

— systems of philosophy in the, 362. 
Anvaharya &addha, 240, 
Anvashiakas, five, 376. 
Apastamba, 92 note, 237. 

Apes, io. 

Aphrodisius, 320 note. 

Aphrodite, 10. 

Apollo, 108, 201, 217. 

Ara, suffix, 296, 296 note. 

Arab Lunar Stations, 130. 

Arabia, 32, 33. 

Arawya-margrara, wild cat, 264. 

Aramyaka, 209. 

Aratus, 322. 

Araxes, 166, 

Archaeology in India, 8. 

Archseological Survey of India, 8. 

Ar^'ikiya, 165 note, 166, 166 note, 172 

note. 
Arklas, Lith. =oralo. Old Slav., 369. 
Arrian, pupil of Epictetus, 55. 

— Indian rivers known to, 171, 172. 
Art poetry of India, 353. 
Artabanus, 274. 

Artaxerxes Mnemon, 54. 
Artemis, 108. 
Aruwa Aupavesi, 72. 
Aryabha^a the elder, the astronomer, 
294, 318, 319. 

— born at Pa^aliputra, 319. 

— his works, 319. 

— mentions the Zodiac, 322. 
Aryabhaia the younger, 319 note. 
Aryabha^iya Stitra, 319. 

— divisions ofthe, 319. 
Aryadeva, disciple of Afcarya Nagar- 

^ 5'una, 304. 

Aryadeva, a Brahman pupil of Vasu- 

bandhu, 305. 
Aryaman, 196. 
Arya-mangu, 337. 

Arya metre, its chronological charac- 
ter, 320. 
Aryan family, 23. 

— seven branches ofthe, 23. 

— separation, 23. 

— or Indo-European, 2 7. 



Aryan man, the, 95. 

— race, ancestors of the, 117. 

— religion, 141. 
Aryans of India, 12, 15. 
Aryas<ira, 211 note, 355. 
ArySvarta, 282. 

As, the root, 26. 

— to breathe, 26. 

Asanga, 282, 302, 303, 305, 306, 309, 
312. ^ ^ 

— his Yoga^aryabhftmi-sastra, 303. 

— his pupils, 305. 

AshadAa, full moon of, 128 note, 

AshacWia Sndi. 286. 

Ashfadhatu, 344. 

Ashiakas, five, 376. 

Asikni, Akesines, 165, 165 note, 172. 

Asmi, I am, 25, 26. 

Asoka, 87, 206, 216, 297. 

— his edicts in local (Malects, 77- 

— his inscriptions, 292. 

— his date, 306. 

Assyrian treasures at Mykenae, 259. 
Astronomers, early Indian, 318. 
Astronomy, ancient, in India, 129, 

. 130. 133- 

— in China, 132. 
Asu, as, OS, 6ris, 26. 
Asuras, 219. 
Asuri, 361. 
Asvagosha, 312. 
Asvins, the, 145, 197. 
Atharva-veda, 66, 265. 
Atharvans, 225. 
Athene, 217. 

^AOkov and d6\a, 164 note. 

' A6Ko(p6pos = veLg&vo.hha,ra, 16^ note. 

Atithi, or guest, 49. 

Atman, the Self, 245-6, 251, 252. 

Atmanepada, 342. 

Atri, 372, 

Audgatra, 354 note. 

Aufrecht, Professor, 341. 

Augustus, 353. 

AulUkya or Kawada system, 362 note. 

Aupanishadas, 360, 361. 

Aupapatika-Siitra, 362 note. 

Avaiki, the shades, 151. 

Avatara of the Fish, 133. 

— Tortoise, 133. 

— Boar, 133. 

Avataras of Vishwu, three, 133, 138. 
Avyayavritti, 334 note. 
Ayin Akbari, the, 57, 
Ayodhya, 170. 
Azor, the hawk, 265. 

BABEL, tower of, 29. 
Babrius, 263. 
Babylon, 15, 18. 
Babylonian division of time, 18. 



INDEX. 



381 



Babylonian Bull, 30. 

— influences on Vedic poems, 125. 

— on Vedic astronomy, 126. 

— Zodiac, 138, 139. 
Bactria, 139, 259, 274. 
Bactrian conquests in India, 298. 
Badami, inscription of, 297. 
Badarayana's list of tlie Zodiacal signs, 

324- 

— founder of theUttara-mimamsa; 359. 

Baga, Bhaga, and Bog&, 182. 
Baladitya, 317,332. 
Balance, sign of the, 322. 

— Letronne on the, 322. 
Balasastvin, 340, 341. 
Balavaya, 266. 
Ballabhi, 77. See Valabhi. 
Ballantyne, 4. 

Bawa, 307, 308, 315, 328, 330, 331, 
331 note, 332, 334, 338, 358' 
360, 366. 

— his account of /Slladitya, 287. 

— author of the Harshafcarita, 329. 

— not Dhavaka, 329 note. 

— works quoted by, 331. 
Bappapada, see Svi Bappapada. 
Barhaspatya, 362. 

Barzdi, 93, 356. 

Bastian, on the Polynesian Myths, 

150 note. 
Bauddha system, 362, 362 note. 
Bauddhasangati or sangiti, 332. 
Baudhayana, 92 note. 

— mention of some Zodiacal signs, 

322. 
Baudhayana Slitras, 354, 354 note. 
Bazodeo = Vasudeva, 297. 
Beal's Catalogue of the Buddhist 

Tripiiaka, 342. 
Bedd Gelert, Chinese version of, the 

date of, 264. 
Bedia-ad-din, on the date of Becker- 

madul = Vikramaditya, 317. 
Bedi ezr Zenan, his account of the 

Indians, 271. 
Bedouins, 130. 
Behar, people of, 37. 
Behat, 166, 173. 
Bengal, people of, 37. 

— villages in, 47 note. 

— schools, 62 note. 
Bengalese, 37. 
Bengali, 82, 141. 

Berg and burg, traced by Grimm to 

Par^anya, 370. 
Beryl, 266. 

— mines of, 266. 

Beyond, the, 105, 201, 219, 243. 

— a, 175. 

— how named, 163. 
Bhadra, 329. 



Bhadrabahu's KalpasAtra, 336. 
Bhadrapada, the month, 376. 
Bhaga, 196. 

— Baga, Bogti, 182. 
Bhagadatta, king, 131 note. 
Bhagavadglta, the, 90, 252, 
Bhagavat, Supreme Lord, 252. 
Bhaktamarastotra, Gain commentary 

on, 330 note. 
Bhawc?i, 288. 
Bhao Daji, 306, 313 note, 336. 

— on inscription with Kalidasa's 

name, 91 note. 

— on the Samvat era, 284. 
ySaka era, 294. 

— Max Mfiller's discussion with, 301 

note. 

— on the true date of Kalidasa, 312. 

— on the identification of Matrigupta 

and Kalidasa, 313, 315 note. 
Bharata, 70, 332. 

— Mallika, 350, 
Bharavi, 91, 93, 301, 328. 
BhartnbhaWa, or BartrimewiAa, 314 

note. 
Bhartrihari, 310, 347, 348, 349, 350, 

351- 

— sentences of, 90. 

— the brother of Vikramaditya, 349, 

351. 

— various names for, 350. 
BhartrimewiAa, or BhartribhaWa, or 

Bhartrzhari, 328. 
Bhasa, a dramatist, 331. 
Bhashya, 353. 
Bhaskara AHrya, 320. 
Bhaskara-bhaifa = Vidyapati, 320 note. 
Bhaskara Misra's commentary on the 

Black Ya^rur-veda, 354 note. 
Bhaskaravarman, king of Kamarfipa, 

288. 
Bha«a, 335. 

Bha^iara-Hari^andra, 331. 
Bha^ii, same as Bhartrihari, 350. 
Bhaidkavya, 350. 
Bhattogddlkshita, 340, 341, 342. 
BhaWotpala, 320. 

BhavabhUti, 314, 328, 332, 334, 339. 
Bhavasvamin, 354, 354 note. 
Bhavaviveka, 311, 312. 
Bhavnagar, 250. 
Bhayaharastavana, 338. 
Bhils, 49. 

Bhishma, death of, 70. 
Bhogra, the older, or (Slladitya Prata- 

paslla, 289 note, 330, 334 note. 
Bhogra, king of Dhara, 284, 321 note, 

331 note. 
'Eh.oga.ra.ga,, 334 note. 
Bhoomka, 269. 
Bhn'gu-samhita, 365, 366. 



382 



INDEX. 



Bhn'gns, 176, 325. 
Bhiita dialect, 358. 
Bhtita sacrifice, 229. 
Bias, or Byah, 173. 
Bibasis, 172 note, 
Bible, 119. 

— Sanskrit words in the, 10. 

— teaches us little of the whole 

Jewish race, 119. 
Bibliographical survey of India, 83. 
Bi-metallic currency, 19. 
Biot, 130, 
Bipasis, 172 note. 
Black Yagfur-veda, 354 note. 
Boar and the Deluge, 134. 
Bodhi-tree destroyed, 287 note. 
Bodhihrz'dayotpada-sastra, 309 note. 
BodhiMttotpada, 308, 309. ^ 
Bodhirufei, 299, 308. 
Bodhisattvas, studies of the, 362, 

363 note. 
Boehtlingk, Professor, 339. 
Bogu, Bhaga, and Baga, 182. 
Bolor or Balur-tagh, 267, 267 note. 
Books read by ancient nations, 121. 
Bopp, 28. 

— his Comparative Grammar, 28. 
Botany in India, 8. 

Bradke, Manava Grihya Slitra, 366. 
Brahma sacrifice, 229. 
Brahma Samaj of India, 143 note, 249. 
Brahmagupta, the mathematician, 295, 

320, 337. 
Brahman, 66,360 note, 372. 

— a short day of, 373. 
Brahmawa, a, or twice-born man, 142. 

— period, 134, 207, 365, 
• — the, 209. 

Brahma9ias, the, 66, 90, 221, 227, 363, 

364- 
■ — on truth, 66. 

— or twice-born, high caste, 214, 236, 

372. 374- 
Brahmanism, 13. 

Brahmans,I-tsing's account of the, 212. 
Brahma Sphu^a-siddhanta, 320. 
Bj-i'haspati, 93 note, 360. 
Bnhatkatha, the, 331, 332, 350, 351, 

■., 357> 358- 
Bn'hatkatha-maw^arl, 358. 
BWhat-samhita, the, 320. 
British India, number of villages in, 

47 note. 
Buchanan, 4. 
Buddha, 77. 

— his pupils use dialects not Sanskrit, 

78. 
Buddha's birth, 306 note. 

— Nirvawa, 306 note. 
Buddha-Gaya, temple at, 327. 
Buddhaghosha, 336. 



Buddhapalita, 304. 
Buddhasar/igiti-stitra, 332 note. 
Buddhasasana, 362. 
Buddha Virap'as, 299. 
Buddhism, 13, 89. 

— chief source of our fables, 9, 355. 

— rise of, 87, 215. 

— adopted by Asoka, 87. 

— Mahayana form of, 87. 

— literature of, 89. 

— Conference on, 278. 

— in Ceylon, 278. 

— and Christianity, coincidences be- 

tween, 279. 
Buddhist collection of Crataka-Btories, 

355- 

— Birth Stories, Khys Davids', 1 1 note. 
■ — pilgrims, 55. 

— IVipiiaka, 88. 

— Chinese translation of, 338. 

— literature, 94. 

— inscriptions of Asoka, 206. 

— their language, 216. 

— prophecies, 299. 

— assembly in Vihara in Kasmlra, 

304- 

— writings in Kasmlra, 304. 

— teaching, influence of, on the Ml- 

majftsa and Nyaya, 308 note. 

— literature, revival of, 309. 
Buddhistic religion, 89. 

Biihler, Professor, on the Vikrama 
era, 285. 

— on Somadeva, 357- 

Bullion brought into India in Pliny's 
time, 8 note. 

Bundahash, 132. 

Bunyiu Nanjio, on the Chinese trans- 
lations of the Amara-kosha, 376. 

Burnell, Dr., 354, 354 note, 357. 

— on dates in Taranatha's History, 

308 note. 
Burnouf, 94, 267. 
Burrindu, 1 73 note. 
Bushmen, 123. 

C, see K. 

Cabul, 77. 

Cabul river, 166, 173. 

— tributaries of the Indus, above the, 

173 note. 

Caesar, on the Druid songs, 215. 

Csesarius first mentions the cat, 261 

Calcutta, higher natives in, 41. 

Cambog-a, inscriptions of, iSSnote. 

Canaan, 119. 

Capital sentences, number of, in Eng- 
land and Bengal, 44, 44 note. 

Cappeller, Dr., on the date of Vamana, 

339. 340- 
Carey, 4. 



INDEX. 



383 



Carian coins, 8. 

Carlyle, 1 6. 

Caste, system of, 95 note. 

— in the Laws of Manu, 95 note. 

— in the E,ig-veda, 95 note. 

Cat, not known to ancient Aryans, 24. 

— names for, '24. 

— came from Egypt to Greece and 

Italy, 24, 261. 

— domestic, 261. 

— first mentioned by Csesarius, 261. 

— no bones of, at Pompeii, 262. 

— A. S., 263 note. 

— cata, Prov., 263 note. 

— Gael., 263 note. 

— Irish, 263 note. 

— and mouse, 263. 

— when known in India, 264. 

— names for, in Sanskrit, 264. 
Cath, Welsh, 263 note. 

Cati, catti, 261. 

Cats, pictures of, at Pompeii, 262. 

Cats and dogs, 264. 

Catta in Martialis, 261 note. 

Catus, 24, 26a, 

Celts, 15. 

Chalukya inscriptions, 285. 

— dynasty, 317. Earlier form, Cha- 

lukya. 
Chang Kien, 2 74. 
Charon of Lampsakos, 204 note. 
Chat, chatte, French, 263 note. 
Chazza, O. H. G., 263 note. 
China, a modem name, 131 note. 
Chinab or Asiknl, 173. 
Chinese chronicles, 86. 

— Lunar Stations, 130. 

— three aspects of religion in, 244. 

— version of the tale of Bedd Gelert, 

264. 

— translation of the /S^ata-sastra, 

309 note. 

— embassy to SandrapMa of Kas- 

mlra, 333. 
to Lalitaditya, 333. 

— pilgrims in India, 338. 

— translation of the Amara-kosha, 

376. 
Chourasees, circles of villages, 47. 
Christian religion, true knowledge of, 

founded on a study of the Jewish 

race, 17. 

— influence in the Bhagavadgita 

Upanishads, 355. 
Chronology in India, 292. 
Circumnavigations, 203. 
Citto, Arm., 263 note. 
Civil Servants in old times, 39. 
Code of Justinian, 92. 
Coins of India, 8. 

— of Gondophares and Kanishka, 293. 



Coins of Kadphises and Huvishka, 293. 

— Roman, in India, 293. 
Colebrooke, Thomas, 4. 

— on Hindu religious ceremonies, 227. 

— on &addha, 239, 239 note. 
Colenso, 64. 

Commercial honour in India, 63. 

Comte, 123. 

Confucius, 212, ^06 note. 

■ — his studies, 212. 

Conquerors of India, 12, 38, 54. 

Controversy, 114. 

Council of Kasmlra, 296. 

Counsellors, 95 note. 

Cowell, Professor, his preface to the 

Kusuma/l^/ali, 308, 308 note. 
Cramming, effect of, 2. , 
Cratylus, 9 note, 10. 
Crawfurd, 4. 
Croesus, 19. 
Cunaxa, battle of, 54. 
Cuneiform inscriptions, 20. 
Cunningham, General, 259. 

— Ancient Geography of India, 1 74 

note. 
— ■ on the Samvat era, 284. 
Cuvier, on cat mummies, 262. 
Cylinders of Babylon, 1 1 8 note. 

Adat=Dacians, 274 note. 

Dacians, 274 note. 

Dacoits, 61. 

Dada II, date of, 285. 

Dainos, 369. 

Daisies, Gk., 292 note. 

Daityas, 372. 

Daiva-sraddha, 375, 

Daksha, 196. 

Dakshi, father of Panini, 351. 

Damodaragupta, 335, 339. 

Danavas, Danes, 274 note, 372. 

Dandin, 358. 

— author of the Kavyadarsa, 314, 

332. 

— his Dasakumara^arita, 329 note, 

332. 
Daradas, 131 note. 

Aapatpa, capital of Yueh-chi, 2'j^note. 
Darius, 19, 259. 

— Hystaspes, 1 70. 
Darsanas, the Six, 360, 363. 
Darwin, 64. 

— Origin of Species, 120. 
Dasagramis of Pawini, 276. 
Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, 67, 68. 
Dasyus or non- Aryan races, 131 note. 
Davis, 4. 

Dawn, the, 153, 177, 198. 

— as Aditi, 197. 

Dayananda's Introduction to the Eig- 
veda, 85. 



384 



INDEX. 



Dekkan, 122. 

Delhi, 170. 

Deluge, the, 133, 137. 

— in Hindu literature, 134, 139. 
Departed spirits, 219. 

Departed, regulations in honour of 

the, 227, 230. 
Deva, 309, 309 note, 312. 

— meaning of, 159. 

— deus, 218. 

— sacrifice, 229. 

Devapatnls.wives of the gods, 145 note. 
Devapi's prayer for rain, 185. 
Devarddlugara Kshamasramawa, 336. 
Devas, the, 108, 162, 199, 217-219, 

222, 251, 252, 371, 372, 375. 

— offsprings of Heaven and Earth, 

159- 

Devatas, 147. 

Developement of human character in 

India and Europe, 96 et sq., 117. 
Dhanvantari, the physician, 329, 329 

note. 
Dharasena, see (Srldharasena. 
Dharma on Samaya^arika Slitras, 12. 
Dharmakirti, pupil of Arya Asanga, 

305) 308, 308 '^o^e, 332. 
Dharmapala, 308 note, 309, 310, 310 

note, 346, 348, 349, 361. 
Dharmaraksha, 332 note. 
Dharmas, the, 9, 298. 
Dharma-sastras, or Law-books, 92 note, 

364, 365, 366. 
Dharmasastrins, 366. 
Dharmasindhu, translated by M. Boiu*- 

guin, 375. 
Dharma-sfitras, 92 note, 365. 
Dharmatrata, 304. 
Dharmayasas, 332 note. 
Dhatn, 162, 246. 
Dhatu, or Dhatupai^a, 344. 
Dhatutaraiiginl, 334 note, 339. 
Dhavaka, 329 note, 331 note. 
Dhena, wife of Brihaspati, 145 note. 
Dhnti sraddhas, twelve, 375. 
Dhruvabhafa of Valabhl, 336 note. 
Dhruvapaiu, 318 note. 
Dhruvasena of Valabhl, 318 note. 
Dhruvasena, king of Anandapura, 336, 

336 note. 
Dialects of India at the time of Asoka, 

77- 
Dialogues of Plato, J2i. 
Dignaga, pupil of Arya Asanga, 305. 

— adversary of Kalidasa, 307. 

— same as the writer on Nyaya, 307, 

308. 

— his date, 308. 

Dlksha, wife of Soma, 145 note. 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 157. 
Dionysos and Dyunisya, 183. 



Diphthera, 204. 

Directorium, 265. 

Divakarabha^ia, 322. 

Divi manes, 222. 

Dobrowsky, derivations from peru, to 

strike, 192. 
Domitian, coins of, 293. 
Donkey in the lion's skin, 9, 9 note, 

10. 

— in the tiger's skin, 10 note. 
Dravidian, 37. 
Dravidians of India, 12. 
Droghavafc, 65. 

Druh, dhruf, dhruk, 189. 

Druids, their memory, 215. 

Dubois, 42. 

Dugald Stewart, 28. 

Durlabhaka Pratapaditya, 333. 

Durlabhavadhana, 333. 

Dushyanta, king, 71. 

Dvapara-Yuga, 373. 

Dyaus, 146 note, 158, 162, 180, 188, 

194. 
Dyaus and Zeus, 182. 
DyauB, the sky, 371. 
Dyaush-pita, 371. 
Dyava-pWthivt, 195. 
Dyavapr^■thivyau, 158. 
Dyu, sky, 158'. 
Dyunisya and Dionysos, 183. 

^ABlNt, 138. 
Earth, gods of the, 145, 244. 
East, we all come from the, 31-32. 
Ecliptic, Indian, 133. 

— borrowed by the Arabs, 133. 
Education of the Human Race, 89. 

— in India, I-tsing's account of, 211, 

212. 
Egypt, 15, 18, 20, 119, 274. 

— home of the domestic cat, 261. 
Egyptian Sphinx, 30. 
Ekoddishfa-sraddha, 375. 
Elephanta, 4. 

Eleven signs only for the Zodiac, 322. 

Elliot, 4. 

EUis, 4. 

Elphinstone, Mountstuart, 59. 

— on the difiSculty of really knowing 

natives, 59. 

— on the Hindus, 61. 

English Official and Native Law 

Officer, 51-53. 
Eos, 197. 

Eos and Ushas, 182. 
Epics, the great, 354. 
Epistles of Horace; 121. 
Erinnys and Sarawyu, 183. 
Estates of villages in India, 268. 
Esthonian prayer, 193. 
Ethnology in India, 8. 



INDEX. 



385 



Eudoxus, 321. 

Euripides, on the marriage of heaven 

and earth, 157. 
Euthydemus of Bactria, 259. 
Evagrius scholasticus, 261. 
Examinations, work produced at, 3. 

FABLES, migration of, 9, 
Fa-hian, 264, 327, 338. 
Fa-hu, 332 note. 
Falrguneis in Gothic, 370, 
Fairguni, Gothic, 369. 
Falcon, 265. 

Fathers, the, hymns to, in the Rig- 
veda, 221, 223, 224, 225. 

— two classes of, 223. 

— hymn to, 225. 
Feles, 24. 

Felis domesticus, 262, 263. 
Fergunna, Erzgebirge, 370. 

— or Fergunnia=Hercynia, 370. 
■ — Grimm on, 370. 

Fergusson on the Saka, and other eras, 
282, 283, 291. 

Ferret, 262. 

Finite, the, impossible without the In- 
finite, 105. 

Fiorgyn, feminine deity, genitive Fior- 
gynior, 370. _ 

Fiorgynn, masculine deity, genitive 
Fiorgyns, 370. 

— = Paryanya, 370. 

Fire, names for, in Aryan languages, 

23, 24. _ 

• — a terrestrial deity, 1 76. 

— its value, 177. 

— why worshipped, 177, 178. 
Five nations, the, 95 note. 
Five sacrifices, 229. 

Focus, 24. 

Folk-lore, Indian, 355. 

Forchhanimer, on the treasures found 

at Mykenae, 259. 
Fravashis in Persia, 221, 224 note. 
Frederick the Great, 16. 
French, Bishop of Lahore, 280. 
Freya's cats, 263. 
Friar Jordanus, 56. 
Frigg, wile of Odin, 370. 
Full and New-moon sacrifices, 127. 
Funeral ceremonies, 233,. 234. 
Futo = Buddha, 276. 

g and k, 191 note, 

tradaraA and pa,ndsLTSih, 296 note. 

Gagati, wife of Aditya, 145 note. 

Gaimini, 359. 

Caiminlya or MimamsS, system, 362, 

362 note. 
Gaina literature, 335. 

— canon, 336. 



6raina authorities, 337. 

— system, 362, 362 note. 
<?ainas, sacred writings of, 79. 

— literature of the, 262. 

— or Bauddhas, 342. 
Gainism, 284. 

G^alandhara, Kanishka king of, 304. 
VaXrj, 262, 263. 
Galileo, 64, 114, 
Gambhirapaksha, patron of Asariga, 

282 note, 306 note. 
Camitra, Jacobi on the word, 326. 
Gafiga, Ganges, 165, 170. 
Ganges, 122, 140, 165, 168, 170, 171. 

— water, oaths on the, 51, 53. 

— and Jumna, sources of, 77. 
Garga, 297 note. 

Gargi, 297 note, 325. 
Gargi samhita, 297, 297 note. 
Garib, the Runner, 169 note. 
Garpugree, 269. 
Garutmat, 245. 
G^ataka, 12 note. 

— Singhalese translation of, 1 1 note. 

— stones, 355. 

6ratakamala, the, 211, 211 note, 346. 

Gatavedas, 65, 226. 

Gatha dialects, 88. 

Gathakosha, 331. 

Gatha-sangraha, prophecies in, 299. 

Gathas, 88. 

Gato, gata, Span., 263 note. 

Gatto, gatta, Ital., 26:? note. 

(?ats and Yueh-chi, 86. 

— Lassen on, 86 7iofe. 
GaucZapada, 360 note. 

— commentary of, 360 note, 
GaucZapada and Govinda, 354. 
Gaudhara, from godha, 296. 
Gautama, 92 note. 

— allows a lie, 70. 
Gautamiya, 362 note. 
Gayabha^a, date of, 285, 286. 
Gayaditya, 340, 341, 345, 346. 
Gayamangala, 350. 
Gayantlpura, 331 note. 
Gayapida, 334. 339, 340. 
Gayasena of Surash^ra, 310. 
Gayatrl, wife of Vasu, 145 note. 

— the, 231. 

Gayendra, 313, 316, 317. 
Gayendra-vihara, the, visited by 

Hiouen-thsang, 316. 
Geminus, 322. 
Gems, 262. 

Genesis, Maori, 154, 155. 
Geology in India, 8. 
Germany, study of Sanskrit in, 4. 
Getae, the, 86. 
"G^asha, 135. 
Gha^akarpara, 329. 



c c 



386 



INDEX. 



Gill, Eev. W., Myths and Songs of 

the South Pacific, 150, 214. 
G^ina, 346. 

— his hymns, 303. 

— Nyayadvarataraka, 307. 

— Bodhisattva, 361, 362. 
Crinendiabuddhi, 342. 
Girnar, 251 note. 
(?ish/m, 320. 
G«ana^;andra, 312, 361. 
Gobliiliya Grihya Slitras, 366. 
Gods in the Veda, number of, 145, 

— meaning of, 159. 
Gods and goddesses, 147. 
Goethe's West-bstlicher Divan, 4, 
Gokulaji, native statesman, 250. 

— his study of the Vedanta, 250 note. 
Gold treasure found in Bengal, 9. 
Goldstiicker, Prof., on the date of 

Vamana, 340. 
Gomat, 166, 173 note, 174 note. 
Gomati, 166, 173 note, 174 note. 
Gonardlya dynasty, 333. 
Gondophares, coins of, 293, 293 note. 

— St. Thomas's visit to, 293. 
Goiids, the, 49. 
GoshiM-sraddha, 374. 
Gotama, 360. 

Gothic and Anglo-Saxon, family like- 
ness between, 22. 

— how explained, 22, 
Goths or Gothi, 86. 
Govinda, 360 note. 
Govinda and GaucZapada, 354. 
Grahavarman, 288. 

— killed by the king of Malava, 288. 
Grammar, I-tsing on, 343. 
Grassman, translation of Sanskrit 

words, 1 64 note. 
Greek coins, 8. 

— our philosophy is, 20. 

— alphabet, age of, 202. 

— letters in Kanishka's inscriptions, 

292. 

— influence in India, 321. 

— Zodiac, 321. 

— astronomy in India, 326. 

— influence on the Indian Epics, 

355- 

— Zodiacal signs known to VWddha 

Manu, 366. 
Greek and Latin, study of, congenial 
to us, 3. 

— similarity between, 22. 

— how explained, 22. 

Greeks and Romans, 15, 17, 18, 
Greeks in India, 298. 
Gregorian calendar, 283 note. 
Gregory of Nazianzus, 261. 
G;'ihya, or domestic ceremony, 232. 
Gnhya Sfttra, 227. 



Grimm, identification of Par^anya 
and Perlin, 192. 

— on the Dacians, 274. 

Growth of ancient religions seldom 

known to us, 107. 
Grunau, on Old Prussian gods, 192. 
Guide-books, Greek, 204. 
Gujarat, Biihler's literary researches 

in, 358- 
Gunabhadra, 299. 
Gunadeva, 357. 
Gunkdhja,, author of the Brihatkatha, 

331. 332, 357. 358- 

— of Pratish^Aaua, 357. 
Gunamati, pupil of Vasubandhu, 305, 

305 note, 309, 310 note, 362. 

Guwaprabha of Parvata, pupil of Va- 
subandhu, 305, 309. 

Guwarata of Ugr^ayini, 328. 

Gujzdia, 167 note. 

Gupta, king of GaucZa, 288. 

— era, 294. 

— dialect, 318 note. 
Guptas, the, 297. 
Guru, 214. 

Gushan = Kouei-shuang, 2 76. 
Gymnosophists, Indian, 102. 
G^yotirvidabharawa, 281 note. 

HADES, 108. 

Haeckel, 8. 

Hala or Satavahana, 331 note. 

Half-yearly sacrifices, 127. 

Hall, Dr. F., his discovery of the Har- 

sha^•arita, 287- 
Han-ki, 276. 
Hanumat, 353 note. 
Han y6, 276. 
Haradatta, 341. 
Haridikshita, 342. 
Harihara, 350. 
Hariprabodha, the, 339. 
Haris^andrai;andrika, 80. 
Harlta, 93 note. 
Harivamsa, 332. 
Harsha of U^g'ayini or Vikramaditya, 

282, 282 note. 

— era, 282. 

Harsha, or Harshavardhana ySiladitya, 
288, 288 note, 330 note, 331. 

Harsha, king of Kasmlra, 356. 

Harsha, the later, son of Hlra, 287 
note, 330 note. 

— his writings, 33omo<e, 331 note. 
Harshaferita, by Bawa, 316 note, 329, 

334> 358, 360, 366, 
Haryaksha, 352. 
Haupt, 28. 
Hautra, the, 354 note. 
Hayagrlvavadha, the, 314 note, 328. 
Heaven and Earth, 149, 162. 



INDEX. 



387 



Heaven and Earth, Maori legend of, 

— Vedic legends of, 155, 156. 

— Greek and Roman legends of, 156, 

157. 

— epithets for, in Veda, 158. 

— Universal Father and Mother, 159. 

— were they gods ? 159, 160. 
Heber, on the Hindus, 60. 
Hebrew religion, foreign influences in, 

124. 
Hehn, on the meaning ot falpa, 261. 
Hekatseos, 204 note. 
Helaragia, 334 note. 
Helios, 197. 

— and Slirya, J 82. 
Hellanikos of Mitylene, 204 note, 
Heno theism, 147. 

Henotheistic phase of religion, 163. 
Hephsestos, 108. 

Hercules, 9 note, 153. 
Hermann, Gottfried, 28. 
Hermes and Sarameya, 183. 
Herodotus, 204. 

— on the cat, 262 note. 
Hesychios, 173. 

Hetuvidya, logical science, 346, 363. 
Hieratic texts, 20. 
Hieroglyphic texts, 20. 
Highest Heaven gods of, 194. 
Himatala, the king of, 306 note. 
Himmaleh mountains, 45, 84. 
Hinayana, 310. 
Hindhu, 170. 

Hindu character, testimony of strang- 
ers to the, 54-61. 

— Law of Inheritance, 221 note, 
Hindus, 34. 

— truthfulness of, 34. 

■ — diSerent races all classed by us as 
one, 37. 

— Professor Wilson on the, 40. 

— Mill on the, '42-43. 

— litigiousness of the, 43. 

— Sir Thomas Munro on the, 43, 

— Colonel Sleeman on their truthful- 

ness, 50. 

— deserve our interest, 1 16. 
Hindustani, 37, 76, 82. 
Hiouen-thsang, 55, 308, 310, 311, 329, 

338, 344, 348. 349- 

— travels in India, 286. 

— liisdreamaboutKing/Slladitya, 286. 

— toleration in India at the time of, 

289. 

— his mention of Vasubandhu, 302, 

302 note. 

— becomes a pupil of Vasubandhu, 

305- 

— list of his teachers, 311, 311 note. 

— returned to China, 317. 



Hiouen-thsang, his translation of the 
Vaiseshika -nikaya-dasapadartha- 
sastra, 361. 

— studied Nyaya, 361. 

— studied the Yoga sj'stem, 362. 
Hipparchus, 18, 322. 
Hiraviya, 313. 
Hiranyagarbha, 144, 162. 
Historian, work of the true, 16. 
History, study of, almost impossible, 

16. 

— object of knowing, 16, 17. 

— in its true sense, 26, 27. 

— of India, Elphinstone's, 59. 
Hitopadesa, 5, 9 note, 355, 356/ 

— fables of the, 90. 
Hiung-nu, the, 274, 275. 
Holtzmann, on the era of Vikrama- 

ditya, 283 note. 
Homer, 29, 254. 
Homeric hymns, 1 19, 1 21. 

— Heaven and Earth in the, 156, 157. 
Horace, Epistles of, 121. 
Horasastra, by Varahamihira, 320, 

326. 
Hottentot river names, 169 note, 
Houghton, 4. 
Hu-fa=Dharmapala, ^lo note. 

— his works, 310 note. 

Human mind, India all important for 
the study of the, 14-15. 

Human character, development of, in 
India and Europe, 96 et sq., 117. 

Humboldt, Alexander von, on Kali- 
dasa, 90. 

Huvishka, coins of, 293. 

— date of, 294. 

— =Ooerki, 297. 
Hwa, the Emperor, 277. 
Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, 338. 
Hyarotis of Strabo, 172. 
Hydaspes, 165, 165 note, 173. 
Hydraotes, 165 note. 

— of Arrian, 172. 
Hymn to the Fathers, 225. 
Hypanis, 172 note, 
Hypasis of Pliny, 172, 
Hyphasis, 172. 

ICHNEUMONS and serpents, 264. 

Ida., 136. 

Idrisi's geography, 56. 

Ignis, 176. 

Ignis and Agni, 182. 

Ijjar, April-May, 138. 

"Iktis, 262, 263. 

India, 32, 33, 34. 

— its natural wealth, 6. 

— study of the problems of life in, 6. 

— of the villages, 7. 

— of the towns, 7. 



C C 2 



388 



INDEX. 



India, full of problems, 7. 

— geology of, 8. 

— botany of, 8. 

— zoology of, 8. 

— ethnology of, 8. 

— archaeology of, 8. 

— coins of, 8, 

— mythology of, 9. 

— fables of, 9. 

— and Solomon, 10. 

— inhabitants of, 12. , 

— conquerors of, 12. 

— jurisprudence in, 12. 

— village life in, 13. 

— study of religion in, 13. 

— belongs to Europe, 14. 

— all important for the study of the 

human mind, 14, 15. 

— what have we derived from, 21. 

— a knowlerlge of, necessary to a 

liberal education, 29. 

— ancient literature of, 116. 

— vast extent of, 122. 

— from Sindhu, 1 70. 

— Chinese account of, in A. D. 231 

and 605, 271, 276. 

— sends tribute to China, 277. 
Indian literature, its influence on our 

inner life, 6. 

— character transcendent, 105. 

— philosophy, 244, 249. 

— patriarchs, 309 note. 
Indias, two different, 7- 
Indoi, 170. 

Indo-Scythians, invasion of the, 85. 
Indos, 170. 

Indra, 65, 95, 155, 161, 172 note, 179, 
183,189,195, 199, 252. 

— name peculiar to India, 182. 
Indus, 140, 166 note, 170, 171, 173 

note. 

— valley of the, 122. 
Infinite, the, 105, 107. 
Irgle, Scotch, 23. 

Inner life, influence of Indian litera- 
ture on our, 6. 

Inscriptions in India, 206. 

Intellectual ancestors, our, 17. 

Ionian alphabet, 203. 

lonians beginning to write, 204. 

lord, the Earth, 370. 

Iravati, Ravi, 165, 172. 

•J- valley of, 288 note. 

Isana, 329. 

Isidorus, 261. 

Iskardo, 267. 

Ismenian Apollo, temple of, 203 note. 

Isvara Krishna, 361. 

Itihasas, 88. 

I-tsing, the Chinese traveller, 210, 302, 
310, 338, 342, 349. 



I-tsing, his account of the Buddhist 
priests, 211. 

— visits Nalanda, 31 1. 

— his lists of teachers, 312, 

— and of friends, 312. 

— his travels, 343. 

— on grammar, 343. 

— date of his book, 345. 
Ivory, 10. 

Izdubar, or Nimrod, poem of, 138. 

JACOBI, Dr., on the word g^amitra, 
326. 

Jehovah, 181. 

Jewish race, study of, necessary to 
true study of the Christian re- 
ligion, 17. 

— relation of, to the rest of the an- 

cient world, 17. 
Jewish and Semitic, our religion is, 20. 
Jews, 17. 

Jilam or Behat, 173, 
Jitsu-nan, 277, 297. 
Jobares of Arrian, 171. 
Jomanes of Pliny, 171. 
Jones, Sir William, 32, 90, 267. 

— on the Laws of Manu, 91 note. 
Joshua's battle, 182. 
Judgment of Solomon, 11. 
Julian period, 283 note. 

Julieu, Stanislas, on the meaning of 

Men-tse-kia, 344. 
Jumna, 165, 168. 
Junagadh, 250. 
Jupiter, 153, 180, 195, 201. 

— Pluvius, 161. 

— Dyaus and Zeus, 182. 
Jurisprudence in India, 12. 
Justice of the Indians, 55. 
Justinian, 353. 

K, see C. 

K^bul, 274. 

Kadambarl, 329. 

Kadmos of Miletos, 204 note. 

Kadphises, coins of, 293. 

Kaegi, Professor, 182. 

Kaikeyl, 67. 

Kakoliikam, 264. 

Kakuda Katyayana, 336, 

Kalapadipika, the, 350. 

Kalhawa Pandita, 315 note, 339. 

Kalhajia's History of Kasmira, 356. 

— Ra^atarangiwl, or Chronicle of 

Cashmere, 359. 
Kalidasa, 5, 79, 331 note, 339, 353, 

355> 361- 

— plays of, 90, 91. 

— Humboldt on, 90. 

— date of, 91, 93. 

— mentioned in an inscription, 91. ■ 



INDEX. 



389 



Kalidasa, real date of, 301, 301 note, 
3o7>3i2. 

— tolerance felt in his time, 307. 

— same as Matv-j'gupta, 313. 

— synonyms of, 314. 

— a Brahman, 315 note. 

— mentions Greek astronomy, 326. 

— on eclipses of the moon, 327. 
Kalikut, prince of, 56. 
Kali-Yuga, 373. 
Kallimachos, 263. 

Kalpas. the, 373. 

KalpasMra, the, 336, 362. 

Kamal-eddin Abd-errazak Samar- 
kand!, 56. 

Kamandaka-ntti, 339. 

Kamar^pa, kings of, 288 note. 

Kamastitra of Vfitsyayana, 332. 

Kambo^as, 131 note. 

Kamya-sraddha, 374. 

Ka«abhu^, 360. 

Ka«abhMi, 350, 357, 358. 

Kawada, 360, 361. 

K&nd&]i dialect, 295. 

Kandarpa^-akravartin, 350. 

Kandl, a scold, 330. 

Ka,7idik^, 330. 

^a,ndra, 351. 

JKiandrabhaga or Asikni, 173. 

ilandragupta, 206, 216, 297. 

JKandrafearya, 353. 

iiandrapala, 311. 

^andrapl(?a, 333. 

- — Chinese embassy to, 333. 

Kanerki = Kanishka, 297. 

Kanishka, the ^aka king, 87, 292, 
296. 

— his inscriptions, 292. 

— date of, 293, 297. 

— coins of, 293. 

— coronation of, 297, 306 note. 

— birth of, 304, 306. 
Kanjur, 11. 

— story of the women and child in 

the, IT. 
Ka727i;ana, gold coloured, 131 note. 
Kant, 6. 

^an-ti = Paramar tha, 361. 
Kanyakubgra, 286. 
Kapila, 360, 361. 
Kapila system, 362, 362 note. 
Karajia, the, or Pa«i'asiddhantika, 

319' 320. 
Karika, the metrical, 361. 
Karikas, 348, 351. 
Karmahga-sraddha, 375. 
Kanzikaras, 131 note. 
K&VYSi, iifarvaka, 342. 
Kasawara, on I-tsing, 344, 349. 
KasikaVritti/i, quotes cat and mouse, 

210 note, 264. 



Kasika Vrttti/i, 338, 339, 340, 341, 
342, 346. 347- 

— Vamana and Gayaditya, the joint 

autliors of the, 341. 

— vntti-pa%ika, 341. 

Kasmlra, on the Hydaspes, 315, 330, 
3.^2, .:^33. 

— Almanack of, 283 note. 

■ — Council of Northern Buddhists at, 
296 

— Buddhist writings in, 304. 

— Vasubandhu studies at, 303, 305. 

— kings of, 313, 335. 

— Kalhana's History of, 356. 
Kasyapa, 138. 

A'a/aka, 335, 339. 

Kdte, Lith., 263 note. 

Kai/ia-Upanishad, 67. 

Ka^/jaka, 138. 

Kathaka or reader, 8r. 

Katha-sarit-sagara, 356, 358, 359. 

Kathenotheism, 147. 

KnTTa, 261. 

Katti, Finn., 263 note. 

Katto, Lapp., 263 note. 

/laturaslti, circles of villages, 47. 

Katyayana, 93 note, 266, 309, 350, 

356. 
Katze, M.H. G., 263 note. 
Jfaura, or jELaurlsurata-pa;?fcasika, 331. 
Kausika, 71. 
Kavi Bh/tgu, 372. 
Kavi inscription, 285. 
Kavila system, 362 note. 
Kaviraga, 331, 331 note, 339, 340. 
Kavyadarsa, the, 314, 357. 
Kavyakamadhenu, 34I. 
Kavyalankara-vritti, 339, 340. 
Kavyaprakasa, the, 329 note. 
Kedy, Turk., 263 note. 
Kentoku, Shindoku = India, 276. 
Kern, Dr., on the /Salivahana era, 300. 
Keshub Chunder Sen, 41, 80, 2^9. 
Khai-yuen-lu, 376, 377- 
Khakan, the, 56. 
Kk&n dynasty, 377. 
Jt/tandoviHti, 332. 
Khiang or Kanka, 275. 
Khilas, the three, 344. 
Khosru Nushirvan, 93, 356. 
AViun-tshu and Yih-king, 347. 
Kielhorn, on the Mahabhashya, 351 

note. 
Kieou-tsieu-kio, 276. 
Xinas, or Chinese, 131, 131 note. 
Kiratarf/unlya, 301. 
Kiratas, 131 note. 
JCitraklJKa, mountain of, 351, 353. 
Klaproth, on the G-omal rivei-, 1 74 note. 
Kleostratos of Tenedos, 321. 
Kodzulo Kadphises, 297. 



390 



INDEX. 



K6fu = K^bul, 276. 

Kophen, 166-173. 

Koran, oaths on the, 51, 53. 

Koppavos, Gushan, not Koipavos, 276 

note. 
Korur, battle of, 282, 282 note, 283, 

289. 
Kosha, the, 346. 
Kot, Koti, Boh., 263 note. 
Kot, Kotke, Pol., 263 note, 
Kot", koska, Russ., 263 note. 
Kottr, O. N., 263 note. 
Kozola-Kaclaphes, 297, 
Kranti, twelve, 375. 
K?"ita-Yuga, 373. 
Kritlyas, defeated by the king of 

Himatala, 306. 
KWttika, full-moon of, 128 note. 
Krumu, 166, 173 note, 174 note. 
Kshapa?iaka, 329. 

— or Bhartrthari, 329 note. 
Ksbatriya, a, 142. 
Kshatriyas, 214, 372. 
Kshemendra Vyasadasa, 358. 
Kshlra, the commentator, 334, 339. 
Ktesias, on the justice of the Indians, 

. 55- 
Ktisis, 204. 
Kubha, 166,. 1 73. 
Kuenen, Professor, on the worship of 

Yahweh, 252 note. 
Kulanatha or Gu??arata, 377. 
Kulindas, king of, 131 note. 
Jfullavagga, 78. 
KuMka, 372. 
Kumara, the title, 288, 288 note. See 

&ikumara. 
Kumara-sambhava, 326, 339. 
Kumara^riva's translations of Vasu- 

bandhu's works, 308, 309, 309 

note. 

— lives of old teachers, 312 note. 
Kumarila, 308 note. 

Kunene, 169 note. 
Kilrma, 138. 

— or Tortoise, 368, 
I&Lrnikrit, 347. 
Kurum, 166, 173 note. 
Kuvalayaplc?a, 334. 
Kwan, the Emperor, 277. 

LADAK, the, 173 note. 
Lakshmama, brother of Rama, 68, 334. 
Lalitaditya, 315 note, 333, 334. 
Lalita-vistara, 362. 

— Ku Fa-hu's translation, 363 note. 

— Divakara's ti-anslation, 363 note. 
Lambas, or Lambakas, 358. 
Lam-shi-Jfeng, 275 note. 
Language, a Museum of Antiquities, 

30- 



Lanka vatara, 355, 360. 
Lanka vatara-sCitra, prophecies in the, 
298, 298 note. 

— translations of the, 299. 
Lares familiares, 222. 
Lassen, 130, 131 note. 

— his derivation of the Zodiacal signs 

from Babylon, 324. 
Law of Nature, 243. 
Law-books, metrical, 88, 227. 
Laws of Manu, 12,91, 92, 142. 

— date of, 12, 91. 

— Sir W. Jones on, 91 note. 

— system of caste in the, 95 note. 
Legends of India and the Jews, coin- 
cidences between, lo, 11. 

Leibniz, 28. 

Letronne on the sign of the Balance, 

322. 
Lettic, 190. 
Leyden, 5. 
Lian dynasty, 377. 
Liberal, the, 80. 
Life, a journey, 99. 
Lightning, son of Par^anya, 1 86 note. 
Li-men-lun = Nyayadvara-taraka- sas- 

tra, 346. 
Literatuie, Sanskrit, 76, 77> ^3? ^4» 

88, 89. 

— of Greece, 89. 

— of Rome, 89. 

— of Germany, 89. 

— of Buddhism, 89. 
Little Thibet, 275. 
Lituania, 190. 
Lituanian, 190, 192. 

— Purfj'anya in, 191, 

— prayer, 192. 
Lizards and snakes, 262, 
Logographi, 204. 
Loka-kaia, 294. 
Lokayata, 362. 

— Sect, 310. 

— School, 342. 
Lokottaralalita, the, 340. 
Lost Tribes, the, 139. 
Lubbock, 109. 

Ludlow, on village schools in India, 

62 note. 
Ludwig, translation of Sanskrit words, 

164 7iote, 166 note, 167 note. 
Lunar Zodiac, 126, 129. 

— Stations, 126. 

— Vedic, 129. 

— Arabic, 130. 

— Cliinese, 130. 

MACAULAY'S History, 120. 
Macedonian coins, 8. 
Mackenzie, 5. 
Madhava, 34X, 354 note, 362. 



INDEX. 



391 



Madhavagupta, 288. 
Msldhavarya, 354mo<e, 
Madhuparka sacrifice, 365. 
Madhuvj'tdh, 167 note, 
Madhva, 360 note. 
Madhyadesa, 298. 
Madras schools, 62 Twie. 
Magadha, 287. 
Magadhl, 78. 
Magha, 339. 

Mahabharata, 59, 70, 71, 88, 90, 142, 
354, 354 note, 355, 375. 

— still recited in India, 81. 

— publicly read, 273. 

— allusions to Manu in the, 365. 
Mahabhashya, the, 264, 334, 347, 348, 

349-351, 352, ZZmote. 
Mahadeva, 350. 

Mahakavis and Mahakavyas, 353. 
Mahalaya, fifteen, 376. 
Maharaja = Kumara ragra, 2 8 7. 
Maharyasiddhanta, 319 note. 
Mahayaf/;1as, the five, 127, 228. 
Mahayana, the, 303. 

— form of Buddhism, 87. 

— doctrine, 305, 310. 
Mahayana-bodhi-sattva-vid^a-sangiti- 

sastra, 332 note. 
Mahayuga, 373. 
Mahesvara, 211, 243, 287 note. 
Mahmud of Gazni, 54, 294. 
Maine, Sir Henry, 48. 
Maitrayani Upanishad, 322. 
Maitreya, 305, 309, 309 note. 

— Bodhisattva, 362. 
Malavika, 339. 

Malcolm, Sir John, on the Hindus, 61. 
Mallanaga Vatsyayana, 332. 
Mallinatha, 306, 307, 307 note. 
Malyavat, 357. 
Man, of Bagdad, 125 note. 
Mana, a golden, 125, 126. 
Manah, 125. 

Manatunga Sliri, the {?aina, 307, 330, 
337. 

— = Matanga, 330 note. 

— converts Vikramaditya, 338. 
Manava-dharma *Sastra, 91, 92, 354 

note, 365. 
Manava-dharma Stitras, 366. 
Manavam, 91. 
JManavas, Laws of the, 74. 
Ma?i(i, ina.nd&, 345. 
MawcZa or mawrfaka, 34S. 
MawcZtika, 345. 
Mawc^iikeyas, grammatical works of 

the, 345. 
Manes, 220, 221. 
Mangaia, 150. 

Manikyala, Roman coins at, 293. 
Ma^^ia, 344, 345. 



Mankha, 328. 

Manning, Judge, 154. 

Manorama, 341. 

Manoratha (Mano'rhita), the Bud- 
dhist, 289, 302, 335, 339. 

Mano'rhita (Manoratha), 289 note, 
302 note. 

Mantra period, 207. 

Manu, 5, 222, 265, 364, 371, 372. 

— Laws of, 12, 47, 91, 92 note. ^^JfL 

— date of, 12, 91. /y 

— metrical code of, 92 note. 

— Samhita, 92 note. 

— Law-book, 92 note. 

— and the Fish, 134-6. 

— on the cat, 264. 

— on Truth, 273. 

— Svayambhuva, 364! 

— Dharmasastra, 366. 

— sa?)2hita, 366. 

— period, 373. 

— Hairawyagarbha, 372, 

— rites, fourteen, 375. 
Manus, seven, 372, 373. 
Manushya sacrifice, 229. 
Manushyas, mortals, 371. 
Manvantaras, fourteen, 375. 
Manzil, Arab Lunar Stations, 130. 
Maori Genesis, 154, 155. 
Marathon, 19. 

Marco Polo, 4, 56. 
Margiara, cat, 24, 264, 

mtishakam, 264. 

Marlyti. 372. 
Mars, 153. 

— and the Maruts, 182. 
Marsden, 5. 
MartancZa, 300. 
Marten, 262. 

Marudvmlha, 165, 165 note. 
Maruts, Storm-gods, 95, 145, 180, 181, 

185, 189. 

— and Mars, 182. 
Maskai'in Gosaliputra, 336. 
Matarisvan, 144, 176, 245. 
Mathura, 298. 

Matri, the name, 314 note. 
Mat9'%upta, the poet, 313, 314, 314 
note. 

— king of Kasmira, 289, 313, 31,5 

note. 

— same as Ealidasa, 313. 

— =Kaligupta, 314. 

— friend to the Buddhists and Crains, 

315 note, 328. 
Matn/ieta, 302. 

— the poet, 210. 

— becomes a Buddhist, 302. 

— his hymns, 302. 

Ma Tuanlin, Chinese historian, 287. 
Maui, son of Ru, 151, 153. 



39'2 



INDEX. 



MSui, legend of, 151, 152. 
■ — Potiki, 155. 
Maya?iarya, 354 note. 
Maylira, 307, 338. 
Mayftiaka, 329, 330. 

— son-in-law of Bawa, 329. 

— wrote the Maylirasataka, 330. 
Meditative side of human nature in 

India, loi. 
Meer Sulamut AH, 57. 
Megasthenes, 55, 166 note, 206, 207. 

— on Indian village life, 48. 

— Bejah known to, 172. 
Meghadtita, 339. 
Mehatnu, 166. 
Melanippe, 157. 
Men-tse-kia, or Mandaka,, 344. 
* Mere names,' 201. 
Merutunga's ShacZdarsanavi/cara, 362 

note. 

— systems of philosophy in, 362 note. 
Mesopotamia, 20, 119. 
Metamorphic changes in religions, 

107. 
Metaphor, 109. 
Metrical Law-books, 363. 
Mill, 262. 

— History of British India, 42. 

— view of Indian character, 43. 
Mina, 125, 

— its weight, 125 note. 
Minerva, 201. 
Mithradates II, 274. 

Mitra, 136, 162, 185, 196, 245. 
Mitrasena, teacher of Hiouen-thsang, 

309- 
MleiMas, 281. 

Modern Sanskrit literature, 88. 
Mohammed, 130. 
Mohammedan coins. 8. 

— conquerors of India, 54, 56. 

— sects, number of, 5 7. 

— rule, 72. 

— conquests, 353. 
Monasteries in India, 346. 

Moon, the, determines the Vedic 

seasons, 127, 128. 
Moral Law, 243. 

Morality, we are Saxon in our, 20. 
Mordvinians, the, 192. 
Mount Everest, 84. 
M-rig, mmh, 189. 
M.riklch&ksitika, 295, 339. 
Mris, 189. 

Mrishta, participle otmi'ig, 189. 
MSS. of Kig-veda, 202. 
Muhftrtagawapati, 300. 
Muh(irtamarta?icZa, 300. 
Muir, 5. 
■ — translation of Sanskrit words, 166 

note, 167 note. 



Muktapi'7a or Lalitaditya, 333. 

Multan, battle of, 282 note. 

Mummies of cats, 262. 

M.VLncla, inhabitants of India, 12. 

Muflgsi, the, 331 note. 

Munis, or Eishis, 372. 

Munro, Sir T., on the Hindus, 41, 62. 

Mfis, O.H. G., 24. 

Mus et mustela, 263. 

Mush, mus, 24. 

Mussulman conquest of India, 54. 

Mustela furo, ferret, 262. 

— foina, or stone marten, 262. 

— putorius, polecat, 262. 

— different sorts of, 263 note. 
Mu stelae, 261. 

Mustella, 24. 

Mutopi, or MuktaplcZa, 333. 

Mykenae, 259, 260. 

— Persian character of treasures 

found at, 259. 
Myse, Slav., 24. 

NABHANEDISHTfl^A, sonof Manu, 

364- 
Nagabodhi, 304. 
Nagananda, 329, 331 note. 
Nagaragra, 338. 

Nagargruna, the A^-arya, 304, 312, 361, 
Nagesa, 340, 342. 
Naimittika-sraddha, 374. 
Naiyayika, 362. 
Nakshatras, the, 27, 126, 128. 
Nakshatravidya, 332. 
Nakta and Nyx, 182. 
Nakula-sarpaA, 264. 
Nala, 90, 94. 
Nalanda, monastery of, 286, 305, 346, 

348. 

— Hiouen-thsang at, 310. 
Namamala, 339. 
Nandideva, 357. 
JiSTandistitra, 362 note. 
Nan-hae-ki-kwei-chouen, by I-tsing, 

342. 
Narada, 93 note. 
Naraya?ia, 300, 329. 

— author of the Vewisamhara, 329 

note. 
Narendra, 288 note. 
Narendraditya, 318. 
Native scholars, 63. 

— traditions on the literary histoi-y 

of India, 352 note. 
Nearchus, 207. 

— on Indian writing, 207. 
Nerbudda villages, 270. 
Nerbuddah river, 45. 
Nestor, 369. 

New and Full-Moon sacrifices, 231. 
New Testament, Revised Edition, 1 20. 



INDEX. 



393 



Newspapers, Sanskrit, 79> 8o> 

— in vernaculars, So. 
Ni, the verb, 342. 

Ni/iula. friend of Kalidasa, 307. 
Nine gems, or nine classics, 93, 2S1, 

281 note, 320, 327, 328. 
Nineveh, iS. 
Nirnaya-sindhu, 374. 
Nirukta or Nigha?ziu = Men-tse-kia, 

. 344' 364, 365- 
Nitipradlpa, 328. 
Nitya-sraddha, 374. 
Nortli-West provinces, villages in, 

47 note. 
Northern conquerors of India, 86, 87. 

— Aryans, 96, 100, 102. 

— mountains, 135. 

— invasion of India, 291. 

— Buddhists, Council of, at Kasmtra, 

296. 

— Buddhist era, 306 note. 
Numerals, Pronouns, and Verbs in 

Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 29. 
Nyasa, the, 342. 
Nyasakara = Ginendra, 341. 
Nyaya, 360, 361. 

— studied by Hiouen-thsang, 361. 

— works on, by Buddhists, 361. 
Nyaya-dvara-taraka-sastra, 308 note, 

361. 
Nyayanusara-sastra, 361. 
Nyayasthiti, 332. 
Nyaya-varttika, the, 300. 
Nyx and Nakta, 182. 

ODINN, 146 note, 370. 

Okavango, 169 note. 

Old Testament, 17. 

Oldenberg, Professor, on Sak^a, era, 296, 

297. 
Ooemo-Kadphises, 297. 
Ooerki = Huvishka, 297. 
Ophir, 10. 

Orange river, 169 note. 
Orissa, 77. 
Orme, 42. 

Orpheus and ^t'bhu, 183. 
Os, oris, 26. 
Oude, 170. 
Ouranos, 195. 
Osus, 259. 

— treasures found on the, 259, 260. 

— or Kwai-shui, 275. 

PADALIPTA, 337. 
Padaliptal'arya, 337. 
Padama%arl, 341. 

Pahlavi, translation of the V&iiha,- 
tantra, 93. 

Buddhist stories, 356. 

Pai-lun, S'ata-sastra, 309, 309 note. 



PaisaM dialect, 357, 358. 

Paka-sacrifice, 1 36. 

Paktys, 170. 

Palestine, 15, 17. 

Pali dialect, -88. 

Palimbothra, 170. 

Palladius on the cat, 261. 

Palor, Balors, Ealornts, Iskardo, 267 

note. 
Pan and Pavana, 183. 
Pantiavas, 131 note. ' 

Pandit, newspaper, 79. 
Pandits, 40. 

— Professor Wilson on the, 41. 
Pa^^ini, 211, 295, 350, 351, 356. 

— on animal enmities, 264. 

— his derivation of vairffirya, 266. 
Pacini's grammar, 33S, 339, 342, 343. 

— its divisions, 351. 
PawA'ala country, the, 298. 
Pa;zAasikha = Kapilej^a, 361. 
Pa/?7i;atantra, 93, 355, 356. 

— mention of the cat in the, 264, 

265. _ 

Pankti, wife of Vish?iu, 145 note. 

Papa, Earth, 154. 

Papiias, 123. 

Papyri, 118 note. 

Papyros, the, 205. 

Paradise, 29. 

Paramahajusa SaZ;K:idananda, the an- 
chorite, 251 note. 

Paramartha, life of Vasubandhu, 312 
note, 377- 

Parasara, 360 note. 

V&vg, par^anya, 189. 

Par^anya, 181, 183, 189, 194, 199, 
368, 369. 

— asura, 184. 

— hymn to, 186, 187. 

— who is, 188. 

— its derivations, 1S9, 190. 

— found in Lettic, 190, 191. 

— and Perfin, 192. 

— identified by Grimm, 192. 

— Perkuna, Perun, 193. 
Pars, parsh, 189. 
Parsu, prisni, 189. 
Parsva, 304. 
Parsvika, 306 note. 
Parthia, 139, 274, 275. 
Parthian coins, 8. 
Parush?!i, 172. 

— Iravati, 165. 

Parvama Sraddha, 240, 374, 375. 
Parvata, 353. 
Parvatl, 3i5«ofe, 357. 
Pata, twelve, 375. 
Patalibothra, 206. 
Pa^aliputra, 170. 

— =Patna, 55. 



394 



INDEX. 



Pa^aliputra, kings of, 298, 
Vatatigali, author of the Mahabha- 
shya, 264, 267, 296, 360. 

— Mahabhashya, 339, 347, 351, 352. 

— called Ktinikrit, 347. 
T&than inscriptions, 285. 
Pathya, wife of Pdshan, 145 note. 
Patna, 77, 170. 

PatoUo, 192. 

Patrimpo, 192. 

Paiiavalis, the, 337. 

Paulus Alexandrinus, 320 note, 

Paulus al Yunani, 320 noie. 

Paurawikas, 366. 

Peacocks, 10. 

Peisistratos. 205. 

Peraun, Bohemian, 192, 194. 

Percuna, prayer to, 192. 

Percunos, thunder, Old Prussian, 191. 

Periegesis, 204. 

Perikles, 205. 

Periodos, 204. 

Periplus, 203, 204. 

Perjury, common in India, 48 note. 

Perkons, thunder, Lettish, 191. 

Perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, 191 note. 

Perkuna, 193, 369. 

— transition of, into Perunii, 369. 
Perkunas, Lituanian god of thunder, 

191. 

— and parg-anya, 19 1 note. 
Perkuno, 192. 

— gaisis, storm, 191 note. 
Persia, 18, 20, 32, 33, 139. 
Persian coins, 8. 

— treasures found on the Oxus, 259. 

— found at Mykenae, 259, 
Persians, 18. 

— what we owe the, 19. 
Personification, 109. 
Perun, 194, 369. 
Perlin, Old Slavonic, 192. 
Perunu, 369. 

Pesas, iroiKiXos, 189. 

Petersburg dictionary, 164 note. 

Phalguna, full-moon of, 1 2 7 note. 

Pherekydes of Leros, 204 note, 205. 

Philosophical works, early Greek, 205. 

Philosophy, we are Greek in our, 20. 

Phlegyas, 176. 

Phoenicia, 18, 20. 

Phoenician letters, 203, 203 note. 

Phoenicians, 18. 

Picker, Picken, Esthonian god, 193. 

Pida = Bha</i, 349. 

Pina, or Pida, or Vina, 349. 

PimcZa-pitr/yagi7la, 228. 

Vmg, pish, pis, 189. 

Piorun, Polish, 192, 194. 

Pipal tree, 50. 

PisaA'a dialect, 35S. 



Pitkne, Pitcainen, I93 note. 

Pitn-sacrifice, 229. 

Pitn's, fathers, 220, 222, 237, 371, 

372, 373. 374- 

— the deities, 365. 

— • of the Brahma/ias, 372. 
Pitn'ya^/lasacrifice, 225, 228, 229, 
230, 231. 

— two, 231. 
Plato, 6, 254. 

— Dialogues of, 121. 

Pliny, on bullion in India, 8 note. 

— Indian rivers known to, 171, 172. 
Poetry, 109. 

Poland and Lituania, 191. 
Polecat, 262. 

Political communities, 12, 13. 
Politics, we are Roman in our, 20. 
Polykrates of Samos, 205. 
Polytheism, its meaning, 145. 
Pompeii, no bones of cats at, 262. 

— pictures of cats at, 262. 
Poseidon, 108. 

Pota and Kipin, 276. 
Pr, the root, ferire, 369. 
Prabandhakosha, 329 note. 
Prabhakara, or Prabhakaravardhana, 
287. 

— a worshipper of the sun, 288. 

— his date, 289. 
Prabhamitra, 312. 
Pra(/apati, 137, 246, 258. 
Pra^rapatis, the, 372, 373. 
Prakrit, used in plays, 79. 

— dialects, five, 295 note. 
Prak?'ita-sarvasva, 295 note. 
Prama9ia = logic, 305, 308. 
Pramantha, wood rubbed for fire, 176. 

— and Prometheus, 183. 
Pratapa-rudra, the, 314. 
Pratapasila and Yasovati, parents of 

6^iladitya, 288. 
Pratikas, 251. 
Pratisakhyas, 213. 
Prabna-Kamra-nandini, 79, 
Pravarasena, kinoj of Kasmira, 313, 

314, 315, 316, 332. 
Prayer to Picker, 193. 
Preta, gone away, 220. 
Priniicive state of man, 113, 123. 

— Vedic poets not, 123. 

— Vedic poets are, 124. 
Prince Consort, Life of, 1 20. 
Prinsep, 5. 

Prishata, pnshatl, 1S9. 
PHthivi, 137, 18S, 370. 

— wife of Agni, 145 note. 

— the broad earth, 158. 
Prithivyapic^a, 334. 

Pri'thvldaka, quotation from Arya- 
bhaia, 319. 



INDEX. 



395 



Prometheus, 176. 

— and pramantha, 183. 
npo£(cu), irepKvSs, 1 89. 
Proto-Aryan language, 25. 
Prussian, Old, 190. 

— gods, 192. 
Ptolemy, 18. 

— Indian rivers known to, 171, 172. 
Pulakesin of Kalya?!a, 287. 
Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, 287 note, 

288 note. 
Pulastya, 372. 
Pumice-stone, 152, 154. 
PuTzdarikaksha, 350. 
Punjab, 122, 164. 
Purawa, 88. 

— Kasyapa, 336. 

Puranas, 88, 142, 221, 298, 332, 366, 

373- 

— the deluge in the, 133. 
Purushapura, monastery of, 302 note. 
Purushottama, 340. 
Pljlrva-mimajwsa, 360. 
PlJirvapaksha, 115. 

Pllirvedyu/i, 376. 
Plishan, 162, 185, 197. 
Pushkaletra, battle of, 339. 
PushpabhiUi, 288. 

— a worshipper of *Siva, 288, 
Pushpadanta, 357, 358.. 
Pushd-sraddha, 375. 
Pushtus, 170. 

RAGA Kamadeva, patron of Kavi- 

rar/a, 331 note. 
Ragrasekhara, 328, 329, ^^inote. 

— author of Prabandhakosha, 329 

note. 
Ear/atarangi?il, the, 313, 315 note, 316, 

328, 333> 334' 339' 358- 
Kaghava Bha^a, commentary on ^a- 

kuntala, 314 note. 
EaghavapancZavlya, 340, 
Eaghu, 68. 

Eaghuvamsa, 326, 339. 
Eajryavardhana, 287, 288. 

— date of, 289. 

E,a(/yasri, wife of Grahavarman, 288, 

334- 
Rahulabhadra, 304. 
Kajendralal Mitra, on Sacrifices, 231. 
Eama, 67, 68, 69. 

— and the Brahman, 68, 69. 

Eama Bava, the Vedanti anchorite, 

251 note. 
Kamanuf/a, 360 note. 
Eamasrama, 314, 316, 317. 
Eamayana, 67, 88, 90, 332, 354, 354 

note, 355. 

— plot of the, 67. 

— still recited in India, 81. 



Eamaya?2a, Zodiacal signs in the, 322 

7iote. 
Earn Comul Sen, 4I. 
Eamha, 166. 

Earn Mohun Eoy, 143 note, 249. 
Eajzaditya, 318. 
Eangi, Heaven, 154. 
Eangimotia in Mangaia, 151. 
Easa, 166, 173 note. 
Eatnadharmaragra's Life of Bhagavat 

Buddha, 304. 
Eatnavali, 329. 

Eava?2a,copyofPa?uni'sGrammar,35r. 
Eawi, 172. 

Eeaders,notmanyinancienttimes,i20. 
Eeal and Eight, 65 note. 
Eecitation of the old Epics in India, 

81, 102, 273. 
Eeformers, religious, 336. 
Eeligion in India, 13. 

— we are Jewish and Semitic in our, 

20. 

— and a religion, 106. 

— the life of the ancient Indians, 108. 

— of Eome, various ingredients in 

the, 1 24. 
E^musat on the Goths and Yueh-chi, 

86. 
Eenaissance, literary, in India, 85, 90, 

93- 

— age of, 93. 

— Sanskrit, 355. 
Eennell, 5. 

Eevised New Testament, 1 20. 
Ehys-Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories, 

11 note. 
Eihhu and Orpheus, 183. 
iZtbhus, the, 181. 
Eig-veda, 80, 85, 95. 

— editions now publishing, 80. 

— known by heart, 8 1 . 

— Day ananda's Introduction to the, 85. 

— publication of the, 143 note. 

— length of, 208. 

— handed down by memory, 208. 

— Max Miiller's edition of, 280, 341. 
Eimmon, 139. 

Eingold, first Duke of Lituania, 190. 

Rishi, 148, 

iiishis, the Vedic, 224. 

— the seven, 372, 373. 
RitPi, 64, 66, 243. 
Ritv-ig, a priest, 127. 

Eiver systems of Upper India, 168. 
Eivers, as deities, 163. 

— hymn to, 164. 

— in India, their names, 169. 
Eobertson's Historical Disquisitions 

concerning India, 43. 
Eomaka-siddhanta, 288 note, 320 note, 
337- 



396 



INDEX. 



Eomaka-visliaya, 320 note. 
Roman coins in India, 8. 

— at Manikyala, 293. 

— at the Ahin Posh Tope, 293. 
Roman, our politics are, 20. 
Roumanian, no traces of catus in, 262. 
Ru, legend of, 151. 

— bones of, 152, 154. 

Riickert's Weisheit des Brahmanen, 4. 
Rudra, the Howler, 181. 
Rudras, the, 223. 
Runes, 203. 

S, pronounced as Ji in Iranic lan- 
guages, 170. 
jS'abdakaustubha, the, 341. 
;S'abdanusasana, 334 note. 
iS'abdavidya, 343. 

<S'abdavidya-samyukta-sastra, 348. 
Sabina, wife of Hadrian, coins of, 293. 
Sacred Books of the East, 280. 
Sacrifices to the Departed, 227. 

— various sorts of, 228. 
Sadharano Brahma Samaj, 143 note. 
Sadhyas, 372. 

Sahasanka, not the same as /Sasanka, 

287 note. 
Sahitya-darpana, 295. 
Saint Thomas visits Gondaphares, 

293- 
/Saka, the prince, 282 note. 
Saka, Era, 91, 282 note, 291, 294, 296, 

297. 

— legends, 87. 

— bliUpa-kala, 294. 
(Saka-Kala, 282. 

Sakakorranos, a coin of Heraos, 276 

note. 
Sakamedha^, 128. 
>S'akan?'»palat, not /Sakanripantat, 295 

note. 
/Sakannpante, 295. 
(Sakaparthiva, 296 note. 
/Sakara = barbarians, 295. 

— =Sa,-ssijev, 295. 

— sakarl, 295. 

— its derivation, 295. 

— from /Saka, 296. 
Sakara., or 5'akari era, 296. 
iSakari, the, 295. 

iSakarl dialect, 295, 296. 
/Sakas, invasion of the, 85. 

— defeated by Vikramaditya, 90, 

281. 
/Sakendra-Kala, 294. 
Saketa, old name of Oude, 170, 298. 
jS'akkl dialect, 295. 
/S'akti, 360 note. 
iS'aktivarman, minister of Lalitaditya, 

333- 
/Sakuntala, 5, 71, 90, 94, 339. 



/Sakuntala, commentary on, by Rag- 

hava Bhaia, 314 note. 
/Sakyadeva's hymns, 303. 
(S'akyamitra = Si;;ihala, 304. 
(Sakyamuni, 336. 
/S'akyas, 282 note. 
/SalislJika, king, 298. 
/Salivahana or Satavahana, author of 

the Gathakosha, 331. 

— or Hala, 331 note. 
/Salivahana era, 300, 376. 
Samang idh plate, 285. 
SamayaA-arika Sutras, 227. 
Samhita of the Rig-veda, 144. 
Saj/thitas, 92 note. 

Samskaras, or sacraments at birth, 

375- 
Samvat ei'a, 90, 281, 284, 337. 
Sajjivatsara, 65 note, 292 note, 293. 
Sandal-wood, 10. 

2ai'5a/>o0a7oy = ^andrabhaga, 173. 
Sandhimat, 335, 339. 
Sandrocottus, 55. 
Sa;1^ayin Vaira^/iputra, 336. 
Sanghabadra, teacher of Vasubandhu, 

303. 304- 305^ 309, 312. 

— his Nyayanusarasastra, 307. 
Sanghabhadra, 361. 
Saiigraha, 351, 352, 353 note. 
Sangramaplda, 334, 

Sankara, Akarya, the commentator, 
354> 360, 360 note. 

— his descent from /S'iva, 360 note. 

— his date, 360. 
iSankhadatta, 335, 339. 
>Sankliayana G?-ihya SUtras, 365. 
Sankhya philosophy, 84, 310, 360, 

361, 362, 362 note. 

— sfttras, 361. 
Sankhya-karikS,, 354. 
Sarikhya-karikS., Chinese translation 

of the, 360. 

— composed by J?«slii Kapila, 360. 
/Sanku, 329. 

— not >Sanku, son of Maylira, 329 note. 
Sanskrit, 15, 21, 22, 27, 28, 31, 116. 

— study of, not appreciated in Eng- 

land, 4. 

— study of, in Germany, 4. 

— use of studying, 5, 254. 

— words in the Bible, 10. 

— its claim on our attention, 22, 30, 

— its antiquity, 22. 

— its literature a forgery, 28. 

— literature, 76, 77, 83, 84, 88. 

— a dead language, 77, 78. 

— yet universal in India, 79, 216. 

— newspapers, 79. 

— scholars from east and west con- 

versing in, 80. 

— texts, number of, 82, 83, 84. 



INDEX. 



397 



Sanskrit, all living Indian languages 
draw their life from, 82. 

— grammar, importance of, 82. 

— attracted tlie notice of Goethe and 

Herder, 90. 

— first known by works of the second 

period, 90. 

— of the Vedas, 216. 

— importance of, 254. 

— names for village officials, 269 note. 

— corruptions of the Greek signs of 

the Zodiac, 326. 

— MSS., 83, 213. 

taken to China, 213, 

not used by students in India, 

213. 
iSantanu, 185. 
Santlials, 49. 
San-thsang-fa- sse = TripiiakaMrya, 

name for Hioueu-thsang, 305 note. 
S'S.ntideva, 304. 
SapincZana-sr^ddha, 374, 375. 
Sapinc?ikar;i?2a, 238. 
Saptadasa or Yogl,Z;S,rya - bhiimi - sas- 

tra, 362. 
Sapta iZishayaft, 372. 
Sapta SindhavaA, 122, 171. 
Sarab3,ra, sarawil, 259. 
/Sarada alphabet, 329 note. 
Sarameya and Hermes, 182. 
Sarameyam^rf/ar^/t, 264. 
Saranyu and Eiinnys, 183. 
Saras vati, SursMi, 165, 331 note. 
iSarva, 358. 

Sarva-darsana-sangraha, 361. 
ySasanka, enemy of the Buddhists, 287. 
5'4stras, 228. 
Sat, satya, truth, 64. 
ySatakas, three, on Kama, Nlti, andVai- 

ragya, 348, 349. 
/Satapatha Brahmama, 72, 134, I37. 
(Sata-s^stra, PM-lun, 309, 309 note. 

— ascribed to Deva, 309. 
Sitavahana, 357, 358. 
Sa,tTunga,ja, Mi-hatmya, 282 note. 
Satya, 64. 

— Vedic gods are, 64. 

— or Biia,, 65 note. 

— astronomer, knows the Zodiac, 323, 

324- 
Satyam, a neuter, 65. 
SatyavMin, 71. 

Saumilla, a dramatist, 331 note. 
Saurishira, 250. 
Savage nations, study of the life of, 109. 

— we only know their modem his- 

tory, no. 

— age of, 1 10. 

— laws of marriage among, no. 
S'S.varl dialect, 295 note. 
Savitiz, 162, 197. 



Saxon, our morality is, 20. 
Saxons, 15, 17. 
Sayana, 167 note, 3^4 note. ■ 
Sayawa's DhatuvHtti, 341. 
Schiefner's abstract of Ratnadhar- 

maragia's work, 304. 
Schliemann's discoveries, 260. 
Schools in Bengal and Madras, 62 note. 
Schopenhauer on the Upanishads, 253. 
Science of Language, 12. 

— to be studied in India, 12. 
Scythian coins, 8. 
Scythians, invasion of the, 85. 
Season sacrifices, 127. 
Seleucus, 55, 206. 

Self, 74, 104. 

— the highest, 74, 253. 

— objective and subjective, 252. 
Semitic stock, the, 17. 

Sena ; see Siddhasena, and S'rishewa. 
Sena, wife of Indra, 145 note. 
Sens, prsesens, 64. 
Setubandhu of Kalidasa, 332. 
Setu-kavya, a Prakrit poem, 314, 315, 

315 note. 
Seven Rivers, the, 122, 171. 

— land of the, 95 note. 

Sh, transition of, into g, 189, 189 note. 
Shabaiu, 139. 
Shaddarsana-samu^-^'aya, 362. 

— systems of philosophy in the, 362. 
ShacZ-darshana-Chintanika, 80. 
Shahjahanabad, 170. 

Shankar Pandurang Pandit, 307 note, 

327- 
Shashd-tantra or Kapiliya-sastra, 362. 
Shauyook, the, 173 note. 
Shekel and Stater, 19. 
Shem, Ham, and Japhet, 29. 
Shen-tuh, India, 275. 
Shi-hoang-ti, 131 note. 
Siddhanta, 115. 

— elementary, 343. 

— kaumudl, 340, 350. 
Siddhantasiromawi, 320. 
Siddhasena Di vakara, 3 36, 3 3 7, 3 3 7note. 

— or KumudaA.andra, 337. 

— converts Vikramaditya, 337. 

— and iSrlsheiJa, 337. 

— Stiri, 336, 336 7iote. 
Sidh, to keep off, 1 70. 
Sieu, Lunar Stations, 130. 
/S'lghrabuddha, 312. 
Sikh, 37. 

S'ikhandin, 70. 

(Sikshananda, 299. 

S^a, sonof/Srlharsha, 282 note, ^o6note. 

/Silabhadra = Dliarmakosha, 310, 348. 

iSiladitya (Harshavardhana Kumara- 

raga,), ruler of North India, 286, 

297> 309; 317, 329- 



398 



INDEX. 



iSlladitya, receivedHiouen-thsang, 286. 
■ — received Syrian Christians, 286. 

— his death, 287. 

— called also ^Uaditya of Kanya- 

kub^a, 287. 

— his true date, 288. 
iS'iladitya Pratapasila, 288, 313. 

— date of, 289. 

— called also Bhog'a, 290, 

— favours the Buddhists, 302 note. 

— restored to the throne of U^r^rayinl, 

313- 
Silama, meaning of, 167 note. 
Sllamavatl, 167 note. 
Silver, relation of, to gold, 19. 
Sijnhagiri, 337. 
Sindhu, 164, 167, 170. 

— meaning of, 1 70, 171. 

— Indus, 171, 
Sinim, the, 132 note. 
Si-ri-fa-sai, 343, 345. 
Slta, wife of Rama, 68. 
Siva, 315 note. 

— =/S'ankara, 360 note. 

— Sdtras, 343. 
Sivan, May-June, 139. 

Sixty, greatest number of divisions in, 

— minutes, division of hour into, 

Babylonian, 18. 
Sky, eleven gods of the, 145, 244. 

— Polynesian myth of the, 150-152. 
Sky lax, 170. 

Sleeman's Rambles, 42, 44-54. 

— his life in Indian villages, 46. 

— his view of the moral character of 

the Hindus, 49. 
Slokas, 91. 
Soanos, 166 note. 
Sokrates, 157, 201. 
Solar myths, 198. 
Solomon and India, 10. 
■ — judgment of, 1 1. 
Soma, 145, 155, 162, 189, 224, 226, 230. 
Somadeva, 356,357, 3.=i8> 359- 

— his Kathasarit-sagara, 350. 
Soma-sacrifice, 365. 
Somnath, capture of, 294. 
Sooth, sat, 64. 

Southern Aryans, 96, 102. 

— Buddhist era, 306 note. 

— Sea Countries, T-tsing's book on 

the, 343. 
Speusippus, 320 note. 
Spinoza, 254. 
Sraddha, 234, 235, 237-242. 

— many meanings, 235, 235 note, 

236. 

— mitia, 237. 

— number necessary for the Sa- 

piadana, 238. 



/Sraddba, at birth or marriage, 239. 
-:- Colebrooke on, 239. 

— monthly, 240. 

— quarrels about, 241. 

— very early, 241. 
/Sraddhas or Agapes, 68, 228. 

— introduced by Manu, 365. 

— twelve, 374. 

— where to be performed, 375, 376. 

— localities favourable and unfavour- 

able for, 375. 

— number to be performed, 375. 
/Stamana-brahmawam, 264. 

/S'rauta, or priestly ceremony, 227, 232. 

/Sresh^/iasena, 313. 

/Sri Bappapada, grant for the monas- 
tery of, 318 note. 

/Sridharasena of Vailabhi, 350. 

/Srlharsha, 282 note, 283, ^06 note, 330. 

/Srikumara, king of Eastern India, 
287 note. 

Svishena, and Sushewa, 288 note. 

— calculations of, 320 note. 
Sri'ta-sena, or /Srutisena, 337. 
Sron-tsan-gam-po, king of Yarlang, 

308 note. 
/S'rotrij'as, the, 208, 210. 

— their memory, 208. 
Stallbaum, 28. 
Stanley, 64. 
Stephanites, 265. 
Sthanesvara, 275 note. 
Sthiramati, pupil of Arya Asanga, 

305, 310 note, 318 note. 
Sthitamati, 310, 310 note. 
Stoat, 263 note. 

Strabo, Indian rivers known to, 172. 
Strattis, comedies of, 10. 
Subandhu, 305, 308, 328, 331, 331 
note, 332, 357. 

— books known to, 332. 

Sudas, king of the Tritsus, 172, 181. 
/Suddhi-sraddha, 374. 
/St-dra, a, 142. 
/SMraka, 339. 
/SMras, 372, 

Sugar-cane on the Indus, 167 note. 
Sui-shih, 212. 
iSuka, 360 7iote. 
Sukhavati, 304. 
5'ulba = copper, 296. 
(S'ulb^ri = sulphur, 296. 
Suleiman range, 167 note. 
Sun, 177. 

Sun and solar myths in Aryan my- 
thology, 197, 198. 
>Suna/isepa, 365. 
Stir a,, 304. 
Surkhab, 274, 275. 
SursAti, 165. 
Stirya, 148. 



INDEX. 



399 



Sftrya and Helios, 182, 197, 199. 
Stiryavatl, Queen, 356. 
Susartu, 166. 

Sushejia, the physician, 288. 
Sushoma, 165 note, 166, 166 note. 
Sutledge, battle of the, 172, 
Sutlej, 165. 
SMra, 343. 

— period, 207, 365. 
Stitras, 88, 90, 211, 221, 228, 

— legal, 91. 

— original, 352, 353. 

— philosophical, 359. 

— never mentioned in the Buddhist 

canon, 359. 
■ — six collections of, 363. 
/S'utudri, Sutlej, 165, 171, 172 note. 

— known to Greeks, 172. 
Suwan, 1 66 note. 

Suwe's visit to the Indus, 271. 

/Svasngalam, 264. 

Svayambhuva Manu, 372. 

/Sveti, 166. 

Sydrus of Pliny, 172. 

Sy Hermaios, 297. 

Syria, 274. 

Sze-ma-Tsien, 275. 

TA-HIA, the, 274. 
Tai-Chin, the country of, 276. 
Taittirlya Samhita, 137. 
Talpa, 261. 
Tamil, 76, 82. 
Tamralipti, 342. 
Tane-Mahuta, Forest-god, 154. 
Tanjur, the, 308 note. 
Tapara, village of, 300. 
Taraka, the astrologer, 288. 
Tara = Kien-hoei, 305. 
Taranatha, 282, 283, 348. 

— his history of buddhism, 303, 303 

note, 308 note. 
Tarapic?a, 333. 
Taras, stars, 131. 
Tarkava/iaspati, 350, 350 note. 
Tattvabodhini, 80. 
Tattvasatya-sastra, 309. 
Tawhiri-Matea, god of the winds, 155. 
Tcheou = Xeu dynasty, 377. 
Teka, 151. 
Tennant, 42. 
Terrestrial gods, 148. 
Testimony of foreigners to the Indian 

love of truth, 54, 57. 
Teutonic mythology, 146. 
Thakriya, 335. 
Thebes in Boeotia, temple of Apollo 

at, 203 note. 
Theogony, 217. 
Thirty-three Vedic goda, 145. 
Thorr, 146 note, 370. 



Th6rr, called lardarburr and Fiorgyn- 

jar burr, 370, 
Thracian coins, 8. 
Three Beyonds, 201, 219, 243, 

— classes of witnesses, 5 1 . 
Thsin dynasty, 131 note. 
Thuggs, Thuggee, 46, 49, 61. 
Thunder, word for, in Lettish, etc., 

191. _ 

— Esthonian prayer to, 193. 
Thundei'-storms, 179. 

Tibetan translation of the Tripiiaka, 
II. 

— translations, 308 note. 

— list of Hiouen-thsang's teachers, 

3x1 note. 
Tien-chu = India, 276. 

— products of, 276. 
Tin-yvit, 275 note. 

Tishri, September-October, 139. 

Tochari, the, 274. 

Tokharistan, 274. 

Toramana, 313, 316. 

Tortoise, the story of the, 134, 137. 

Towers of Silence, 4. 

Towns, names of, in India, 169, 170. 

Trajan, coins of, 293. 

Treta-Yuga, 373. 

Tretini, 167 note. 

Tribhuvana Malla, 285 note. 

Tripiiaka, the Buddhist, 11, 88. 

— Chinese master of the, 305. 
Tnshfama, 166. 

Trish^ubh, wife of Eudra, 145 note. 

Tritsus, the, 172. 

Troy, siege of, 153. 

Truth, regard for among the Indians, 

54- 
Tsak-tin-mo-hau, the Queen, 343. 
Tukharas, 13 1 note. 
Tumatauenga, God of War, 154. 
Turanian invasion, 85. 

— or Northern tribes, 86. 

— Interregnum, 318. 
Turnour, 5. 

Turushkas, invasion of the, 85. 

Turvlti Vayya, iSi. 

Tushita, 305. 

Twelve divisions of the heavens, 

321. 
Two women and child, story of, in the 

Kanjur, 11. 

— periods of .Sanskrit literature, 84, 

87. 
Tylor, 109. 
Tyr, 146 note. 

— and Tin, 195. 

— and Dyaus, 370. 

UDDYOTAKARA, author of the 
Nyayavarttika, 308, 332. 



400 



INDEX. 



tJgr</valadatta, 189 note. 
Ugnis, Lith., 23. 
Unadi-slitras, 265, 341, 344. 
Universities, what they should teach, 

I, 2. 
Untruthfulness of Hindus, 35. 
Upanishad, found in Pali, 359. 
Upanisiiads, 84, 90, 246, 251, 332, 

363- ; , 

— dialogue with Yaraa m the, 247. 

— their beauty, 253. 

— Schopenhauer on, 253. 
Upavarsha, 350. 
Upham, 5. 

Uranos and Varuma, 182. 

Uraavati, 167 note. 

Urvasi, 90, 339. 

Ushas and Eos, 182, 197, 199. 

Uttara-kancZa of the Eamayama, 353 

note. 
Uttara-mlmamsa, 359. 
Uttarapaksha, 115. 

VA(tA, 164 note. 
Vagianibhara, 164 note. 
Vagras as plural, 165 note. 
Vagiasati, 164 note, 
Va^in, -[66 note. 
Vat/inivatl, 166 note. 
Vagiraditya, 334. 
Vagrrendra, 313, 316. 
VaifZalya, 265. 
Vairfdrya, cat's eye, 266. 

— Pa^iini's derivation of, 266. 
Vai^ri, 352. 

Vaiseshika, 310, 360, 361, 362. 

— nikaya-dasapadartha-.sastra, 361. 
Vaish72avas, the, 315 note. 
Vaisvadeva offering, 230, 374. 
Vaisvadevam, 127 note. 

Vaisya. a, 142. 

— or Vaidya, 286. 
Vai.>.yas, 214, 374. 
Vaitana SMra, 145 note. 
Vaivasvata, 223 note. 
Va^•, wife of Vata, 145 note. 

— and Vox, 182. 

Vakpati, author of the GaucZabaha, 

333- 
VakyakarecZa, Bhartiihari s, 352. 
Vakyapadika, the, 348, 349. 
Vakyapadiya, or Vakyapradlpa, 351. 

— its three parts, 351. 
Valabhl, ruleis of, 297. 

— era, 318. 

— monastery of, 346. 

Valmiki, the poet, 81, 328, 332, 355, 

355 note. 
Vamana, 335. 

— the grammarian, author of the 

Kasika, 339, 341. . 



Vamana, the rhetorician, 339. 

— the poet of Maharashtra, 340. 
Vanara^a, 285. 
Vana-vidala, 265. 

Vans Kennedy on Mill's account of 

the Hindus, 44. 
Varaha or Boar, 367. 
Varahamihira of JJgg&yvDl, 92, 93, 

266, 294, 298, 319,337.360, 366. 

— books quoted by, 320. 

— his list of the signs of the Zodiac, 

325, 326. 

— quotes Manu, 366. 

VararuAii Katyayana, 329, 350, 351, 

357, 358. 359- 

— his Varttika, 351. 
Vardhamana Mahavira G;1afcaputra, 

336. 

— his true date, 336. 

— his Nirvajia, 336. 

Varinan, names ending in, 288 note. 
Varro, 322. 
Varttikas, 353 note. 
Varuna, 136, 162, 164, 185, 195, 196, 
199. 245, 371. 

— and Uranos, 182. 

— hymns to, 195, 199. 
Varu«apraghasa/«, 127 note. 
Vasavadatta, the, 288, 305, 308 note, 

331. 358- 
Vasishi/^a, 65, 74, 122, 360 note, .372. 
Vasubandhu, 282 note, 289, 302, 302 

note, 303, 305, 306, 312, 358, 361. 

— his studies, 303. 

— his recitations, 304. 

— his death, 304. 

— his pupils, 305. 

— his works, 308, 309, 309 note. 
Vasu Deva, 293. 

— =Bazodeo, 297. 

— coins, 294. 

Vasumitra, disciple of Guwamati, 304, 
305 note, 306 note, 309, 309 note, 
310 note. 

Vasurata, 351, 353. 

Vasus, the, 185, 219, 223. 

Vata, the wind, 180. 

— and Wotan, 182. 
Vatsyayana, 332. 

Vayu, or Indra, 148, 186, 189. 
V^yu-pura?ia, 332 note. 
Veda, 84. 

— or Knowledge, 88. 

— shows us the Aryanman, 95, 1 1 2, 1 1 3. 

— age of the, iii. 

— not yet thoroughly studied, 113. 

— useless, 142. 

— three religions in the, 217. 

— highest authority, 250. 

— importance to us, 254. 

— hymns of the, 363. 



INDEX. 



401 



"Veda, seven poets of the, 372. 
Vedanta pliilosopliy, 84, 104, 244, 
250. 253, 361. 

— Veda-end, 249. 

— its present influence, 251. 

— its beneficial influence, 253. 

— found in Pali, 359. 

— l<nown to Hiouen-thsang, 361. 
Vedanta-sHtras, 354. 

Vedas, 83, 116. 

— not written, 212. 

— three, mentioned in Pali, 359. 
Vedic religion, 89, 97, 108, 118. 
no extraneous influences in the, 

124, 125. 

polytheistic or monotheistic, 

144. 

— mythology, 9. • 

— hymns nearly free from mythology, 

108. 

— hymns, age of, in, 119, 122, 216. 

— India, 122. 

— poets, 122. 

the world known to the, 1 74. 

— poems, 123. 

— literature, 89, 94, 97, 1 12. 

no foreign influence traceable 

in, 140. 

its age, 207. 

three periods of, 215. 

■ — sacrifices, 127. 

— students how taught, 209. 

— Sanskrit, 141; 

— gods, thirty-three, 145. 

— how classed, 148. 
-^ polytheism, 146. 

— i?ishis, 149, 160, 372. 
Veluriya and Veruliya, Prakrit, 266. 
Venial untruths, 271. 
Veralsamhara, the, 329 note. 
Vetalabhaiia, or VetalamewfAa, 328. 
Vibhasha-sastra, 302 note. 

Vidala, cat, 24, 264. 
Vidtira or Balavaya, 266. 
Yidyadhara ^akravartins, the seven, 

357. 
Vidyanagara, king of, 56. 
Vidyanatha, author of the Pratapa- 

rudra, 314. 
Vidyavinoda, 350. 
Vidyodaya, the, 79- 
Viharas or Colleges, 8. 
Vikrama era, 289, 337. 
Vikramaditya Harsha of U</^ayinl, 

90, 281, 289, 309, 313, 317, 327, 

328, 332. 

— era of, 282, 284, 376. 

— true date of, 286, 306, 312. 

— his treatment of the Buddhist 

Manoratha, 289, 302 note. 

— period of literature, 301. 



D 



Vikramarka, 337. 
Village life in India, 13. 
Village communities in India, 46, 47, 
268. 

— number of, 47 note. 

— account of, by Col. Sleeman, 47, 48. 

— noticed by Megasthenes, 48. 

— morality in, 48, 49. 
Village servants, 268, 269. 
Village ofiicials, Sanskrit names for, 

269 note. 
Vimokshasena, pupil of Vasubandhu, 

305- 
Vinayabhadra = Sanghabhadra, 305. 
Vipas, 166 note, 172, 172 note. 
Vira^', wife of Varuna, 145 note, 372. 
Virgil, 29, 254. 
Vii'gunia, near Ansbach, 370. 
Vis, vishia, 189. 
Visakha, 11. 
Visakhila, 339. 

Vishwu, 93 note, 133, 197, 306 note. 
Vishreugupta = A'anakya, 220 note. 
Vishmu-purajza, passage on truth, 273. 
Visvakarman, 137, 162, 246. 
Vitasta, 165, 165 note, 173. 
Vivasvat, 164, 164 note. 
Viverra genneta, the gennet, 262. 
Vopadeva, 341, 342 note. 
Vox andVaA;, 182. 
V/•^■ddha and BHhat, Manu, 366. 
Vn'ddhavadin, 337. 
Vriddhavadistiri, 337. 
Vjiddhi-sraddlia, 374, 375. 
Vn'shala, low-caste people, 298. 
Vr^tti SMra, 345, 347. 
Vyadi, 350, 351, 353, 356. 

— his Sangraha, 351. 
Vyakara?ia, grammar, 343. 
Vyakara?ias, Buddhist prophecies, 298. 
Vyasa, the poet and Diaskeuast, 81, 

93 '^ote, 332, 355, 360 note. 

WAITZ, 109. 

WaUich. 5. 

Ward, 42. 

Warren, 5. 

Warren Hastings and the Darics, 8, 9. 

— on the Hindus, 60. 
Warriors, 95. 

Wassiljew's translation of Taranatha's 

history, 303 note, 306 note. 
Waters, divers gods of the, 145. 
Weasel, 263. 

— and woman, 10. 

Weber, on Kalidasa's date, 301 note. 

Weisheit des Brahmanen, Ilu.ckert's,4. 

Westermann, 28. 

West-ostlicher Divan, Goethe's, 4. 

Wilkins, 5. 

Wilson, Prof, 5, 39, 46. 

d 



402 



INDEX. 



Wilson, Prof., on the Hindu charac- 
ter, 40. 
Wisula or wisale, O.H.G., 262. 
Witnesses, three classes of, 51. 
Wolf, age of Homeric poems, 202. 
Wolf's dictum, 204. 
Working men, 95 note. 
Wotan and Vata, 182. 
Wou-ti, Emperor, 377. 
Writing, commercial, in India, 207. 
Written literature, 203. 

XANTHOS, the Lydian, 204 note. 

YIDAVAPRAKI^SA, 360 note. 
Yagr, ishta, 189. 
Ya^;1adattabadha, 90. 
Ya^Tzatantra-sudhanidhi, 354 note. 
Ya(/«avalkya, 74, 92 note, 364. 
Yahweh, worship of, 252 note. 
Yama, 144, 219, 223, 226, 245, 246. 

— lord of the departed, 67. 

— as the first man, 2 24. 

- — dialogue on death, 247. 
Yamuna, Jumna, 165, 171. 

— known to Greeks, 171. 
Yaska, 166 oiote, 172 note. 

— division of Vedic gods, 148. 
Yasomitra, pupil of Vasubandhu, 305, 

309. 
Yasovarman, king of Kanyakub^a, 

334- 
Yatra-sraddha, 375. 



Yavanas, 131 note. 

Yavanesvara and Gargi, Zodiacal 

signs known to, 325. 
Yavanesvara Asphugidhva^^a = Speu- 

sippus, 320 note. 
Yoga, found in Pali, 359. 
Yoga system, 360, 362, 362 note. 

— studied by Hiouen-thsang, 362. 
Yogananda, last of the Nandas, 357, 

358. 
Yogasastra, 310. 
Yudhishi/iira, 318. 
Yueh-chi, the, 12, 86, 274-277, 297. 
■ — and Goths, 86. 

— horses, sent to the king of Siam, 

271. 
Yueh-ti, 274. 
Yuga, four, 373, 375. 



f Piscium, initial point of sphere, 320. 
ZaSapBrjs or ZapaSpos, 172. 
ZdpaSpos or ZaSapSys, 172. 
Zeus, 108, 180, 195, 217. 
Zeus, Dyaus, and Ju^Diter, 182. 
Zimmer, Prof., on polytheism, 146 

note. 
— translation of Sanskrit words, 166 

note, 16'j note. 
Zodiacal signs, known to Sanskrit 

astronomers, 322-326. 
Zoology in India, 8. 
Zoroastrianism, 13. 



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244 

translation revised by S. H. Yines, M.A.,D.Sc., 
&c. (W. Swan Sonnenschein and Allen.) Dr. 
Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's 
text-book to supply an undoubted want of a 
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but we venture to believe that the want has 
not been met by it, for there is an absence of 
clearness and freedom in writing which can 
only be set down to the hampering influence of 
the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as 
"advanced" as Sachs' LehrlucJi, and certainly 
not more simple as regards the descriptive 
language. It c6ntains several minor mistakes. 
The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' 
Lehrluch, and the others are in many cases very 
rudely executed. 



Industrial Chemistry ; a 

Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- 
leges or Technical Schools ; a Transla- 
tion of Pa yen's Precis de Chimie 
Industrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. 
With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. i^2s. 



NOTES OF TRAVEL. 
The Commissao Central Permanente de 
Geographia, which for the past four years has 
existed as a department of the Portuguese 
Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately 
been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical 
Society. 

MaR. LAviaERiE, Archbishop of Algiers, has 
received intelligence of the safe arrival of the 
Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second 
missionary expedition despatched to East Africa 
under his superintendence. On their arrival at 
Kaduma, on the south side of the lake, Eing 
Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhao, the 
head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch 
them and transport their eflfects to Uwaia, at 

The Marine Steam En- 
gine. A Treatise for the use of 
Engineering Students and Officers or 
the Royal Navy. By Richard 
Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal 
Navy. With numerous Illustrations 
and Diagrams. Svo. 2ls. 



The British Navy : its 

strength, Resources, and Adminis- 
tration. By Sir T. Brassey, K.C.B. 
M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. Svo. with nu- 
merous Illustrations. VOL. I. los. 6d. 
Vols. II. & III. ^s. 6d. each* 



THI 

is chiefly compo 
little yellow claj 
neighbouring mc 
suited for rice 
cotton, and groui 
a little buckwhei 
into spirits. 

The China Inl 
gratifying intell 
Mrs. W. McCar' 
yang-fu, the caj 
the most remot 
hitherto opened 
occupied two r 
Hankow, on the 
nearest EuropeE 
the journey of i 
in making it tl 
breadth of Hun 
feeling is strong 
China. 

Lieut. Sch-^ 
years ago start 
search of the r 
Franklin and hi 
before alluded, 
again, and apj 
success, showii 
statements of 1 
some foundatio] 
sufferings and 
his comp anions s 
out this Esquim 
difaculty; they 
lin's expedition 
details of the su 
and starvation. 
Schwatka that 
officers, believe 
irlib'oT). h}?j 



A Treatise on the Steam 

Engine, in its various applications to 
Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- 
ways and Agriculture. By J. Bourne, 
C.E. With Portrait, 37 Plates, and 
546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. 



Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439.] 

by Mr. E. 3. Nicholson, who will move a 
resolution on the subject of binding. In addi- 
tion to these papers there will be discussed 
reports on Title-Entry Eules, Indicators, and 
the General Catalogue of English Literature. 
The members of the Association will participate 
in the entertainments given in the National 
Crallery on the occasion of the opening of a collec- 
tion of Scottish paintings, and in the Botanic 
Garden by the Senatus of the University in 
connexion with the visit of the Social Science 
Association. 



SELECTED BOOKS. 

GENERAL LITERATUEE. 
Catalogus librorum offlcinae Elsevirianae. (Lu!*duni Bata- 

voram ex officina Elaeviriana cioiocxxsviir.) Hrsg. v. 

C. P. V, Walcher. Leipzig : Weigel. 4 M. 
Clark, E. 0. An Analysis of Criminal Liability. Cambridge 

University Press. 7s. 6d. 
Dumas, Alexandre. Les Femmes qui tuent et lea Femmea qui 

votent. Paris : Oalmann LfSvy. 2 fr. 
Leokr, L. Nouvellea Etudes Blaves ; Histoire et Litt^rature. 

Paris : Leroux. 3 fr. 50 c. 
LEonuvK, E, Nos FiUes et nos Fils, Scbnes et Etudes de 

Kamiile. Paris: Hetzel. 7 fr. 
PicoT, E., etc. Nyhop. NouveauEeoueildesFarcea frangaises 

des XV*' et XVI*^ Sibcles, publi(5 d'apr^s un Volume appar- 

teuant il la Bibliothfeque royale de Copenbague. Paris: 

Morgand & Patout. 6 fr. 
Schmidt, E. v. Die PhilosopMe der Mythologie n. Max 

MUUer. Berlin : 0. Duneker, 2 M. 40 Bf, 

THEOLOGY. 
BuKHLEB, Ch. Der Altltntholieismus Mstorlsch-kritiBch dar- 

gestelU. Leiden: Brill. (Js. Gd. 
KArtTMANN, E, V. Die Krisis d. Christenthums in der mo- 

dernen Theologie. Berlin : 0. Dunclier. 2 M. 70 Pf. 

EISTORY, ETC. 

BiciKi.ow, M. M. History of Procedure in England, from the 
Norman Conquest. The Norman Period, 1066-1201. 
Macmillan. lUs. 

Christie, R, 0. Etienne Dolet : the Martyr of the Renais- 



MiciiiELs, A. L'Invasion prussienne en 1792 et ses OonsC- 

quences. Paris : Charpentier. 3 fr. 50 c. 
KoEiiRiciiT, R,, u. H. MEisNEa. Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach 

dem heiligen Lande, lu-sg. u. erliiuterc. Berlin : Weid- 

mann. 20 M. 
ScnwEizER, p. Correspondent der fcanzosischen Gesandt- 

schaft in der Sehweiz. 1664-71. Basel : Schneider. 10 M. 
SoLTAU, W. Ueb. Entstehung u. Zusammensefzung der 

altromischen Voile sversammlun gen. Berlin ; Weidmann. 

16 M. 
Spencer, Herbert. Descriptive Sociology. No. VII. Hebrewa 

and Phoenicians. Compiled and abstracted by Dr. R. 

Scheppig. Williams 6: Norgate. 21s. 

PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. 
Chun, 0. Die Ctenophoren d. Golfes v. Neapel u. der an- 

grenzenden Meeres-Abscbnitte. Leipzig ; Engelmann. 

75 M. 
Hahtmann, E. v. Zur Geschiohte u. Begrilndung d. Pes- 

simiamus. Berlin : 0. Duneker. 3 M. 
STOitEs, G. G. Mathematical and Physical Papers. Vol. I, 

Oamliridgo University Press. 15s. 
ZiTTRL, K. A. Ueb, den geologischen Baa der libyschen 

Wiiste. MUnohen : Franz. 2 M. 40 Pf. 

PHILOLOGY. 

Sandys, J. E. The Sacchac of Euripides, with Introduction, 
Critical Notea, and Archaeological Illustrations. Cam- 
bridge University Press. 10s. 6d. 

Wanick, G. Zum Vocalismua der schlesisohea Mundart. 
Bielitz : Friihlioh. 1 M. 40 Pf. 



ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES m 
LOMBARDY AND VENICE. 

Rome: September, 18S0, 

While soholars in Milan are seeking to identify 
the ancient building to which are to be attributed 
the structural remains now coming to light 
near the palazzo of the Counts Turati, the ar- 
chaeologists of Oomo are rejoicing over impor- 
tant discoveries which have lately taken place . 

Toward the middle of last April levelliag 
works were being carried out in the garden of 
the Liceo Volta, on the foundations of a 
mediaeval tower which probably formed part of 
the walls of the city destroyed in the war 
against the Milanese in 1127. To the agreeable 
surprise of everyone it was discovered that these 
foundations were entirely composed of Eoman 
yemains, Moro than sixty cinerary urns of granite 



THE ACADEIIY. 

were counted, besides nine of marble, nearly all 
bearing Latin inscriptions. There' were, in 
addition, many architectural remains such as 
shafts of columns, marble capitalg_ and frag- 
ments of a lengthy inscription which must have 
done duty on tho front of some public building. 
The work can proceed but very slowly on ac- 
count of the great difficulty encountered in dis- 
mantbng this very massive structure, and also 
because of the great care it is deemed prudent 
to exercise with a view to preserving these 
ancient monuments from further damage. Of 
the scientific importance of the excavation 
nothing can for the present be affirmed, the 
inscriptions being not as yet made known. It 
is hoped that they will soon he published by 
Canon V. Earelli. 

_ This discovery will furnish an excellent occa- 
sion for at last undertaking the foundation of 
an archaeological museum worthy to receive 
the many precious relics preserved at Como. 
The collection will principally consist of in- 
scriptions, formed for the most part of the nu- 
merous marbles presented by the (Jiovio family, 
which have hitherto been heaped together — 
I cannot say preserved — in the storerooms of the 
Liceo. _ To this collection the one of pre- Eoman 
antiquities due to the special care of Canon 
Barelli, and placed iu one of the haUs of the 
same institution, will form a valuable adjunct. 
So far we can only admire the zeal displayed by 
those who have collected these objects from 
different parts of the neighbouring country. But 
it would be a most judicious step to classify the 
different utensils belonging to each particular 
necropolis, so as to place before the student 
only what can help him to identify the different 
manifestations of local art, and to keep the re- 
maining specimens, which are really only so 
much lumber, in the storerooms. 

I am informed that another important dis- 
covery has been made in Bstg^ Here, for 

several years past, the municipality, aided by 
some lovers of the archaic monuments of their 
country from among the more intelligent 
citizens, has been making excavations ia the 
ancient cemeteries that surround the city, and 
here are coining to light pre-Eoman tombs and 
others belonging to the age of the Empire. 
A public museum has been already formed, 
which will acquire more and more material if 
only the excavations are carried out with the 
same care with which they have hitherto been 
executed under the superintendence of Signor 
Prosdocimi. I may mention that, from the 
resemblance presented by the relics found in 
the more ancient tombs — said to have belonged 
to the Euganei — to the funeral utensils in the 
most primitive sepulchres opened at Bologna, 
and particularly as regards the designs on the 
bronze cistae, we hope to be able to determine 
many historical questions, and to resolve many 
problems on which speculation has hitherto 
busied itself in vain. 

But the subject of the antiquities of Este is 
so wide that it would require for itself alone, 
not one, but many letters. As I am recording 
the latest discoveries, I must content myself 
with mentioning that among the relics of the 
classical age was found a bronze tablet, bearing a 
valuable fragment of a Eoman law. I am not 
aware of the exact spot of this excavation, nor, 
what is of more importance, is the text of the 
inscription known to me, but, as I am informed. 
Prof. Lazzarini is now at work upon it. It 
is to be hoped that before long we shall have 
an exact copy of it in the Noiizie published by 
the Ministry of Public Instruction. 

Another epigraphio discovery of no slight 
importance has been made in Venice. Signor 
Lorenzo Seguso has found, among some ancient 
structural remains, a marble slab bearing a 
Latin inscription in well-shaped characters, 
similar to those executed with the brush. This 
ia no other thau the fan^oua inscription of 



241 

Quintus Aemilius, which has been until now 
generally beUeved to be spurious {cf. 0. I. L. 
V. i. p. 15, n. 130). The stone, which is not 
now less perfect than it was in 1669, when it 
was copied for the first time, had been lost, and 
the inaccuracies of the transcription had given 
rise to the suspicion that it might be the work 
of a forger. But an examination of the ori- 
ginal removes all doubt. 

The disappearance and refinding in this way 
of an ancient monument are not quite without 
precedent. ^ Signor V. Promis, of Turin, stated, 
at a meeting of the Eeale Accademia delle 
Scienze, on February 16, 1880, that iu a 
palazzo situate in the Via delle Pinanze had 
been found the shaft of a column which bore the 
inscription ^iven under No. 8078 in vol. V., 
ii., of the Corpus, and which is there quoted from 
the ancient transcriptions, the origmal having 
been sought for in vain. The inscription on 
this shaft was published by Guichenon, who 
saw it at Susa. In 1704 the column had 
been transported to the Giardino Reale at Turin, 
but from that time all trace of it was lost 
until 1781. In that year de Levis wrote that 
he had found it "in the vaults of the casa 
now called Galliziano d' Ai'ache, and formerly 
Salmatoris." After this nothing more was 
known of it, and the monument was sought for 
in vain by C. Promis in 1809, when he published 
his Storia deW antico Torino ; and with equal 
want of success by Mommsen iu 1877, when 
the additamenta to the fifth volume of the Corpus 
were given to the world. Fortunately, wo may 
prophesy of the Turin column that it will run 
no further risk of returning underground, its 
new owner having presented it to the Museo 
dello Antichiti. But it is impossible to pre- 
dict the final destination of the Venice marble, 
as its new proprietor has declined to waive hia 
rights in favour of anyone. 

On September 4 there was opened at Pieve 
di Cadore, on tho ocoaaion of tho festivitioa 
in honour of the inauguration of the monu- 
ment to Titian, a small museum of antiquities 
found within the district. This institution owes 
its existence to the encouragement given to tho 
project by the advocate Dario Bertolini, of 
Portogruaro, who during the past year was com- 
missioned by the Ministry of Public Instruction 
to examine the relics exhumed at Pozzale. 
Here there were found sepulchres with inscrip- 
tions in characters similar to those of the 
Etruscan alphabet, and Eoman tombs ; as well 
as in the adjacent territory the remains of some 
public building also of the classical age. To 
this edifice belongs the inscription given under 
No. 8801 of the above-quoted volume of the 
Corpus. Since I have mentioned the name 
of Bertolini, who has rendered such signal ser- 
vice to archaeology by his discovery of and 
comments on tho Christian cemetery of Con- 
cordia Sagittaria, I may state that before long he 
will publish an important monograph, embody- 
ing the result of his excavations in the ancient 
Julia Concordia Colonia. It has recently 
been discovered that the Eiver Li5mene used to 
flow through the city; and during the excava- 
tions underneath an old bridge which has been 
dug out there were found many objects, some of 
which are very curious — as, for example, the 
pieces of lead meant to bo hung round the necka 
of amphorae, and which are covered with in- 
scriptions. There is a brick on which, while the 
clay was yet soft, were engraved some verses, 
the first few of which, if I remember rightly, are 
from Virgil, 

The present year has therefore been very 
fruitful for the study of ancient epigraphy. 
Before concluding this letter, I must mention 
another similar and important discovery made 
at Pesaro on July 20. Between ttie Palazzo 
Basignani and the Eoyal Prefecture, as some 
excavations were being extended in order the 
better to examine a building of which somg 



THE ACADEMY. 



[Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439. 



Tamralipti in 673, and was still 
90, at the time of the usurpation 
3ak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation 
05, when the Tang dynasty was 

airty-fourth chapter of his work 
ts of learning in the West, and 
immatical science, the ^S'abdavidya, 
ve vidyas or sciences. He gives 
7yakara5^a, grammar, and then 

speak of five works, generally 
nar in India. 
3 called elementary siddhdnta, and 

siddMrastu. It was originally 
ahesvara, and is learnt by heart by 
en they are six years old. They 
s months. 

y this refers to the ^iva Sutras, 
the favour of Mahesvara. But, 
iscription given, this siddhanta 
3ontained much more than the 
1 Sutras. " There are forty-nine 
ng writes, " the compounds of 
vided into eighteen sections, and 
ogether more than 10,000 words 

These words are arranged in 
F thirty-two syllables each." 
jond grammatical work is called 
bundation of all grammatical 
3 the work of Pawini, and con- 

slokas. He was inspired by 
ad is said to have been endowed 
fes. Children begin to learn it 
; eight years old, and learn it in 



This consists of 1,000 slokas, 
grammatical roots. Evidently a 

to the History of Greek and Rom^ 
Sculpture, designed to Promote the 
Knowledge and Appreciation of the 
Remains of Ancient Art. By Walter 
C. Perry. With 268 Illustrations. 
Square crown 8vo. 31 J'. (>d. 

Japan ; its Architecture, 

Art, and Art-Manufactures. By 

Christopher Dresser, Ph.D. F.L.S. 
&c. With 202 Graphic Illustrations 
engraved on Wood for the most part by 
Native Artists in Japan, the rest by 
G. Pearson, after Photographs and 
Drawings made on the spot. Square 
crown Svo. 3U. 6(/. 



and there is no reason why he should not have 
known, and, if he cared, have been able to as- 
certain the exact date, of the death of the 
author of one of the most famous grammars 
of that time, moreover a grammar which he 
recommends all true students, coming from 
China to India, to learn by heart. On the 
whole, his description of that grammar 
agrees well with the Kasika Vrztti, and it is 
almost impossible to imagine that he should 
have fixed by accident or fraud on the real 
name of one of the authors of that grammar, 
6^ayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing's 
work could be shown to be a spurious compila- 
tion, we are justified in assuming that he 
knew a commentary on Pacini's Sutras by 
G^ayaditya, and that he believed G^ayaditya to 
have died not later than 660 A. D. 

I do not wish to disguise some difficulties 
connected with I-tsing's accounts of gram- 
matical literature in India. After having men- 
tioned the five principal works on grammar, 
he mentions what he calls a commentary on 
the Vntti-Sutra, in 24,000 slokas. The title 
seems to be Qma. or J£uni, and the author's 
name Patai^^^ali. This, therefore, could only j 
be Pata«yali's Mahabhashya, which may, ift ^ 
a certain sense, be called a commentary on 
the Kasika Vr^tti, because it is a fuller com- 
mentary on the same text. But why should it 
be called (?uni ? Is this possibly a name con- 
nected with Gowika, the mother of Pata«yali, 
who calls himself Gro^jika-putra (Goldstiicker, 
Pamni, p. 235), or with Gonarda, his supposed 
birthplace,f rom which he takes the name of Gon- 
ardiya? (G-oldstllcker, loc. cit., pp. 235, 236). 
Equally difficult is the next statement. 

'"Wp^]'\<li.Vim'T. ^, kwings 

by J. R. Weguelin. 



Crown Svo. 65. 



The Three Cathedrals 

dedicated to St. Paul in London. 

By W. Longman, F.S.A. With 
Illustrations. Square crown Svo. 2\s. 

Moore's Lalla Rookh, 

Tenniel's Edition, with 68 Woodcut 
Illustrations. Crown Svo. los. dd. 

Moore's Irish Melodies, 

Maclise's Edition, with 161 Steel 
Plates. Super- royal Svo. 2IJ. 



^//^. f^>, 



TIB e 
suod' 

SBTJ 
-BTlO{j 

PU'B 

ipe; 
eiq J 

TiiCeTi 
eieq! 
UT ;j«, 

O^' TE ^ 

SUB^/ 

pnB 
£\x 
uep 



©iq'B 
':;t o; 
-e'm 

A;4 



244 



THI 



translation revised by S. H. Yines, M.A.,D.Sc., 
&c. (W. Swan Sonnenscliein and Allen.) Dr. 
Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's 
text-book to supply an undoubted want of a 
book which should serve as an introduction to 
Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett 
and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the 
treatment of the subject. Dr. Vines' experi- 
ence and skill in reproducing German botanical 
literature has been fully exercised on the book, 
and there is evidence of care in the translation ; 
but we venture to believe that the want has 
not been met by it, for there is an absence of 
clearness and freedom in writing which can 
only be set down to the hampering influence of 
the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as 
"advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly 
not more simple as regards the descriptive 
language. It contains several minor mistakes. 
The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' 
Lehrhuch, and the others are in many cases very 
rudely executed. 



Industrial Chemistry; a 

Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- 
leges or Technical Schools ; a Transla- 
tion of Payen's Freds de Ckimie 
Indiistrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. 
With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. 42^'! 



NOTES OF TRAVEL. 
The Commissao Central Permanente de 
Geographia, which for the past four years has 
existed as a department of the Portuguese 
Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately 
been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical 
Society. 

Mgb. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has 
received intelligence of the safe arrival of the 
Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second 
missionary expedition despatched to East Africa 
under his superintendence. On their arrival at 
Kaduma, on the south side of the lake. King 
Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhac, the 
head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch 
them and tra.nsport their efiects to Uwaia, at 

I he Marine Steam 

gine. A Treatise for the use 
Engineering Students and Officers 01 
the Royal Navy. By Richard 
Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal 
Navy. With numerous Illustrations 
and Diagrams. 8vo. 21s. 



is chiefly compo 
little yellow claj 
neighbouring mc 
suited for rice 
cotton, and groui 
a little buckwhei 
into spirits. 

The China Inl 
gratifying intell 
Mrs. W. McCar 
yang-fu, the caj 
the most remot 
hitherto opened 
occupied two 1 
Hankow, on the 
nearest Europef 
the journey of 1 
in making it tl 
breadth of Hud 
feeling is stron| 
China. 

Lieut. Sch-w 
years ago start 



search of the r 
Eranklin and hi 
before alluded, 
again, and app 
success, showii 
statements of 1 
some foundatio] 
sufferings and 
his comp anions s 
out this Esquire 
diflB.culty; they 
lin's expedition 
details of the su 
and starvation. 
Schwatka that 
officers, believe 

p:jrn.''r!7Hr)n. bin 

En- 

of 



The British Navy: its 

strength, Resources, and Adminis- 
tration. By Sir T, Brassey, K.C.B 
M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. 8vo. with nu- 
merous Illustrations. Vol. I. loj 6</ 
Vols. II. & III. 3^-. 6d, each. 



A Treatise on the Steam 

Engine, in its various applications to 
Mmes, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- 
ways and Agriculture. By J. Bourne, 
^•?;,,^'^^ Portrait, 37 Plates, and 
546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. 



;$//// ^-^ 



242 



THE ACADEMY. 



[Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439. 



corners had already come to light, there 
^ae found under the public way, and near 
a fairly preserved mosaic pavement, a bronze 
tablet, almost perfect, nearly a mi-tre ia length, 
and inscribed with a decree of the Collegium 
Pabrum, already known from other inscriptions, 
and which, having met in scJiota dcae Minervae 
Augustac, elected as its patrons Petrouius 
Victorinus, his wife, Setina Justa, and other 
members of tho family, L. Valerius Maximus 
and M. Acilius Glabrio being Consuls— that is 
to say, in the year 256 a.d. 

If this documont does not furnish material for 
fresh studies in epigraphy, it will at least deter- 
mine an important topographical fact, revealing 
to U3 that the building of which the remains 
have been found under the Falazzo Basignani 
and the Eoyal Prefecture was the Schola 
Minervae. In this place many antiquities have 
been found at different times. Hero were dug 
up the bronze statuette which is now in the 
Florence Museum, tho winged Genius of the 
Museo Oliveriano of Pesaro, and the Chimaera 
which is preserved in Modena. 

F. Baenabei. 



SCIENCE. 

THE K A S I K A. 

Kchihd, a Commeniary on Pdnini's Gram- 
onatical Apliorisms, byPa«f7it Vamana and 
Gayaditya. Edited by PaHi/it Balasastri, 
Professor of Hindu Law in the Sanskrit 
College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.) 
[Second JVoiice.'] 
Aftee thus having established two points — 
viz., that Vamana and Gayaditya were joint 
authors of the Kasika, and that they were 
Cainas or Bauddhas, we return to the ques- 
tion as to their probable age. INIuch light on 
Indian- chronology lias been received, as is 
■well known, from Chinese writers, whether 
from translators of Sanskrit texts, or from 
travellers, such as Fa-Hian,Sung-yun,Hiouen- 
Thsang, and others. Meeting in Mr. Beal's 
Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripifaka (p. 94) 
with the title of a work called Kan-hae-ki- 
kwei-chouen, being " Records concerning 
Visits and Returns to the Southern Seas," I 
consulted Mr. Kasawara on the contents of 
the work. He informed me that it was written 
by I-tsing, one of the best-known Chinese 
pilgrims, who left Guanchau, in China, in the 
Eleventh lunar mouth of the year 671 a.d., 
arrived at Tamralipti, in India, after a long 
Ivoyage, in the second month of 673, and 
Jstarted from that place for N;\landa in the 
(fifth month of the same year. After the lapse 
i of some years, he returned to Tamralipti, and 
' sailed to Si-ri-fa-sai, in the Southern Sea 
countries. 

It seems that he wrote his book, "The 
Accounts of Buddhist Practices sent, being 
entrusted to one who returns to China, from 
the Southern Sea Countries," in Si-ri-fa-sai, 
for he generally compares the practices of 
India with those of the Southern Sea countries. 
His work consists of two volumes, containing 
four books and forty chapters. Though he 
does not mention how long he was in India, 

Iyet, as he refers to the usurper Queen, Tsak- 
tin-mo-hau, whose date is 690, we see that 
he must then have been absent from China 
twenty years, and have spent eighteen years 
in India. We may gather, in fact, from 
remarks occurring in his work that he was 
[ Ijorn about 655, that he left China in 671, 



arrived at Tamralipti in 673, and was still 
absent in 690, at the time of the usurpation 
of Queen Tsak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation 
lasted till 705, when the Tang dynasty was 
restored. 

In the thirty-fourth chapter of his work 
I-tsing treats of learning in the West, .and 
chiefly of grammatical science, the Sabrlavidya, 
one of the five vidyas or sciences. He gives 
the name Vyakara^za, grammar, and then 
proceeds to speak of five works, generally 
called grammar in India. 

The first is called elementary siddJulnfa, and 
begins with siddltirashi. It was originally 
taught by Mahesvara, and is learnt by heart by 
children when they are six years old. They 
learn it in six months. 

Most likely this refers to the <Siva Sutras, 
granted by the favour of Mahesvara. But, 
from the description given, this siddhanta 
must have contained much more than the 
fourteen Siva Sutras. " There are forty-nine 
letters," I-tsing writes, " the compounds of 
which are divided into eighteen sections, and 
of which altogether more than 10,000 words 
are formed. These words are arranged in 
300 slokas, of thirty-two syllables each." 

II. The second grammatical work is called 
Si'itra, the foundation of all grammatical 
science. It is the work of Pacini, and con- 
tains 1,000 slokas. He was inspired by 
Mahesvara, and is said to have been endowed 
with three eyes. Children begin to learn it 
when they are eight years old, and learn it in 
eight months. 

III. BMUi. This consists of 1,000 slokas, 
.<ind treats of grammatical ro ots. Evidently a 

IV. Three so-called Khilas : — 

(1) Ashfadhutu, consisting of 1,000 slokas 
(on declension and coniugation) ; 

(2) Man-Z;a, consisting of 1,000 slokas (on 
Krit suffixes ?) ; 

(3) U«adi, consisting of 1,000 slokas (on 
UnAdi suffixes). 

Boys of ten years learn these parts of 
grammar, and finish them after three years. 

Without dwelUng on some difficult ques- 
tions connected with these Khilas — which are 
rightly rendered by " uncultivated pieces of 
land " — we proceed at once to No. V., which 
is called Vr\tti Sutra, a commentary on the 
foregoing Sutra. We are told that "it is the best 
among the many commentaries. It contains 
18,000 slokas, citing the words of the Sfitra, 
and explaining intricate matters very clearly. 
It exposes the laws of the universe and the 
precepts of Heaven and man. Boys of fifteen 
begin to study this commentary, and under- 
stand it completely in five years. This com- 
mentary is the work of the learned Crayadityaj_ 
who was endowed with great abiiity. His 
literary talent was so excellent that he under- 
stood matters of literature hearing them 
once, and did not require to be told twice. 
He revered the three venerable ones (Pa/iini, 
Katyayana, PataSyali ?), and performed all 
religious duties. Since his death it is nearly 
thirty years." 

If we take the lowest date for I-tsing's 
work, viz., 690 a.d. (because he mentions 
the usurpation which took place in that year), 
he would have been four years, as he says, in 
Si-ri-fa-sai, ahd thirteen in India, when he 
wyote the tbirt^-fo^rlih Qlwpter of hi? woyk ; 



and there is no reason why he should not havo 
known, and, if he cared, have been able to as- 
certain the exact date, of the death of the 
author of one of the most famous grammars 
of that time, moreover a grammar which he 
recommends all true students, coming from 
China to India, to learn by heart. On the 
whole, his description of that grammar 
agrees well with the Kasika VrJtti, and it is 
almost impossible to imagine that he should 
have fixed by accident or fraud on the real 
name of one of the authors of that grammar, 
Gayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing's 
work could be shown to be a spurious compila- 
tion, we are justified in assunaing that he 
knew a commentary on Pacini's Sutras by 
Gayaditya, and that he believed Gayaditya to 
have died not later than 660 a.d. 

I do not wish to disguise some difficulties 
connected with I-tsing's accounts of gram- 
matical literature in India. After having men- 
tioned the five principal works on grammar, 
he mentions what he calls a commentary on 
the V;v'tti-Sutra, in 24,000 slokas. The title 
seems to be Guni or A'uni, and the author's 
name PataHyali. This, therefore, could only 
be Patajlyali's Mahabhashya, which may, in - 
a certain sense, be called a commentary on 
the Kasikfi V;7'tti, because it is a fuller com- 
mentary on the same text. But why should it 
be called Guni ? Is this possibly a name con- 
nected with Goraika, the mother of Patayl^ali, 
who calls himself Gojnka-putra (Goldstiicker, 
Pajiini, p. 235), or withGonarda, his supposed 
birtbplace,f rom which he takes the name of Gon- 
ardiya? (Goldstiicker, loo. cit., pp.235, 236). 

Equally difficult is the next statementj^ 
viz., that he knew a commentary on they 
Guni by Bhartrjhari, in 25,000 slokas. B.i\ 
calls it Bhartrihari-discourse. Is this meanra 
for Bhartrihari's Kiirikas ? It cannot bel 
meant for the Vakyapadiya, because that is I 
described afterwards. I-tsing speaks ofl 
Bhartrj'harl as a Buddhist. After stating I 
that this work of his in 25,000 slokas treats of ' 
the principles of human affairs and of gram- 
mar, and also gives a history of the rise and 
decline of many families, he adds that 
Bhartr/hari 

" was familiarly acquainted with the principles 
of the doctrine of ' only mind,' and a student of 
logic. His name and virtues were very famous 
throughout the five divisions of India and every 
neighbouring country. He believed deeply iu 
the Throe Ratnas, and meditated on the Two 
Sunyas. He was a follower of the excellent 
religion, and belonged to the priestly order. 
But, overcome by worldly desires, he became I 
seven times a priest, and seven times returned J 
to the laity. He was a contemporary of Dhar- ! 
mapala, and ioi±SiJS9SSa. -ia4 elapsed^inoe his j 
death." ' " 

~ The next work mentioned is " the Vakya- 
discourse, in seven hundred slokas and seven 
thousand words, treating of observation and 
inference, according to the scriptures." As 
it is likewise a grammatical work, we can 
hardly be wrong in taking it to be Bhartrj- 
hari's Vakyapadiya. 

The last grammatical work defies, as yet, 
all identification. It is called Pioa, or Pinya, ; 
or Pida, or Vina. It contains three thousand 
slokas by Bhartjv'hari and fourteen thousand 
in prose by Dharmapala. It fathoms the 
deep secrets of heaven and earth, and treatg 
of the phiJosophj^ofjnftn (Vinaja?). 



THE ACADEMY. 



3ak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation 
05, when the Tang dynasty was 

lirty-fourth chapter of his work 
ts of learning in the West, and 
immatical science, the ^S'abdavidya 
_ye vidyas or sciences. He gives 



Tamrah'pti in 673, and waq cstill I -j u • ' 

90, at the time of the usurpatVon known^'and if^^''^^ f/ ^' f °"^^ "'^^ ^^^« 
,alr t; i,„„ m,. , t' ."" I -Known, and, if he cared, have been able to a<? 

certain the exact date, of the death of the 
author of one of the most famous grammars 
or toat time, moreover a grammar which he 
recomtnends all true students, coming from 
^mna to India, to learn by heart. On the 
wuole, his description of that grammar 
i^yakar'a^a, grammar and" T^' LT""! ^'" '^^^^ the KasiU V.Vtti, and it is 

speak of'fi?e w^rks, generanv W fi^d^r^'^^^^ ^"^^"^"^ *^^* ^^ '"^^-'^ 
nar in India. generally have fixed by accident or fraud on the real 

s called elementary simdnta, and ^Stva'' llntr/^'' °/ /hat grammar, 
siddUrastu. It waq nv,V,'»„ii L, i ' , ," Unless the whole of I-tsinff's 

en they are six years old tI.!-! "^ ■'™"^'"' '" assuming that he 

^months. '"^y''"^''>W- Tliey Lnewa commentary on PA,>ini's Sfttras by 

7 this refers to the Siva SfitrasJ htrdtStlaLMht'^^r'' "'^'^^''^^ '° 

the favour of Mahesvara V.Z f t i . . , '^*° ^^^ '^•^• 

^'scription given thTsTdd^?/'.. .7^ ^^^^ to disguise some difficulties 

:■>? writes "iZoZ '"V°l ^™"' '?" *™ P™"?"! "0*3 on grammar 

vi^dinS'eightn-rrns^t tt-CTI^Inl^t^^^ 

ogether morp thnn in c\c\(\ i L , omra, m ^4,UUU slokas. The titl^ 

& ci mure man 1U,000 words seems to be Gxm\ nr W^^T^\ or,^ *t, -^ ,""e 

These words are arranged in nam^ plf.- ,• r^u- , ' ^°<i t^e author's , 

F thirty-two syllables each " h^ P T ~ T'';. ?^''' t^^^^efore, could only / 

30nd grammati al worTLalled a ce^tf"^'^'' Mahabbashya, which may, I / 

bundation of all 'rammaS L T?^^^^^^ 
3 the work of Vho.d^Tf' .^"^ ^'''"'' ^^^^^se it is a fuller com 

.lokas. Ve' wr spTredT; bTc ll7d ^^unY/rtb' ^^^ \^f ^^^ ^^-'^^t' 

> eight years old, L learn ^ ilj pIS^^ ^W^SSL^S^S 

This consists of 1,000 .lokas aSr/r^Z'"^^'^^ 

.ammatical .ots. Erdetf;^a ^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

A FOpUiai i*iw.w^--^-''3u_Ynmrfnrt^.^^g,^^ °ext statement,.,^^ 

f/% fiio HicMrw of firpf^k and Roman , t t-> -nr i;„ r-,-,^,,,.! Sirr. fie 



to the History of Greek and Roman 
Sculpture, designed to Promote the 
Knowledge and Appreciation of the 
Remains of Ancient Art. By Walter 
C. Perry. With 268 Illustrations. 
Square crown 8vo. 31^. 6^/. 

Japan ; its Architecture, 

Art, and Art-Manufactures. By 
Christopher Dresser, Ph.D. F.L.S. 
&c. With 202 Graphic Illustrations 
engraved on Wood for the most part by 
Native Artists in Japan, the rest by 
G, Pearson, after Photographs and 
Drawings made on the spot. Square 
crown 8vo. 31 J. 6^/. 



/ 



by J. R. Weguelin. Crown 8vo. bs. 

The Three Cathedrals 

dedicated to St. Paul in London. 

By W. Longman, F.S.A. With 
Square crown 8vo. 2IJ-. 

Lalla Rookh, 

Tenniel's Edition, with 68 Woodcut 
Crown 8vo. lOi-. 6^. 



Illustrations, 

Moore's 

Tenniel'; 
Illustrations 

Moore's Irish Melodies^ 

Maclise's Edition, with i6i Stee 



Maclise's Edition, - 

Plates. Super-royal Svo. 2U. 



^//^. r^>. 



JO e; 
eAuqi 
UB e 
suod) 

BBIll 

•e^-Bj / 
eieq 

«I !«( 

STI'Bi 

•era'«j 
pnB 

^m ; 

uep, 



•B nil 

0% V 

/o i 

Aim 



244 



THT 



translation revised by S. H. Yines, M.A.,D.Sc., 
&c. (W. Swan Sonnenschein and Allen.) Dr. 
Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's 
text-book to supply an undoubted want of a 
book which should serve as an introduction to 
Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett 
and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the 
treatment of the subject. Dr. Yines' experi- 
ence and skill in reproducing German botanical 
literature has been fully exercised on the book, 
and there is evidence of care in the translation ; 
but we venture to believe that the want has 
not been met by it, for there is an absence of 
clearness and freedom in writing which can 
only be set down to the hampering influence of 
the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as 
"advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly 
not more simple as regards the descriptive 
language. It contains several minor mistakes. 
The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' 
Lehrluch, and the others are in many cases yery 
ludely executed. 



NOTES OF TRAVEL. 
The Commissao Central Permanente de 
Geographia, which for the past four years has 
existed as a department of the Portuguese 
Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately 
been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical 
Society. 

Mgk. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has 
received intelligence of the safe arrival of the 
Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second 
missionary expedition despatched to East Africa 
under his superintendence. On their arrival at 
Kaduma, on the south side of the lake. King 
Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhac, the 
head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch 
them and transport their effects to TJwaia, at 



is chiefly compo 
little yellow claj 
neighbouring mc 
suited for rice 
cotton, and groui 
a little buckwhei 
into spirits. 

The China Inl 
gratifying intell 
Mrs. W. McCar 
yang-fu, the caj 
ibhe most remot 
hitherto opened 
occupied two i 
Hankow, on the 
nearest Europef 
the journey of 1 
in making it tl 
breadth of Hun 
feeling is stron| 
China. 

Lieut. ScH"n 
years ago start 
search of the r 
Franklin and hi 
before alluded, 
again, and apj 
success, showii 
statements of 1 
some foundatio] 
sufferings and 
his companions s 
out this Esquin 
difliculty; they 
lin's expedition 
details of the st 
and starvation. 
Schwatka that 
officers, believe 



Industrial Chemistry; a 

Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- 
leges or Technical Schools ,• a Transla- 
tion of Pa yen's Freds de Chimie 
Industrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. 
"With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. 42^. 

The British Navy : its 

strength, Resources, and Adminis- 
tration. By Sir T. Brassey, K.C.B. 
M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. 8vo. with nu- 
merous Illustrations. Vol. I. loj. (id. 
Vols. II. & III. 3^. 6d, each. 



The Marine Steam En- 
gine. A Treatise for the use of 
Engineering Students and Officers 01 
the Royal Navy. By Richard 
Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal 
Navy._ With numerous Illustrations 
and Diagrams. 8vo. 2\s. 

A Treatise on the Steam 

Engine, in its various applications to 
Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- 
ways and Agriculture. By J. Bourne, 
C.E. With Portrait, 37 Plates, and 
546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. 



■"flfHnn. bin 



Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439.] 



THE ACADEMY. 



243 



This must suffice for the present, but I 
hope that the work of this Chinese traveller 
which has helped us to fix the date of the 
Kasika will soon be rendered generally 
accessible by a translation which is now being 
prepared by Mr. Kasawara, and which will 
throw an unexpected light, not only on the life 
of the Buddhists in the famous colleges of Na- 
landa and Ballabhi, but likewise on Buddhism 
as established at that time in the " islands of 
the Southern Sea." It was in one of these 
islands that I-tsing spent a number of years 
and composed his works on the manners of the 
Buddhists on the continent and on the islands, 
and it is important to observe that those 
islands of the Southern Sea do not include the 
island of Ceylon. F.' Max Miii-ler. 



CURRENT SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE. 
OesrMchte der Psychologic. Von Dr. Hermann 
Siebeck. Brster Theil, erste Abtheilung : die 
Psychologio Yor Aristoteles. (Gotha : Perthes.) 
Dr. Siebeck's -work is the first instalment of 
three volumes, of which the first is to close with 
the development of Aristotelian psychology in 
patristic and scholastic philosophy ; the second 
is to come down to the end of the eighteenth 
century ; and the third to occupy itself with 
the psychological doctrines of oui- own day. 
Meanwhile, it may be feared that a history of 
psychology which begins by devoting 284 pages 
to the psychologists before Aristotle cannot ex- 
pect to find more than a limited circle of 
readers. The interest, however, excited by Dr. 
Tyler's and others' researches into the beliefs 
entertained by primitive men about the soul and 
immaterial spirits would seem to make it prob- 
ivble that no inconsiderable number will care to 
know about the early psychological theories 
here discussed — theories which, by their naive 
simplicity, often stand in close relation to the 
popular creed with which anthropologists have 
made us familiar. Dr. Siebeck's style, indeed, 
is not in his favour, and, though he has tried to 
give his history a form "which shall be not 
exclusively confined to the comprehension of 
professional readers," it may be doubted whether 
the gropings after a theory of mind and an 
account of knowledge on the part of pre- 
Socratic thinkers can ever be made so lucid 
as to become interesting. The writer, however, 
has brought his facts well together; and his 
pages will be found an instructive commentary 
on the first book of Aristotle's De Anima and 
Theophrastus' chapters on Sense — the chief 
sources which we have for a knowledge of the 
early Greek psychologists. A special chapter 
on the beginnings of medical psychology will 
be found of considerable value from the accoimt 
it gives of Epicharmus, Alcmaeon, and the tract 
De Diaeta; and the student will learn with 
some interest that, already at an early period, 
the dream had come to be regarded as symbol- 
ising the condition of the body. Plato, of 
course, occupies a considerable portion of the 
volume ; and the writer ends by showing that 
the mode in which Plato reversed the stand- 
point of Greek thought, and viewed nature, not 
as something which produces soul, but ae, in 
the form of body, that which the soul uses, 
necessarily led to a dualism which Plato him- 
self could only imperfectly explam, and which 
it therefore fell to Aristotle to solve. Dr. 
Siebeck's account of Aristotlo's psychology 
itseK promises to be a valuable work. 

The Balance of Emotion and Intellect : an 
Essay introductory to the Study of Philosophy 
By Charles Waldstein, Ph.D. (C. Kegan Paul 
and Co.) The author of this thoroughly fresh 
and readable little work candidly tells us that 
it has not grown up uniformly. The primary 



aim was to counteract the "false opposition of 
emotion and intellect." To this was added the 
desire to combat the other related fallacies of 
opposing science to common thouzht, and 
philosophy to the special sciences. The final 
aim thus becomes the bringing forth of " the 
feeling for philosophy, the philosophic spirit 
and mood." In other words, the author, work- 
ing against the analytic tendeaoies of the time, 
insists on the truth that the human mind is an 
organic whole, and that the ideal development 
is that which nourishes and disciplines the 
feelings as much as the iatelleot, such a 
development being best secure! by the cultiva- 
tion of philosophy. Hence the subject of 
philosophy occupies the larger part of the 
volume, the author thinking it well to illustrate 
what he means by the philosophic temper by 
giving a short sketch of the history of philo- 
sophy. If this somewhat mars the form of the 
book, it is very acceptable as a clear and 
interesting presentation of the main lines of 
philosophic enquiry in its relation to the 
dominant feelings and spirit of the particular 
age and country. The point of view, too, from 
which this evolution of philosophic thought is 
regarded, which is substantially that of Kuno 
Fischer, is not too familiar to English readers. 
The chapters on " The Kelatioa of Feeling and 
Knovring" and "Science and Art," on the 
" Disciplinary Character of Philosophy," and on 
"Excess of Emotion and Intellect in Indivi- 
duals and Nations " abound in interesting and 
suggestive remarks. Possibly the test of a 
right balance between feeling and intellect 
might have been laid down with more precision. 
The writer is evidently familiar with a variety 
of national characters, and he judges English 
thought and life from a thoroughly objective 
point of view. He is hard, though scarcely un- 
justly hard, on our " natio!i»l-4rynGs3," by 
which he means the smothering of emo- 
tion "by a sham intelectual element." 
This ugly spirit " is fondled and nurtured and 
warmed by superstition and laziness of 
thought." " It manifests ilself by an oppo- 
sition to all joy and freshness of feeling." In 
other words, Dr. Waldstein is aiming another 
blow at the unlovely Puritanism that has 
already been so severely hmdled by Mr. 
Matthew Arnold. It is no ioubt true and 
highly regrettable that the mass of our people 
lack emotional training, and hence flounder 
into such coarse forms of enjoyment when the 
pressure of work is intermitted. As our author 
says, Faust would hardly feel impelled to join 
the brotherhood of man on Hampstead Heath 
at Easter or Whitsuntide. We wish his words 
could be read by all who think it well to shut 
the people out from refining enjoyments on 
their weekly hohday. His contrast between an 
ordinary German and English town in the 
opportunities of joyous and elevating entertain- 
ment deserves all attention. Is there any reason 
in the eternal nature of things why we should 
go on taking our pleasures sadly and missing 
the most delicate bloom of life ? We hope not, 
though the duty of enjoyment which Mr. 
Herbert Spencer has recently so well in- 
culcated has been so long neglected that, as 
our author points out in an appendix, our 
language actually wants a vocabulary fitted 
for the sympathetic expression of pleasure, such 
as exists so copiously in the related German 
tongue. ' ' If [he says] we compare the German 
language with the English, we are struck by 
the poverty of the latter as regards the ex- 
pression of emotions, and especially of those 
indicating contentment " (p. 203). It is vain to 
plead that we feel much more than we express, 
for it is reasonable to assume that where there 
are feelings there will be found the appropriate 
words. Apart from this, the habit of ex- 
pressing joy, and of showing a lively interest 
in others' pleasures, is a means of strengthening 



the impulses of glad sympathy, and, as our 
vocabulary clearly shows, we are lamentably 
deficient in this habit. Wo hope that, if Dr. 
Waldstein sojourns any time among us, he may 
see the beginning of au inundation of the dry 
and arid tracts of the national mind by the 
fertilising streams of glad emotion. 

Outlines of the Philosophij of Aristotle. Com- 
piled by Edwin Wallace, M.A., Fellow and 
'Tutor of Worcester CoUe!;e, Oxford. Second 
and considerably Ealarged Edition. (Parker.) 
In these seventy pages Mr. Wallace has en- 
deavoured to "string together the more im- 
portant passages ia Aristotle's writings and 
explain them by a brief English commentary." 
His little book naturally bears a close rosem- 
blanoe to the Aristotelian section of Eitter and 
Preller's History ; bat, whereas they give 
extracts from Aristotle followed by notes, Mr. 
Wallace's plan is to give a short paragraph of 
his own on a subject, and then to append the 
sentences from Aristotle on which it is chiefly 
founded. Dividing his work into six sections — • 
on Logic, Metaphyaio, Philosophy of Nature, 
Psychology, Moral and Political Philosophy, 
and the Philosophy of Art — he touches upon each 
of the chief topics in the various divisions, and 
supports his statements by a sentence or two 
from Aristotle. It seems probable that his 
main, though not his only, aim has been ^ to 
construct a compendium of the Aristotelian 
philosophy that may be useful in the Oxford 
schools, and he has certainly brought together 
a number of short passages with which it is 
desirable that students should be familiar. It 
is inevitable that these ' ' slices from the 
banquet " of Aristotle should have nothing like 
the full flavour and relish of the whole writings ; 
and sentences which, taken with their context, 
are often not over-easy booomo, in isolation, 
still more obscure. It may, too, be doubted 
how far the knowledge to be gained from such 
reading is of value. The ordinary student's ao- 
aoquaintance with Aristotle must always, it may 
be said, bo of a somewhat scrappy character; 
and this is, to some extent, true. But in the 
case of a great and difficult author such know- 
ledge is to be deprecated rather than desired, 
and it is a pity to encourage the idea that a few 
sentences of English and Greek will tell a man 
all he need know of Aristotle's views as to the 
Soul or the State. Mr. Wallace seems to have 
chosen his points well, but, in putting them, he 
has, perhaps, pushed the virtue of brevity a 
little too far, and forgotten occasionally that 
sentences which convey to a well-mformed mind 
the very gist of the matter may prove simply 
puzzling to minds which have the information 
still to acquire. In fact, if what Mr. Wallace 
has done was to be done at all, it needed doing 
on a larger scale. A mean might be found 
between tho copious treatment of the subject by 
Zeller and the very meagre analysis of it in the 
work before us. If Mr. Wallace again rewrites 
his sketch, it is to be hoped that he will fill m 
his outlines with a good many more strokes. 

TnE second part of Messrs. Britten and 
Holland's Dictionary of English Plant Names 
(English Dialect Society) shows, perhaps, even 
a greater amount of research than the first. 
Though the book will be of service chiefly to 
the student of dialects and folk-lore, it contains 
much that is interesting to the British botanist. 
The qualifications of the authors for the work 
are abundantly proved, and it is especially 
fortunate that so expert a botanist as Mr. 
Britten has devoted himself to this diSicult sub- 
ject. The third and concluding part may be 
expected early next year, and with it a com- 
plete Index to the whole book (a temporary 
Index has been issued with each part) and an 
Introduction. 

An Elementary Text-Boole of Botamj. Trans- 
lated from the German of Dr, K. Prantl; thg 



: ACADEMY. 



[Oct. 2, 1880. —No. 439. 



ged of fine sand, witli but a 
' in it, washed down from the 
lUntains, and is therefore un- 
cultivation. Maize, however, 
id-nuts are grown there, with 
it and millet for manufacture 



and Mission have received the 
igfence of the safe arrival of 
thy and Miss Kidd at Kwei- 
ital of the Kweichow province, 
9 of the stations they have 

in the empire. The journey 
aonths and three days from 

Yangtsz9-kiang, which is the 
m settlement. Not only was 
hese two ladies a long one, but 
ley had to traverse the whole 
an, in which the anti-foreign 
jer than in any other part of 

'ATKA's expedition, which two 
3d for the Gulf of Boothia in 
emains and relics of Sir John 
3 party, and to which we have 
has at length been heard of 
iears to have met with some 
ig that the apparently wild 
;he Netchelli Esquimaux had 
1 in fact. After enduring great 
hardships, Lieut. Schwatka and 
eem to have succeeded in tracing 
aux tribe — a work of no small 
also discovered relics of Frank- 
, and learned from the natives 
fferings it underwent from cold 
The Esquimaux told Lieut, 
they saw a small party of 
i to be the last survivors of the 
•k about „the„mouths and with 



details have yet been received of the voyage 
but the fact of Mr. Leigh Smith's success is, W(l 
believe, undoubted, and reflects great credit or 
the skilfulness of his arrangements. 



SCIENCE NOTES. 



thfi 



Geological Survey of India. — Among 
recent publications of this Survey is a memoir 
on the geological structure of the Eamkola and 
Tatapani coal-fields, by Mr. 0. L. Griesbach. 
These coal-fields form the eastern arm of the 
great central area of Gondwana rocks, which 
stretch westwards from Tatapani for upwards 
of two hundred miles to near Jabalpur, andJ> 
thence by a long south-eastern prolongation to ^i 
near Sambalpur, where they come into close 
relation with t he Talchir field in Orissa. For- 
merly the Gondwana series must have had a ' 
much greater extension, since it has evidently 
sufi'ered by long- continued denudation. The 
crystal-line rocks beneath the coal-fields in this 
area may be arranged in three groups, compris- 
ing the oldest gneiss, the crystalline schists, and 
the granitic rocks. A small exposure of sub- 
metamorphic rocks has also been detected. Mr. 
Griesbach was formerly attached to the Geo- 
logical Survey of Austria, and on quitting that 
service travelled in South Africa, and afterwards 
resided for a considerable time in this country. 
Those who are familiar with his skilful pencil 
will recognise its work in the present memoir. 

The Nation states that the first volume of 
Surgeon J. S. Billings's Index Catalogue of the 
Library of the Surgeon- OeiieraVs Office, U.S.A. 
(A^Berlinski), has just appeared. The present 
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^//^. 12?. 



244 



THE ACADEMY. 



[Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439. 



translation revised by S. H. Vines, M.A.,D.So., 
&c. ("W. Swan Sonnenscheiu and Allen.) Dr. 
Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's 
test-book to supply an undoubted want of a 
book which should serve as an introduction to 
Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett 
and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the 
treatment of the subject. Dr. Vines' experi- 
ence and skill in reproducing German botanical 
literature has been fully exercised on the book, 
and there is evidence of care in the translation ; 
but we venture to believe that the want has 
not been met by it, for there is an absence of 
clearness and freedom in writing which can 
only be set down to the hampering influence of 
the trau.slation. The book is, in fact, almost as 
"advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly 
not moro simple as regards the descriptive 
language. It contains several minor mistakes. 
The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' 
Lehrhuch, and the others are in many cases very 
rudely executed. 



NOTES OF TRAVEL. 
TicE Commissao Central Permanente de 
Geographia, which for the past four years has 
existed as a department of the Portuguese 
Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately 
been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical 



Mge. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has 
received intelligence of the safe arrival of the 
Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second 
missionary expedition despatched to East Africa 
under his superintendence. On their arrival at 
Kaduma, on the south side of the lake, King 
Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhao, the 
head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch 
them and tren-sport their effects to TJwaia, at 
the north-east of the lake, whore they proposo 
to found a new settlement. One of the party, 
Frtre Max Blum, we learn, was killed on the 
road from Tabora to the Victoria Nyanza when 
the caravan was attacked by a band of robbers. 
The reports which Pere Livinhac sends of the 
condition of affairs at Mtesa's capital are on the 
■whole favourable for the future position of the 
Algerian missionaries ; but it is a somewhat 
significant fact that they are unable to obtain 
any knowledge of the neighboming countries 
and tribes, as they are not allowed to quit 
Eubaga. 

News has been received that M. Ollivier 
Pastre', whose expedition in West Africa we 
recently referred to, has arrived at the French 
postofBoke, on the Rio Nunez, after experien- 
cing many hardships during his wanderings in 
the Futa-Jallon highlands, in the central 
plateau of which the Senegal, Gambia, and a 
number of other rivers take their rise. M. 
Pastr6 is expected to return to MarseUles almost 
immediately. 

M. l'Abbe Desgodins — who has rendered 
great services to geography, ethnography, and 
linguistics in Eastern Thibet — early in the pre- 
sent year made a short journey from Tachienlu, 
on the western frontier of China, to Shapa. On 
leaving the former place he followed at first the 
torrent which flows from west to east down into 
the lower ground within the Chinese border. 
Afterwards the road took a southerly direction, 
and followed the right bank of the Peitu Eiver 
to Shapa. According to his barometer, it was 
found that between Tachienlu and Shapa there 
was a descent of about 4,250 feet. It is also 
said that at the latter place the trees are in leaf 
in the middle of February, while at the former 
this does not happen till the month of May. 
Shapa is situated almost opposite the Chinese 
market-town of Kiaochang, on the left bank of 
the Feitu, and is connected with it by a chain 
bridge. As is indicated by the name Shapa, 
Bignifying " sandy plain," the soil of this part 



is chiefly composed of fioe sand, with but a 
little yellow clay in it, washed down from the 
neighbouring mountains, and is therefore un- 
suited for rice cultivation. Maize, however, 
cotton, and ground-nuts are grown there, with 
a little buckwheat and millet for manufacture 
into spirits. 

The China Inland Mission have received the 
gratifying intelligence of the safe arrival of 
Mi-3. W. McCarthy and Miss Kidd at Kwei- 
yang-fu, the capital of the Kweichow province, 
the most remote of the stations they have 
hitherto opened in the empire. The journey 
occupied two months and three days from 
Hankow, on the Yangtszg-kiang, which is the 
nearest European settlement. Not only was 
the journey of these two ladies a long one, but 
in making it they had to traverse the whole 
breadth of Hunan, in which the anti-foreign 
feeHng is stronger than in any other part of 
China. 

Lieut. Sohwatka's expedition, which two 
years ago started for 'the Gulf of Boothia in 
search of the remains and relics of Sir John 
Franklin and his party, and to which we have 
before alluded, has at length been heard of 
again, and appears to have met with some 
success, showing that the apparently wild 
statements of the Netchelli Esquimaux had 
some foundation in fact. After enduring great 
sufferings and hardships, Lieut. Schwatka and 
hiscompanionsseemto have succeeded in tracing 
out this Esquimaux tribe — a work of no small 
difficulty ; they also discovered relics of Frank- 
lin's expedition, and learned from the natives 
details of the sufferings it underwent from cold 
and starvation. The Esquimaux told Lieut. 
Schwatka that they saw a small party of 
ofiicers, believed to be the last survivors of the 
es:pecliti©&, -bl • 't about - the mouths and with 
no flesh on their bones, dragging a boat over 
the ice; they tien disappeared, and theii' 
skeletons were aftwwards found under the boat 
and in a tent. Fuller particulars of these 
interesting disoovsries, for which we are in- 
debted to the liberality of two New York 
merchants, yiil be awaited with much 
curiosity. 

Capt. H. 'W. Hotvgate's Polar colonisa- 
tion scheme seems doomed to meet with nothing 
but obstruction and misfortune. After over- 
coming much opposition and numerous ob- 
stacles, Capt. Eowgate started at the end of 
June in the little steam vessel, Oulnare, which 
had been purchased for him in this country by 
Dr. John Eae, and was believed to be well suited 
for the purposes of the expedition. In a few 
days, however, as we recorded on July 17, she 
put into St. John's, Newfoundland, with her 
machinery damaged. After the necessary re- 
pairs had been stt'ected, a fresh start was made, 
and it was hoped that everything would at last 
be satisfactory. This hope has, unfortunately 
for science, nofbeen fulfilled, for the Giilnarehas 
returned to the United States, having proved 
quite useless for an Ai'ctic voyage, and, as the 
season has been lost, the expedition has, as a 
matter of course, been abandoned ^ for the 
present. 

Some three months ago we noted that Mr. 
Leigh Smith, whose name is well known in 
connexion with Arctic work, had started in his 
yacht on a voyage to the Polar regions, in 
which we are pleased to learn he has already 
achieved a great success. The Austrian vessel 
Tegeihoff succeeded in reaching Franz Josef 
Land some years ago, but had to be abandoned 
there ; the Dutch expedition in the Willem 
Barents last year sighted this great goal of Arctic 
explorers ; but to Mr. Leigh Smith belongs the 
honour of having landed on the mysterious 
continent on August 14, and of having brought 
his vessel safely back to Hammerfest. No 



details have yet been received of the voyage ; 
but the fact of Mr. Leigh Smith's success is, we 
believe, undoubted, and reflects groat credit on 
the ekilfulness of his arrangements. 



SCIENCE NOTES. 
Geological Survey of India. — Among the 
recent publications of this Survey is a memoir 
on the geological structure of the Eiimkola and 
Tatapuni coal-fields, by Mr. C. L. Griesbach. 
These coal-fields form the eastern arm of the 
great central area of Gondwana rocks, which 
stretch westwards from Tatapdni for upwards 
of two hundred miles to near Jabalpur, and 
thence by a long south-eastern prolongation to 
near Sambalpur, where they come into close 
relation with the Tcilchir field in Orissa. For- 
merly the Gondwana series mnst have had a 
much greater extension, since it has evidently 
suffered by long-continued denudation. The 
crystal-line rocks beneath the coal-fields in this 
area may be arranged in three groups, compris- 
ing the oldest gneiss, the crystalline schists, and 
the granitic rocks. A small exposure of sub- 
metamorphic rocks has also been detected. Mr, 
Griesbach was formerly attached to the Geo- 
logical Survey of Austria, and on quitting that 
service travelled in South Africa, and afterwards 
resided for a considerable time in this country. 
Those who are familiar with his skilful pencil 
will recognise its work in the present memoir. 

The Nation states that the first volume of 
Surgeon J. S. Billings's Index Catalogue of the 
Lihrary of the Surgeon-OeneraV s Office, U.S.A. 
(A— Berlinski), has just appeared. The present 
instalment fills 888 pages large octavo, in 
double columns, with the catalogue proper; 
while 126 pages additional are required for a 
list of the medical periodicals whoso contents 
arc bore indexed, and the abbrftyiatioaa- bv 
which they are designated. 

Messes. Griffith amd Fakran" will shortly 
publish a little book entitled The Guests of 
Flowers, by Mi's. Meetkerke. Its object is to 
explain in the simplest possible language how 
insects are useful to flowers, and to bring the 
results of recent scientific researches within the 
comprehension of children. It is intended to 
cultivate their powers of observation, and to 
teach them that the more they understand tho 
more they will enjoy. Prof. Kerner lends the 
weight of his authority to the book, and in a 
letter to the author, which will be prefixed to it, 
tenders his sincerest thanks for the valuable 
assistance she has aft'orded him thereby. 



PHILOLOGY NOTES. 
Le Nom primitif des Aryas. By J. van den 
Gheyn. (Brussels : Alfred Vromant.) Prof, 
van den Gheyn gives an interesting and clearly 
written sketch of what is known about the 
Aryans, their birthplace and wanderings, and 
adopts M. Baissao's etymology for the name. 
This is the root of the Greek itpyos, the Latin 
argentum, from which he infers that the Aryans 
were originally the "whites" in opposition to 
the dark-skinned Dasyus whom they met in 
India. Unfortunately, however, the root here 
is arj or arg, not ar (or ary). M. van den Gheyn 
has read extensively and packed a good deal of 
information into a small space. Some of his 
statements are naturally likely to be disputed ; 
but he has gone to the best authorities, and 
endeavoured to bring his knowledge up to date. 
Revelations etymologiques. I. By Michel Scha- 
piro. (Paris : Maisonneuve.) M. Schapiro has 
examined the modern names of certain weapons 
of offence which are usually supposed to have an 
"historical origin" — that is to say, to have 
been derived from tho name of some place or 
person — with the object of showing that they 



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ober aSiofcfforcn loerben. SBunfen iDiirbc nicmals „ber 23otfd)aftcr , 
er blieb ftetS SBnnfcn. 3d) batte bnS 6)Ilid, miitjrenb memer 2auf= 
babn Dicic Planner fennen s« lernen, loeId)e bie 2Belt grofe ncnut, 
SPbttofopben, ©taatsmdnnev, ©elebric, .tfinftler nnb ®id)ter, abcr 
3((Ie§ in SlUem genommen, ben tiDlten iDaI)ren 2JfaaMtnb ber 
gj?anneStt)iirbe angelegt, id) fat) 9!icmanbcn feineSgletd^en, unb 
werbe luoljl niemais Scmonbcn fcincSglcii^en fe[)en." 

©0 Ittutete baS Urtr)eil 3)h).: 3)Jidrer§ iiber ben bmnoligcn 
prcufjifi-^en ©cfnnbtcn in Sonbon, §entc nnter bem 
©rafcu 9)Jiinfter unb ©erbert SiSmarcE fie^t eS in bem 
niimlit^cn ©ebiiubc, im $rnffia ©oufe unb Carlton Soufe Serraffe 
ctluaS anbcrS alS 3U 33nnfen§ 3eit miS. m<s.i WixUx: arbeitcte 
ficlfeigft, Dcrglid) 9)fanuffripte im .•oaufc bcr enft=3iibin=®efcl(fd)aft 
nnb in ben a3ib(iDtl)efcn, allcin ba§3ie( fcincS SebcuS, bie »eran§= 
gnbc ber 9!ig 25cbn toiirbc cr bod) olme SunfcuS 9Jfitluir£nng nid)t 
crreid)t bnben. Sic Soften be8 llni'.vncbmcnS innren ncimlid) fo 
grofee unb bie ju crjielcnbcu ©ummen im 2>cr()dltniffc fo gering, 
bofe fein S3er(egcr baS 2Bcrt nntcrnommen Ijfittc. SlUcin bcr pren= 
f?ifcbe (Sefanbte )unr uncrmitblid) in feliien Seftrebungen bei ber 
(Soft Siibta eompaiU). ©r fetjtc ben Sireftorcn auSeinanber nnb 
Siuar nad) snblfofen 58cfnd)cn, loie loid)tig bnS fflSer! filr fie mnre 
unb bnfe baffelbc in (^'nglnnb publijirt tucrbcn iniifttc. ffinblid) 
gaben fie nod) unb bciuidigtcn bie g-onbs fnr ben S)rnd ber 3)JulIer= 
fd)cn Sln^gobc ber „§eiltgcn ©t)mnen bcr Brobmanen unb 
beren Sommentore". SJJit ©ntjiicEen tr)eilte Sunfen biefeS 
afefnltot feinem jungen g^reunbe mit. „9hin l)abcn ©ic," fo rief ber 
©efonbte mit crregter ^Jreube nnS, „eiu SIBerE fiir 3f)r Sebenlong, 
cinen groBen g^elSbtoct, ben 3U bearbciten unb ju poliren eg Dieler 
3obre erforbern luirb. 5(Kein Inffen ©ie uu§ bod) Don 
Seit 3U 3cit einige ©plitter au§ 3r)vcr 2Berfftattc febcn". 
fflkj; 9JHiaer erfiillte beibe SBiinfc&e, ©r beorbeitetc unb polirte 
ben groften S31od Dolfftanbigft unb gliinsenbft, unb feine „Cbips 
from" a sentian workshop" gebBven ju ben geiftDolffte;: , liC; 

liebteftcn (llial)S oer neuereu ^i^v^^'^^ T v™|!"*'.«~'!f"'Jl!m; 

©erobc ein aiicrteljabrbuubcrt long baiicrte bie 25cri)ftenttid)ung 

beS grofeen aBerfeS ,.llig-Vcda-Sanlilta, bie f)eiligen Jgymnen ber 



SSraSmoncn neBft ben SJommcntaren bon SayanacBarya". S« 
crfte Sanb, cintaufenb ©etten 6 jvogguart, erfd)ien 1849; bcrjlueite 
1854; ber britte 1856; ber 6ieriei862; bcr filnfte 1872, oQe iiber 
taufenb ©citen (Srofeguatt, unb ber Ic^te SSanb, 1246 ©eiten ©rofe^ 
quart, Derliefe bie SPreffe im 3a fire 1874, am 14. ©eptcmber, bem 
erften 2;age bcr aJerfommlung ^eS orientalift^en tongreffeS in 
Sonbon. Sn einem 2Bod)enbIatt;e pon bem (SbaroEter beg ®eutf4en 
9!)iontng§=a3latte§ tann man la: ,„, jjne einqebenbe gac^ttitit beS 
grofeen 2Cei;Ec§ eriuarten; eine \u^^^ |j[jjj,t ben ©palten ber $5ac6= 
journale iiberlaffen, bie biefer rsinfgoBe au^ ^inreicbenb na*ge« 
fommen finb. 9tur ©ine Sbatfaj^j Derbient fiicr erroobuung. 9}a* 
bem Grfdjcinen beS Dierten S8oitll,jg ^er Rig- Veda Don Wm aJfilHer 
f anb in SToonob cine 3Serf(iuimlui,g ^on ficbcnr)nnbert ber gelebrteftcn 
arn5mincn3ubtcnS ftatt. Stcfclb^,, crElcirtcn nod) genaucm©tubium, 
bofj bcr gebrndtc Scrt bcffer „„{, fowefter, ais ber in irgenb 
einem if)rer|fJanuftripte fet, idciaj jjj ^^^ j,en(,„er ju forrtgircrt 
beganncn. Sag qebrucEte Jberf j (^jft ^.m ibre beiligen »etrad)= 
{nngen nnb ©tubicn in ®el;rnu^ 51, i,er,,nen, loogtcn fie ntdit, 
roeif einem ©etn^tc 3Ufolgc bet tur 23ercltnnq ber SJrnderfdjtoorjc 
m englanb pas SBlut oon SbierL bermenbct' rocrbe. 

JOtaj: 9JhitIer^S grofecr fiebret ssonrnonf, bcr bic erften brcl 
S3anbe ber 9^iq SBeba mit entsud^,, begriiftte, follte bie SSotlcnbung 
bcS SBcrfcS nid)t erlcbcn, er ftari, ^^^ bem ®rfd)cinen bc§ biertcit 
23anbeg; m ber SBorrcbe 3U bicfci,, mibmet ber aicrfaffer bem SScr= 
ftorbcncn einen hjarm gebalteui,,^ „„§ bem ©erjen fommenben 
9Jadirnf, in tucld)cm TOor 9]iimet anerfenut, bnfe er feine jefeigc 
©tettung in ber (Sclc^rtcmuclt feinem Sel)rcr am College de France 
snmcift Dcrbonfe, unb tote ticf er*, Jcftncic, bafi gerabe cr bie 2SoIIeu= 
bung be§ 2Bcrteg nid)t mebr ericbic.' Sreifeig 3a6re long fwtte 
9Jfor 9J}iiacr on feinem riefigen £)pu§ gcorbcitet. 3n bcr aJor= 
rebe 311 bem lejjten Snnbe fd)reti,t berfelbc: „3H§ id) bie lefete 
3eite nn ber 3?ig SSebn unb ©oWmo'S ©ommcntar boju gefcbrie^ 
ben, unb bic 5Jebcr nicbergclcgt t,(,ttc, iibcrfam mid) bnS ©efiit)!, 
alS biitte id) Don einem alten, oltcn g-rcunbe ?(bfd)icb genommen. 
2Biibrenb ber 3cit Don breifiig .^abren mar faum ein Sag Der= 
ftoffen, on roeli^cm fid) mctne *.S)ebnnfen nid)t mit biefem SBcrte 
beid)aftig bottcn, nnb gar mondjCti Tag fomic mand)e 9lad)t bitbe= 
ten bie nltcn Siiftc bcr 2>cba Unb liod) mebr beren ortftobover 
emfiger STuSlegcr, meinen fteten un3crtrennlid)en Seglciter. 3d) 
fiiblc mid) mof)! gliidlid), b]g baS ilSerE Dotlcnbet ift 
unb uod)bem id) gcfeben, Ipie oft fo a)?and)e in ber 
9]{itte i^rer Strbciten biHmeggcra[ft tunrben, mufe id) smeifaeftc 
SonEbarfcit cmpfinben, bojj e§ mir DcrgBiint luor, baS Sfficrf 
meincS SebenS 3U DoKenben." 

a)Jar aJiiiCtcr erfiillte pottftanbig SBunfenS 2Buufd). 2BaBrenb 
ber tongcn 3abrc, metd)c bic §eriiffcntlid)nng ber Stig 2Jeba= 
Sfommentorc in Stnfprud) nabrn, f ncn gni iiinnrijC Spiinc ijon bem 
ni(id)tigcn SSlode in bcr SBerffto bes' bcutjfbcn gOictftcrS. Sicfe 
Chips from a sterman worksho(«Ka«d) in mct)VtaS)en htutfijett 
?tu§gabcn crfd)icnen) Derbreitcten Maj; aJ^uQerS 91id)m wobl in bie 
tDciteftcn ,'Sreife. SDie ®ffai)§ in biefeu Dier aSanbcn bebanbetn iu 
gleid) gciftDollcr SHScifc bie Derfd)iebenften ©egciiftanbc, bie SBiffcn= 
fd)aft ober bag SBcfcn ber Stel gion, 9JJt)tl)DlDgic, olte ©itten, 
Scgenben unb ®cbrdnd)c Dcrfcfticbener 25oltcv; oer britte S3anb ift 
faft gnus ber Siterntur gclDibnut, mdbreiib in bem Dierten bie 
Slnffcben crregenben Saiciiprebigt „iiber DJHffioncn" entbaltcn ift, 
bie 9}tar DJh'iilcr, nod) ciner jinfforbening feineS ^yrcnnbcS, beS 
Secan Stonlet) in bem ©d)iffe ter 2Beftminfter Slbtei am 3. Se= 
sembcr 1873 borgetragen batte. 

SBalb nod) bem (Srfd)cinen bc§ erftcn SSoubeS bcr 3}ig SSeba im 
Jabrc 1849, iDiirbe 9Jia^ WMix Don ben Jlntoritiiten bcr Uni' 
Derfitcit Di-forb eingclnben, bafelbft Jfiorlcfunncn iiber Dergreid)ciibe 
^^bilologic 3n bolten, anfnngg alS ©iipplcont Don $rofe|Tor 
Srotber, Dom 3nf)re 1854 nber, nad) beffcii Sobe, alS 9Jnd)folger 
SrotbcrS unb nls orbentlicber SjSrofcffor bicfeS Scbrfndjeg. ®ic 
lcbt)oftcn, autucilen bef tigen Mmpfc iiber bic Dcr|d)icbcneii Al)corieii 
bcr Dcrglcidjcnbcn ©prad)miffcnfcl)(ift, ^cljben, iDeld)e oft on bic 
tbcolDqi'fd)en3ornou§briicbc in ©dualt beranreid)tcii, mib iniueld)en 
ber Di-forber beutfd)e ©elebrte Diele Stnbdiigcr, icie and) Diele 
©cqner fanb, fbiinen 6ier nur aiigebentct merbeii; em oiid) mir 
biiiitigcs ©ingcben in bic ®efail§ berfclbcn imirbc mebr ais 
eine gnuse 9htmmer bcS 9;(ontag§=SIatteS erforbern. 

SO'for gRiitler „laS" in £)}-fori) Doni Snbre 18OO 6i| 18' '' % 
gcrobe cin Dicrtel 3ar)rr)nnbcrt, luormif er teme ^I'l'tcfrf "^, J'^ 
im 3al)re 1868 cigenS neu fiir ibn flfflviii'bct iDortatioar i iber- 
legte. (Sr bcabfid)tigte bomals, fid) goii,-, "n*. ®«itfd) nnb pimia 
3n;icf)en nnb feiner litcrarifdjcn SbiififlEeit m 3id«"rt )■ ' oj 
loibmen. Serid)icbcnc bentfd)c lliiiuerfdritcii unb «"* & J . •; 
mad)tcn iftm bic glcinscnbftcn aintrafic, "" %" fint,, ,b i 
Dyfovb fid) erbot, ibm "ucn ?lfittciitc" « >^""fg^^'^^"^^^^^^^ 
gleid)3eitig mit bcr igcranSgabe ter Ueberfe^inifl bci „6iDeiteii jna)ti 



burdfi ibre Scbauptungen crf*eir.t, bnuon tann fid) ^ebcr uberjengcn, 
"» • ^ ""fhlicft. ®er aintiBort, 



na* Stand) 2)nnt abftattcn jujoiin^';'"' 
grniibe cine ©adic aufinta"*'"' — ' 



lien miv im Gm'W' 




fla^ mnUtL 

anbert^albjaQSmauem unb bic @eBaubc giierft errid^tet, tmb eftte fpStcrc, 

W feitbem tl mel^r au§gebe§t unb tfjeiltodfe toieber aufgebaut murben. 

ibge, bann iigt $)5rof, ©attce, beffen SBort al§ ba§ eine§ ber fad^tiid^s 

t unb nnbere^enner nid^t dId§ in ber @prad^en= unb @efd^td^t§*, fonbern 

jefet feinen U ber Slltertl^um§!unbe, getoalttg fd^toer toicgt: 

latte 2JiaE ^g fft flat, ba§ bie gtoeite Qtaht toal^renb etne§ langen S^^ 

dmltd^ 1872 > epftirt ^afien mu|. Unmoglid^ tft e§ aber, biefe S^^atfa^en 

eineS $j3rofef5Ien, ol^ne gu bemerfen, loie hjunberbar fie bamit iiberein* 

k er iDDl^I aBt, loag un§ bie S^rabition unb bie Scgenbe uon ber ©tabt 

rafebnrg gu J^iamoS erscil^It ]^aben» ®ie ton S)r. ©d^Iiemann an§ Si(^t 

tl §onorar oite ©tabt |atte ein Iange§ £eben; il^re^auern unb(Sebaubc 

•g einen brei einft tl^eitoeife toieber^ergefteUt; fie tear grofe unb reic^, 

srinnerung anne 8lfropoIi§, toeld^e bie ©bene iiberfd^aute unb mit Stents 

forb offe (Bljnh anberen grofeen ©ebciuben gegiert toax; if)ve 3Jlauern 

fitdt jnfaffen ftarl unb Don S^^iirmen befd^iilit 3^r §errfd^er tear cin 

jrift Cl^urd^, er ^iirft, ber bie benad^barten ©olbminen Don Stft^ra gu 

gum turatoSerfugung gel^abt unb fotoo^l su Sanbe al§ au^ pSBaffcr 

iotljef ertoa^Itien 2Ji)I!ern im SSerle^r geftanben ^aben mnfe; unb, 

1860 nad^ m SBid^tigften ift, biefe ^taht tourbe burd^ geuer 

M „S5obeni€. ♦ . ♦ 2Benn tolx ^insufiigen, ha^ fid^ §iffarlif je^t al§ 

oon Stories, ige Sauftette in ber Sroa§ ^erau§geftettt bat, bie fiir ha^ 

tnten (in 2lmd)e S:rDia ^affen fann, fo tft e§ in ber X^at f(^tt)er, ber 

^ing§") batterolgerung gu toibevfteben, ha^ S)r. ©d^Iiemann toixtli^ 

n rlDaliflrenbe.entbecft bat" 

'^"^-.^'^.ises bi(: niebr no(ft. ^thtn einer ber t)on SDr. ©c&Iieniann fat 

"4-rr "^ ^' ^"t^ecften 9ieDbrit=2reEte ift felbft bie „3Ita§" — toieber* 

•ft l^^'^ fl^"""\^fee englifcbe tenner binsufiigt — nur ein S)ing Don geftern. 

t i|t ber SJytoroord^e ^unbe toerben tt)ir plo^Iii^ an eine Beit erinnert, 

ebrte torperfc^a^teicbe ber S?Xffi)rer unb ber ^^ittiten (unb urn hit (5rfor« 

tJ7 18(4 /il;5 ber tuIturgefd)Tdf)te ber Se^teren bat ficb $rof, @at)ce 

;d nuer .noujeiuefonbere SSerbienfte ertoorben) no(^ ni^t gegriinbet 

cabemie francat- an eine 3ett, too bie arifd^en SSorfabren ber ©riecben 

^^ M -^ '"?^^^ ^^^^ "^"^ ©eintatb in ©iib = (Surojja erreid^t 

ra)a)e|ten unb- auf eine S^^t jebod^, too hk roben SSoIfSftamme ber 

igianberin ciusficn SjSeriobe bereits angefangen i^atttn, uuter einanber 

Diten tyamilTen;iitber3U treiben, unb too bie taratoanen ben foftbaren 

- wno oem^ t)eriie§ tuen*Iiin Don einem ©nbe Stfien§ nad| bent anberen 

^^^\^'^mlmxkh Unb barum ift e§ einfadfie ©ered^tigfeit, mit S^rofeffor 

^?5P ^^^il*^ " fagen: „S)ie t)Drgefc^id[)tIic^e 2ritertbum§funbc im Sia« 

creicbbare „®tn)a: j^erbanft SDr. ©d^Iientann§ ®ntbetfungen ebenfobiel, loic 

„ .,„ ,,.^bium ber gried)ifcben @efrf)id^te unb ber griec^ifd&en^unft 

acr berofrentlid^icbanfen." 

fm "S<iSpfSn Stiterfennung golft ber berborraqenbe englifd^e (Selebrtc 
ZmmenK h^v^^^*^^""3, ber greigebigfeit, ber SlufoDferung be§ beut* 
bS npumeftn^^'l^^^^' ^elcber feiuem SSaterlmtbe bie unf^a^* 
t-wtprafnr. S«§9^'«^«"9en, bereu ©rtoerbung ibm fo Diel m^^ 
■-^iifriS.rt^'^' P»« ®efdfjen!e gemacbt, bie §alfte feiner jabr* 
^"""""Sinmnfte ber 2Btffenfd^aft getoibmet m^, unb 



WORKS published by LONGMANS dr* CO. 



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biej 

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^l\)Wo' ^ Ovtrtoris English Church History 14 

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^^^ r/o»'j Modem Cookery 20 

, pine Club Map of S\vitzerland 17 

(laltl Guide (The) i7 

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£j,gj 50 Years of English Constitution 5 

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53a (T.) English Literature 6 

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Q(il]moU's Elements of Physics 9 

^rtelier (The) du Lys 18 

therstone Priory ^° 

f , utumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 7 

Wjre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 20 



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EX. 

Bacon's Essays, by Whaiely S 

lAie andi. l^Qiiers, hy Spedding ... 5 

Promus, edited by Mrs, Pott 5 

Works S 

Bagehot's Biographical Studies 4 

Economic Studies 21 

Literary Studies 6 

Bailey's Festus, a Poem 18 

Bain's ]2imes Mill and J. S. Mill 4 

Mental and Moral Science 6 

on the Senses and Intellect 5 

Emotions and Will 5 

Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 17 

jBaZ/j Alpine Guides 17 

Ball's Elements of Astronomy 10 

Barry on Railway Appliances 10 

&L Bramwell on R.a.W.wB.ys, &c 13 

Bauermati sMineralogY 1° 

Beaconsfield' s (Lord) Novels and Tales 17 & iS 

— ; Speeches i 



Us OftenS" Betraute, anfaerte 3Kaj muHa bot^ feinen (SnU 
fc^tiife roieber iinb tefivte mi) oiibertftalbjafjvigec Slbtoefeiifieit 
imeber iiacf) Dirforb jiiriirf. ©r „Iicft" feitbem tfjcits bort, manc^eS 
ajfal foaar auf (Sifiit^ett in (£amBribge, bann inSonbon iiber bev= 
gleitfienbc 5]Sf|iMo()ie, iibct Sanfftit imb nnbere Drientalia, allein 
feine metfte SUhiBejcit fnnit er bod) ie(3t feitien aterarifc^en Srrbeiten 
ffitbmen. ®cf)Oii einmal friifter fiafte gjjar TlWn- Ojrforb auf 
einige 3eit berlaffeii. Sc mitrbc ncimlid) 1872 eiiigelaben, an bev 
UniDerfitdt ©tcafjburg bie ©telle eineS SJJrofefforg be» ©anffrit 
anjune^men. ©icfen Slntrog kfmte er iddIjI ab, bod& Killigte er 
ein, eine SScifie SSorlefungen in ©trafebiirg 5U Ijalten. SDa 3}lu[[er 
^ierfur, tDie (Singang§ erroabnt, fein Jponorar aimcf)men rooUte, fo 
griinbete bie Uiiiuerfitat ©trafeburg cineit breijiifjrigcn 5)>rciS fitr 
bie fiefte ©a:iftrit=8(bl)anblung 3111- (Siiunerung an biefe SSorlefungen. 

Dbtoo^I 'iJlax DJiiiller in Dyforb oHe eijren rafd) erroarb. 
We einent aJJitgliebe ber Unibcrfitat juf alien fonnen, obgteid) 
et fdion 1851 SWitglieb Bon Sljrift efjurcb, 1854 in bie 'Son= 
Bofation berufen nnb 1856 jum Si'iirator ber beritl)mte 
SBobleianifcEien UnioerfitatS = Sibliotljet ertnaljlt murbe, gelaiig 
eg i^m bod) nte^t \m Sabre 1860 na^ bent Sobe Doii 
SJJrofeffor Sffiilfon beffen ©telle a(§ „BDben=Sanffritc5!;rofcf|"or" 
ju er^alten. (Sine 2Kajoritnt »on XorieS, Don ©eiftlidjen 
unb natiuiftifcf) gcfiunten DbfcrDanten (in SImerifa nannte man 
bie le^tere Clique bie „Snoit)noif)iiigg") fjattcn fid) gegcn „ben 
®eutf(§en" bcrbiinbet unb feiueni rinalifirenben ffanbibaten i^re 
©timme gcgeben. Socb rourbe I'iiiller 1868 bie ©euugtbuung 3U 
Sfieil, bnfe bie UniBerfitdt eine eigine i'e&vfan^cl ber „Dergleid)enbeii 
iJSfliloIogie" augbriirflid) fiir SJiaj- 2){iiUcr griinbete. 

Sin iiufecren ©brenbcseugnugen ift ber Dj'forber Sprofeffor iibcr= 
reid&. (S§ giebt t)iellcid)t feine geletirtc SfiJrpevfrfittft, beren 3JfitgIieb 
er nid)t miire. SDiaj: 3J(iiUer gcfiiht feit 187-t aUi IHittei bent Drben 
pour le merite nn; er ift DJlitglicb atler Jlbtbcilnngen be§ Suftifut 
be iJrance mit ?lu§na[)ine ber 2(cab("mie francaifc, unb allc feine 
anberen S^itel miirben meftr nig cine ©cite fitUen. '■Slax aJciitler 
nnturalifirte fic^ in (Snglanb am rafd)eften unb leidjteften burd) 
feine 23ere^elid)nng mit einer (Snglanbcrin nu§ einer ber Iieften 
unb in ber Siteratur Ijerborragenbften ganiilicn; er murbe burcft 
feine ^rau mit ®6ttrle§ SingSIeh unb bem beriiljmteu ®efd)id)t§= 
fd)reibcr g^ronbe Dcrfdjlocigert. ©ein 55amilienlebeu geljiirt 3U ben 
gli:ctlid)ften; in feinem §aufe 3U D^forb fterrfi^t Die Sufriebenljeit, 
ber Somfort, ba§ anberioartS unerreic^bare „®traa§" be§ tiorne^meu 
englifi^en „Home". 

®ie 3a6I ber Don max aJJiiHer beroffcnttidjten felbftftanbigen 
SIBerfe (abgefefjen bon Jlrtifefn in 3{eBuen, 3JJaga3inen, 3citungen 2C.) 
iiberfteigt haS Siertelfinnbert. 3lm betanuteften finb bie Gliips 
from a german workshop, bte fommentare ber dHa 2?eba; bie 
beutfc^en tIaffiEer Bom Bierte:i biS neunje^nten Sa^rljunbert; 
®ef^i(|te ber alten @an§fik = Siteratur; SBorlefungen iiber 
bie ©pra(5tDtffcnfcf)nft unb noof Blele nnbere aBerfe iiber nite 
3roeige ber Bergleid)enben ©prfldiwiffenfdinft. 3m Safire 1870 
fdirieb DJtaj 9]!htler, mie otien \d)o\\ crrottbnt, fur bie SimeS 
einige Borjiiglidje Sriefe iiber ben bcutfd)=fran3bfifdien Srieg, alle 
DoU S[}atriDti?mu§ fiir fein SSaterlanb unb ben (Sngtcinbern bie 
rid)tige SllSiirbigung jenee ©treitfalleS lefirenb. Seit 1879 befdinf^: 
tigt f'id^ aJJar 9JHitter Biclfad) mit ber (Srsiefinng imb bem linter= 
ri'd)te einiger Iioftcr bubbt)iftifd)er 5)5riefter an§ Sapan, roeldjc Bon 
ber bortigen Diegierung belinfg i^rer SJuSbilbung nodi Drforb ge= 
l*idt roorben. Sjierbe'i fanb er faft anfiillig ^crnn?, bafe ba§ 
altefte ©anftritmanuftript ftt^ in Sapnn befiubet. mit §ilfe ber= 
fclben publisirte aJtax: 9]!iiller bie ©augfrittevte Berfd)iebener bub= 
bt)iftifcl)er Sffierte, mie bie ©utliaBotitjatjn unb nod) meljrere nnbere 
bnbbl)iftifd)e Sejte. S)ie letjtc Bon il)m Berbffentlidjte ©d)rift ift ein 
BoUftanbiger Catalog ber Subbfiiftifdjen S:ri|)itafa, ba§ ift ber£ef)r= 
formein ber Subbbiften in (Jt)ina nnb Sabnu. 

max WiiMa ift nad) euglifdien Segriffcn juug; mogen ifim 
nOd& Diele Safire boKer 3lrbcit§fraft unb I'lvbcitSluft befdjieben fein. 



Dr. ©c^liemann's \mg^'\tt Croja* 
J'orfc^ungen. 

ajon X. X. X. 

ma Berbopbeltem Snteveffe iBerbeu iebt bfe SBefudier be§ ©dilic= 
mann=9J}ufeum§ in 33er 



— . 4 — 

aebigfeit bort aufgepuften ©c&afee 6etrad)ten unb ftubiren. Siegt 

bod) foeben ein neueS, bebeutuugSBoUco 2Berf Bon ifini Bor*), ia^ 
Sunbe giebt Bon ber gutberfuug ber griifeeren, toeit um ben §iigel 
Bon §iffarlif ficfi einft ansbreiteuben ©tnbt, beren uuBertennbare 
©puren nun ebenfaHS an§ 2:age§Iid)t gefijrbert finb. Sn gro&erem 
aKaMtabe, alg er felbft e§ bei Slbfaffung feine§ „3Iio§" geafint, 
ift ifim baburd) ber 2;raum feiner ^iubf)eit 3ur 2Babrf)cit gemorben. 

Surcfi bie im Serein mit feinen Jyreunbeii, SJ5rofeffor Sircfiolo 
(ber 3U biefem SSerte smei trefftid)e Stbljanblungeu lieferte) unb 
(gmil SBurnouf im Safire 1879 unternommenen Slu§grabuugen 
finite 2)r. ©cfilicmann, raie er im erften Stbfcfinitt ersafilt, ge= 
glaubt, bie trojanifcfie $Jrage auf tmmer gelbft 3U fiaben. SDie 
fleine ©tabt, bie brtttc iiber bem llrboben, beren §auferunterbau 
er in einer burd)fd)nittlid)en S^iefe Bon 7—8 ajleter unterfialb ber 
Mninen bon Bier jiingeren sinfiebelungen freigelegt fiattc, fdfiien ifim 
bie burcfi .§omer unfterblid) geroorbene 3Iio§ ber ©age ju fein. 
9?ad)trdglicfi ftiegen ifim jebod) abcrmal§ S3eben£en auf, nid)t iiber 
bie £age Bon STroja — benn bafe §iffarlit bie SBanftelle beffelbeu 
beseicfinete, mar 3ur CSemi^fieit gemorben — fonbern fiinfid)tli(jfi ber 
2Iu§befinung ber ©tabt. 

SBalb fanb er eS gans unmbglidi, fidj BorjufteHen, bafe 
„ber gi)ttlid)e Sidjter, "ber un§ mit ber 3uBerlaffigfeit eincy 
aiugenseugen unb fo gan3 nafurgetreu ein SBilb nid)t blog Bon ber 
trojanifdien (J-bene mit ihren SSorqebirgen, ifiren S''«ffcn uni) ifi''™ 
fieroengriibcrn, fonbern Bon ber gefammtcn Sroas mit ifiren 3afil! 
rcid)en unb nmnuigfaltigen Stcimmcn unb ©tabten, ifirem belle's; 
pont, .tap Sieftor unb 3ba, ibrcm ©amotfirafe nnb Snibrol, ifirem 
iieSbO'3 unb Soiicboei, uub cbeufo mit ben mad)tigeu 9taturpfiano= 
meiien, toeld)e baS Snnb bictct, enttuorfcu fiat" — baft biefer 
S>id)ter uu§ Slios al« cine gvofte, anmntfiigc, bliifieube, tuofil= 
beiDofinte, gntgebaute Staht mit breiten ©tnifeeu fiiitte fcfiilbern 
fonneii, menu fie in SivElidjteit nur ein gnus fleincS ©tdBtd)en 
luar, ein gcringer Snrgfteclcn, beffen einnafiiiic burd) bie fd)iB(id)ftc 
©treiffraft fanni irgcnbn)cld)e ©diroierigfeit fiattc Bcrurfndjen fonucu. 

SSon biefer Slnficfit ausgefienb, )nnrbe 35r. ©d}Iiemann Bou 
neuem begcifterteu (Sifcr ergviffcn. (Srofsen (SiubrucE macfitc auf 
ifin aud) ber Umftanb, bafe bie 9Jameu ber SSBIfcr, tt)el(|e im 
jrociten (5Sefangc ber SliaS al§ Sunbeggenoffen ber S^roer bet ber 
SBcrtficibignug ifirer ©tabt aufgefiifirt raerben, mertroiirbig 3U= 
fammenfttmnten mit ben SBiJlEcruamen in bem (Sebid)te be§ Spe'ntaur 
auf bent im Scfi^e beg briti)d)en aJlnfeumg befinblicfien fiieratifd)eu 
5Papl)ru§ ©nttier. ®n Bernafim er ferner Bou egt)ptifd)en ©cfiilbe= 
rumgen auf SBanbgemalben uitb in Snfcfiviften, meldie 3euguiB 
absulegen fd)ienen fiir bie efiemalige 9J}ad)t unb (Srofte 3Ii'on§. 
®ag Seimort beg „goIbreid)cu", melcfieg §oiner ber ©tabt gab 
unb ba^ fd)on burcfi bie Sluffinbnnq ber Bon 2)r. ©d)Iiemann ent= 
bedten ©d)mucEfad)en tfietlmeife beftdtigt mar, brnug nun mit er= 
fiofiter Sebfiafligfeit auf feinen ®eift unb feine einbilbungStraft 
ein, unb fo entfdiloft er fi«|, meitere fiinf 5!)'Jonate branjufefeeu, 
um bag (Sefieimnift aitfjuftdren. 

®ie Sbfung be? Stdtfifetg fiat er and) bem SSoben entrungen 
Surd) ifin miffen mir jcfet, bafe atterbtugg bie im Slltertfium fiod)= 
beriifimtc ©tabt fid) nidjt auf ben Surgberg befcfirdnfte, fonbern 
fid) meitfiin um ben Siigel erftredte. Sariiber fagt SProfeffor 
©ai)ce, @nglaubg fieruorragenber Drientalift: „3)eneri, loeldjc bie 
(Sroftc unb ben ©fiarafter ber uralten Stnfiebelnngcn in ber SeBnnte 
feuneu, tnnft bie jcfet unfererem Slid crijffncte ©tabt bou grower 
2Birf)tigEeit uub 3j;ad)t erfdieineu. ®g erfcfieint un§ fortan Ieirf)t 
begreif'Hd), bafe ©olbfdidtje in ifiren SJninen eutbecff, ober bag 
©egcnftdnbc frember Subuftrie, loie egl)ptifd)Cg sporjellan nnb 
nfintifdieg (Sffeubcin, bort importivt roerbcn fonuten. ®er jynrft, 
bcficn ^jSalaft auf ber Sitabcllc Bon .'oiffarlit ftaub, muft eiu 
nind)tiqer spoteittnt gemefen fein; er mar im Scfiije ber retd)en 
troinnifd)eu (f-bcue uitb befierrfdjte bie (finfafirt sum ©etlegpont." 

Siicfit bie britte, fonbern bie sroeitc ©tabt ift eg geroefcn — bag 
fiaben bie le^ten <jovfcfinnqcn bon ®r. Sd)Iiemanu ebeufaug feft= 
qcffeUt — , meldie bem fni-d)tbaren ©d)idfale eriag. «nb tn biefer 
jiBcitcn ©tabt finb nn ber ricfigcn ©d)ntt=, Sriiminer' uub ©tein= 
maffe jmei Berfd)iebcne 3eitpcrioben erteunbar: eine ditere, mo bte 



*) Iroja, (Srgebniffe meiner ueueftcn 3("§nra6unnen auf ber Sau= 
ftelle uon Svoja, in ben 5elbciiqvSbevn, fflnnarbafctii unb anberen Drtcn 
bev IroQ0 im Sabre 18S-.'. Son Sr. fieinvid) ©cbliemann. DJiit 
ajon-ebe Don 5J5rof. 51. §. gapce. vJlebft emeni 91nbange^oon^3(6= 
imnfihuiaen von %xoi. JtiitiolfSSirdJon) 



Sari aiinb, qjrof. 



^eftunggmauern unb bie ©eBaube juerft erridfitet, ttttb dne fpStere, 
mo fie mefir auSgebefit unb tfieilmeife mieber anfgebaut murben. 
§ier fagt SProf. ©afice, beffen 2Bort alg bag eineg ber fad)tiid)= 
tigften tenner nid|t blog in ber ©pradfien= unb @ef4i(^tg=, fonbern 
aud) in ber Sntertfiumgfunbc, gemaltig fd)mer miegt: 

„(5S ift flar, bag bie jWeite ©tabt mafirenb etneg langeu 3«k« 
raumeg ejiftirt fiaben muft. llnmiiglid) ift eS aber, biefe Sfiatfa^en 
auf3U3afiIen, ofine 3U bemerten, mie munberbar fie bamit iiberein= 
ftimmen, loag ung bie Srabitioit uub bie Segenbc bou ber ©tnbt 
beg SPriamog er3dfilt fiaben. ®ie bou S)r. ©d)Iiemann ang Siifit 
gebradlte ©tabt batte eiu langcg Scben; ifire3Jtouern UHbSebfinbe 
murben einft tfieilmeife mieberbergeftellt; fie tear groft unb veiitj, 
fiatte eine Slfropolig, melcfie bie (Sbene iibcrfdiaute uub mit 2;em= 
pein unb anberen groften ©cbduben gesiert mar; ifire SDlauem 
marcn ftart unb bou Sfiiirmen befd)ufet. Sfir $errfd)er mar ein 
mai^tiger Jiirft, ber bie benad)barten gSoIbmincn Bon ?lftl)ra ju 
feiner Serfiigung gefiabt unb fomofil 5U 2aube alg and) suSQJaffer 
mit ienen ffiolter'n im 2Sertefir geftanben fiaben muft; nnb, 
mag am 2Bid)tigften ift, biefe ©tabt murbe bnrdi g-ener 
serftbrt .... SBenn mir fiinjufiigen, baft fid) i^iffarlif jefet al8 
bie einjige SauftcUe in ber Sroag ficranggefteUt fiat, bie fiir baS 
.'oomevfd)e Sroja paffen fann, fo ift eg in ber STfiot fd)mer, ber 
Sd)luftfolgcrnng 3U mibevftefien, baft ®r. ©cfiUemann mirfli^ 
Slion entbedt fiat." 

Stber tnefir nod). 9?eBcu einer ber Bon 3)r. ©d)Iienmnn lit 
.<oiffarlif entbedten 9fepfirit=3(crte ift felbft bie „3Iin3" — mie ber^ 
felbe grofte englifd)e Sfeuner fiinsnfiigt — nur ein Sing bou geftern. 
Surd) fold)e j-nnbe mcrben mir plbtjlid) an cine 3''' erinnerf, 
mo bie ;)ieid)c ber l'(fft)rcr imb ber Sjittiteu (nnb nm bie (S'ifor= 
fdiung ber Sfnlturgefd)id)tc ber Setjtereu fiat fid) SJirof. ©apce 
gau5 befonbere Berbieiifte ermorben) nod) uid)t gegriinbet 
ioaren — an cine Qdt, mo bie arifd)en ilSorfafiren ber ®ried)en 
nod) ni^t ifire neuc ©cimatfi in ©iib = ©uropn erretc^t 
fiattcn — auf eine 3«'' jebod), mo bie rofien SSolfgftdmmc bev 
neolitfiifdjcn SPcriobe bcreitg augcfnugen fiatten, unter einauber 
Saufcfifiaubel 3U treiben, unb mo bie Saramauen ben foftbaren 
©tein beg Suen=Iun Bon ciucm ©nbe SIfieug nacfi bem nuberen 
brad)te. Unb barum ift eg cinfad)c (Scrcd)tigfeit, mit SProfeffor 
©apcc 3U fagen: „5Dic Borgefd)id)tIid)e Slltertfinmgtunbe im 2tII= 
gemcinen Berbantt Sr. ©d)liemanng (5ntbcduugcn ebeufoBicl, ftte 
bag ©tubium ber grtecfiifd)en ®eftfiid)te unb ber gried)ifcfien Sunft 
ifinen Berbanten." 

,'Oofie Slnerfcnnung jotlt ber fierBorrngeube eugltfdje ®elefirte 
ber Segeifterung, ber gfreigebigfeit, ber anfopferunp beg beut= 
id)en 5-orf(fierg, mel^er feinem Saterlanbe bte unf4ab= 
baren Sluggrabungen, beren ©rmerbung ifim fo Biel aiUifie 
getoftet, gum ©efdienic gcmadjt, bie i&alfte feiner iafir» 
mm ©intiinfte ber aBif(enfd)nft gemibmet fiobe, unb 
ber um feiner SSerbienfte wUtcii in ©nglanb? filteftcr ,tiod)f(ifiule 
mit lautem Seifall begriiftt morben, nig man ifim bort bag ©firem 
biplom Berliefi. Sci fo nmfnffenbem SBiffen nnb fo fcfinrf tritifcfiem 
(Seiftc, mie ifin ber Drforber (SJelehrte in anfterorbentIid)em @rabe 
befiijt, ift foli^e Jluerfennung uon boppcltem nnb breifad)em ©cmic^t. 

Sm engcn SHafinien biefer 23efprecfinng mdre eg unmbglicfi, aui^ 
nur onbenfunggmeife beg reid)en ©toffeg ju gebenfen, ber in bem 
Borliegenben SJucfic entfialten ift. ©0 fei beim nur nod) ermdfint, 
bnft unter ben .^clbcngrdberu, meldjc bie ©age mit ben 2:roia= 
gafirern in Serbinbung briuqt, auf bem tfiratifcfien ©fierfoneS, ber 
fieufigen Snubjunge non ©allipoli, eiii Scicfienfiiigel ficfi befinbet, 
meld)er alg ber beg SProtefilaog bescicfiuet mirb. Sag tour ber 
fiielb, ber, jnfolge bem jmeiten ©efang ber Sl'nbe, bei Slnfunft 
ber g-totte juerft ang iiaub trat, aber ancfi alg ber (Srfte fiel: 

Sfin eriegt' ein barbaniitlicr firieger, 

31IS bem @d)iff er entfprang, jucrft Dor alien ^Ic^aicm. 

Sic SCiipferroaare nun, meId)eSr. ©d)liemann nm biefen®raB« 
fiiigel fienmt unb in ifim fanb, 3eigte eine erftanuliifie ?tefinlid)teit 
mit ber in ber erften nnb in ber ^meiten Berbrnunten ©tabt Bon 
Siffarlif gefnubenen; nnb 3roar nur mit biefer. (5r fcfilicftt barau3 
mit ©cmiRfieit, baft anf ber tfiratifd)cn Sanbjnuge in ferner Bor» 
gefd)id|tlicfier 3eit ein S3oIt Bom fclben Staiiniic, Bon bcrfelben 
Slulturftufe lebte, mie in S^roja. 3n Xxoia aber, bag miffen toic 
ang flaffif^eu 3eugniffen, beftanb bie erfte Slnfiebelung anS pfirogifeft* 
tfiratifd)em SSolfe. 

?luf biefe 3iiffiinmenfidnge, melcfie in smet Befonberen, bem 




'^ Son 

f ei-mnnn Subermnnit. 

cv* fiar'Sfinen fcl,on eine game 5Boile^_uon»enm.«^^^^^^^ 



bem sBnlfon Soffee tvaiif, 'pflegtc er mit feinen Scinien untcn tjorbc- 
jujiebcn unb nacl) ber jjajbe f)in jn oevfdjiuinben. 2lufang§ glo^te er 
luiS mit naiuev 53eiunnbernng an- °'""= ^^^ ^^ '^"^ eingcrallen indre, 
bie aniilie ju jiefjen, unb crft feitbem mein SRruber ilim einac(d)Svft 
Ontfe, e§ oc»i»mo cj. . 



uiijenoi .-■luiiiiet. ■ 

^d) roar jo gfinjlid) binqeriffen fiiiroon, bai itfi ifim ofine roeitere 
Umitdnbe bie fionigfenmiel iibcrgab, gr big fierjfioft fiinein unb ttie6, 
o&ne i\i<i) reciter eineS sgiicteS ju iniivbigcn, fein gefiebcrteS 33oIt oon 
binneiL 



22 



WOUKS published by LONGMANS & CO. 



Beaco7isfidd' s ( Lord) Wit and Wisdom 6 

Becker's Charicles and Gallus 7 

Beesly's Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla 3 

Bingham's Bonaparte Marriages 4 

^/acy^'j Treatise on Brewing 20 

Blackley's German- English Dictionary 7 

Bloxam of Htmtingtou s yiAX-aSs 10 

Bolland and Lang's Aristotle's Politics 5 

Boultbee on 39 Articles 14 

— 's History of the English Church... 14 
Bourne's Works on the Steam Engine...i3&i4 

Bawdier' s Family Shakespeare 19 

Brabotcrne s Fairy-Land 18 

Higgledy-piggledy 18 

Bramley-Moore' s Six Sisters of the Valleys . 18 

Bramston 6^ Leroy's Historic Winchester . 2 

Brande's Diet, of Science, Literature, & Art 11 

Brassey's British Navy 13 

Sunshine and Storm in the East . 17 

— Voyage in the ' Sunbeam' 17 

^r«yj Elements of Morality 16 

Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 14 

5n'zcM«;?^'j Modern England 3 

Buckle's History of Civilisation 2 

Buckton's Food and Home Cookery 21 

Health in the House 12&21 

Bull's Hints to Mothers 21 

— — Maternal Management of Children . 21 

Burgomaster's Family (The) 18 

Cabinet Lawyer 20 

Calvert' sWiiz's Manual 16 

Capes' s Age of the Antonines 3 

■ Early Roman Empire 3 

Carlyles Reminiscences 4 

Catcs's Biographical Dictionary 4 

Cfljv^eyi Iliad of Homer 19 

Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 7 

Ches7iey's Waterloo Campaign 2 

Christ our Ideal 16 

Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages ... 3 

Colenso's Pentateuch and Book of Joshua . 16 

Commonplace Philosopher 7 

Comte's Positive Polity 4 

Conder's Handbook to the Bible 15 

Co7iington's Translation of Virgil's ^neid 19 

Prose Translation of Virgil's 

Poems 18 

Contanseati s Two French Dictionaries ... 7 

Conyieare and Howson's St. Paul 15 

Coila on Kocks, hy Lawrozce 11 

Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 7 

Cox's (G. W.) Athenian Empire 3 

— — — ^— Crusades 3 

o Greeks and Persians 3 

Creighton's Age of Elizabeth 3 

England a Continental Power 3 

Papacy during the Reformation 14 

^— Shilling History of England ... 3 

' Tudors and the Reformation 3 

Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 14 

Critical Essays of a Country Parson 7 

Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy 13 

Curteis's Macedonian Empire 3 

Davidson's New Testament 14 

Dead Shot (The) 19 

De Caisne sxy6. Le Maoiif s 'Boiz.-Q.y ......... 11 



DeMorgan's (Mrs.) Memoir of her Husband 4 

De Tocqiceville' s Democracy in America... 4 

Dewes's Life and Letters of St. Paul 15 

Dixon's Rural Bird Life II&19 

Doyle's English in America i 

Dresser's Arts of Japan ' 12 

Du7i's American Farming and Food 21 

Eastlake's Hints on Household Taste 13 

Ed77i07ids's Elementary Botany 11 

Ellicott's Scripture Commentaries 15 

Lectures on Life of Christ 15 

Elsa and her Vultiire 18 

Epochs of Ancient History 3 

English History 3 

Modem History 3 

Evans's Bronze Implements 11 

Ewalds Antiquities of Israel 15 

■ — Christ and His Times 

History of Israel 15 

Fairbairn's Information for Engineers 13 

Mills and MiUwork 13 

Farrar's Language and Languages 7 

Fitzwygra7ii on Horses 19 

Francis' s Yi5}m\g 'Rook 19 

Free7na7is Historical Geography 2 

Froude's Caesar 4 

English in Ireland i 

' History of England i 

Short Studies 6 

—— Thomas Carlyle 4 

Gairdner's Houses of Lancaster and York 3 

Ganot's Elementary Physics 9 

■ Natural Philosophy 9 

Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles I. ... 2 

Personal Government of Charles I. 2 

Fall of ditto 2 

Outhne of English History ... 

Puritan Resolution 3 

Thirty Years' War 3 

(Mrs.) French Revolution ...... 3 

Struggle against Absolute 

Monarchy 3 

Glazebrook's Physical Optics 10 

Goethe's Faust, by Birds 18 

by Selss 18 

—by Webb 18 

Goodeve's Mechanics 10 

' Mechanism 13 

Gore's Electro-Metallurgy 10 

Gospel (The) for the Nineteenth Centiuy . 16 

Gra7it's Ethics of Aristotle 5 

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 

Graves's Life of Sir W. Hamilton 4 

Greville' s 'journal i 

Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 10 

Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces... 9 

Gwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 13 

//iz/fij Fall of the Stuarts 3 

Halliwell-Phillipps' s Outhnes of Shake- 
speare's Life 4 

Hartwig's Works on Popular Natural 

History, &c lo&ii 

Hassall's Climate of San Remo 17 

Haughto7i's Physical Geography 10 

Hayward's Selected Essays ,. 6 



^24 



m 

-V 
e\ 

Til 
-0 

es> 

Til, 

( 

p( 

'se\ 

3[0( 

^9\ 

en 
'SA 
QTl5 

n 

^i I 

ST I 
B'BTi 

Tioi 

pm 
if q / 

pm 1 

pu^i 

JO qj 
-etijl 



was as follows : — Kahlawa Yandit, the author 
of the Ra^atarangiwi, is evidently anxious 
to do full justice to G^ayapt(?a, who, after 
the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the 
throne of his father, and became a patron of 
literature. He mentions, therefore, in full 
detail his exertions for the restoration of 
grammatical studies in Kasmira, and particu- 
larly the interest he took in a new edition, as 
we should call it, of Pata^l^^'ali's Mahabhashya. 
He then passes on to give the names of 
other learned men living at his Court, such as 
Kshira (author of Dbatutarangim, accordingto 
Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, Sam- 
khadatta, /^ataka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. 
This Vamana was supposed to be the author 
of the Kasika. But if this Vamana had 
been the author of the Kasika Yritti — 
that is to say, of a complete commentary on 
Pacini's Grammar — would not Kahlana have 
mentioned him as connected with the revival 
of grammatical learning in Kasmira, instead 
of putting his name casually at the end of a 
string of other names ? 

It ought to be stated that Prof. Boehtlingk 
has himself surrendered this conjecture. 
There is no better foundation for another 
conjecture, first started by Wilson {Asiat. JRes. 
XV. 55), that the Vamana here mentioned 
at the Court of G^ayapi^a was the author of 
a set of poetical Sutras and of a Vritti or 
gloss upon them. The untenability of that 
view has been fully shown by Dr. Cappeller 
in the Introduction to his edition of Vamana's 
Kavjalankara-vn'tti (Jena, 1875). Vamana, 
the author both of the text and of the gloss 
of this work, quotes /S'udraka, the author of 
the Mri^^^aka^ika ; Kalidasa, the author of 



(Goldstiick 
period late; 

Before v 
the author 
necessary 1 
the only a 
{Sanskrit 
Kasika as 
mana Gay 
the Kasika 
Vamana an 
as the aut 
person (P« 
found, how 
dikshita,th( 
clearly disi 
of (rayadi 
42; ed. T 
and he mi 
Prof. Auf] 
U?iadi Sutr 
Balasastrin 
second, fiftl 
the rest to 
of the Kasi 
Kashmir («; 
the E.A.S. 
adhyayas ar 
four to Van 
yana and P 
deuce is tl 
Vamana an* 
persons, ani 
The next qt 
date, or at h 

In the Pre 
tion of the I 
^tQ—shn'TO-tl 



f?//^. 



Sept. 23, 1880.— No. 438.] 



THE ACADEMY. 



223 



in it. It allots a large share to the younger 
men— a thing hitherto unknown in our country, 
where conservative ideas in literature and art 
are carried to excess. The high intellectual 
standard of the authors of this new edition makes 
it an honour to appear in it. In the last number 
I remark the name of the talented etcher, 
Seymour Haden. Pn. Bukty. 



SELECTED BOOKS. 

GENERAL LITEEATUKE. 
Alton, J. Beitiiige zur Ethnnlogie v. Ostladinien. Inns- 
bruck : Wagner. 1 M. CO Pf. 
AuKiniACH, B. Brigitta : a Tale. Trans. ClaraBell. Simpson 

Low & Co. 2s. 
GOLDAMMER, H. Frledrioh Frobel, der Bpsrilnder der Kinder- 

parten-Krziphg. Berlin: Habel. 2 M. 
HAnxsHORNE, E. S. Dpsigns for Church Embroidery and 

Orewel Work, from Otd Examples. Griffith & Farr^tn. 5s. 
Knight, E. F. Albania: a Narrative of Recent Travel. 

Sampson Low & Co. 12s. 6d. 
CoNiirEi.Low, H. W. Ultima Thule. Boutledge. Is. 
PoLooNK. ]a, et les Habsbour^. Paris : Plon. 2 fr. 
flAYET, O. Monuments de 1' Art antique. Livr. 1. Paris: 

Quaniin. 25 fr. 
"Warrkn. J. Leicester. A Guide to the Study of Book-plates 

(Ex-libris). Pearson. 15s. 

TnEOLOGY. 



HISTORY, ETC. 
DuFKY, Sir 0. Gavan. Young Ireland ; a Fragment of Irish 

History. Oassell. I63. 
Fleurv, G. Cartulairede I'Abbaye cistercienne dePerseigne. 

Le Mans : Pellechat. 
FvFFE, 0. A. A History of Modem Europe. Vol.1. Oassell. 

GiKSKBHECUT, W. V. Die Zeit d. Kaiser Friedrichs d. Roth- 
bares. 1. Abth. Neuer Aufschwunu d. Kaiserthums. 
Braunschweig : Scbwetschke. 8 M 60 Pf . 

Hue, 1ft Capitaine. Analyse des principalesCampagnes con- 
duites en Europe depuis Loms XIV. jusqu'ii nos Jours. 
Paris : Jouyd. 3 fr. 50 0. 

PuNSCHART, V. Der entscheidende Einfluss der Gesetzgebuns 
u. der staatlichen Einrichtungen diT romiscben Republik 
auf die universale Bedeutung d. romischen Privatrechtes. 
Innsbruck : Wagner. 1 M. 60 Pf. 

SocARD, E. Catalogue de la BibliothE'fiue de la Ville de Troyes. 
X. 7. Ouvrages int^ressant I' Histoire de Troyes et du 
D^partemenc de PAiibe. T. 1. xroyes. 

WiNKELMANN, E. Acta imperii inedica Seculi XHI. T7r- 
kunden u. Briefe zur Gescliichte d Kaiserreii^bs u. d. 
Konigr. Sioilieninden J. llOSbis 1273. 30 M. Sicilische 
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XIII. Jahrh. 1 M. Innsbruck : Wagner. 

PHYSICAL SCIENCE AND PniLOSOPHT. 

Gadow, H. Zur vergleichenden Anatomie d. Beckens u der 

hintenn Gliedmassen derRatiten. Jena : Fischer. 14 M. 
Haask, E. Schlesif-ns Chilopoden. I. Chilopoda anamorpha. 

Breslau ; Earschak. 1 M. 211 P/. 
Eavek, G. v. Handbuob der Zoologie. 11. L'g. Wien : 

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Reichenow, a. Vogelhilder au"" fernen Zonen. 1. Thl. 

Papageien. 6. Lfg, Cassel : Fischer. 5 M. 
RuEHLMAXN. R. Handbuch der meohaniscbcn Wiirmetheorie. 

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Semi'er, C. Reisen im Archipel der Philippinen. 2. Thl. 

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tTRKUNuENRucH, ostfrzeslsches. Hrsg. v. E. Friedlander. 

2. Bd, 3. Lfg. 1491-95. Emden : Uaynel. 4 M. 

PHILOLOGY. 



G0RBE8P0NDENCE. 



THE HITTITE INS0RIPTION8. 

Oxford : Sept. 10, 18S0. 
Two more Hittite inscriptions have been dis- 
covered. Col. AVilson has found them on a rock 
at GhuTun where the Euphrates issues out of a 
ravine eix feet wide into a small plain. I do 
not know whether this is the Kappadokian or 
the Armenian Ghurun. If the former, it will 
he one more link in the chain which connects 
Carchemish with the Halys and Asia Minor. 
If the latter, it will go towards conhrmiug my 
conclusion that the Hittite system of writing 
was once used as far to the north-east as 
Armenia. A study of the cuneiform inscrip- 
tions of Van has led me to believe that the 
inhabitants of that part of the world used the 
Hittite characters before they borrowed the 
Assyrian syllabary. We know irom the Assyrian 
monuments that the people of Van wore the 



same dress and were of the same physical type 
as the Hittites proper. It is possible that the 
Skythini, met with by Xenophon on the fron- 
tiers of the Khalybes, preserved the Hittite 
name. At any rate, the Hittite dress with it^ 
characteristic boot shows that the wearers of it 
had originally descended from the cold, moun- 
tainous lands of the north ; and certain of the 
Hittite hieroglyphs, among which tho fre- 
quently occurring boot may be specially cited, 
lead me to think tha.t they were invented in 
Kappadokia. Dr. Mordtmanu has already 
drawn attention to the extraordinary resem- 
blance of the pyramidal rocks in the district 
west of Kaisareyeh to the ideograph which we 
now know from the bilingual inscription of 
Tarku-timme denoted " country " in the Hittite 
system of writing. 

Mr. Eylands has suggested to me that the 
curious form ,civen to the hand in the hiero- 
glyphic characters which represent an arm, as 
well as in the sculptures in Kappadokia photo- 
graphed by Perrot, shows that a glove, with no 
places for the fingers, is depicted. It seems to 
me that this ingenious suggestion is certainly 
right It will be another proof that the original 
seat of the Hittites was in a cold country. 

I may add that I have discovered the name 
of the Hittites in the Vannic inscriptions, as 
well as the name of a Hittite king, and that, 
with the help of the bilingual inscription of 
Tarku-timme, I believe I have detected the 
Hittite ideograph of plurality on the corrected 
copy of the Aleppo inscription made by Mr. 
Boscawen. 

A reminiscence of the Hittite conquest of 
Lydia may be preserved in the statement of 
Eusebius that Sardes was captured for the first 
time by the Kimraeriansin the year 1078 B.C., 
as also in that of Strabo, who makes the Kim- 
merian Lygdamis rule in luUkia while his 
followers ravage Lydia. The Kii»merians of 
the time of Gyges came fi^oni the H^1y^ce district, 
but their first appearance within the horizon of 
history was in the reign of Esaihaddon. If, 
therefore, any confidence can be placed in the 
statement of Eusebius, it could only have been 
tho Hittites themselves who occupied Sardes in 
the eleventh century B.C. Brugsch Bey has 
just added another people to tho list of the sub- 
ject-allies from western Asia Minor who came 
to the aid of the Hittites in their wars with 
Ramses II. These are the Maun or Maeonians. 
A. H. Sayce. 



THE MAGDALEN COLLEGE MS. OP THE 
" IMITATION." 

Dulwioh: Sept. 21, 18S0. 
The existence of an English MS. of a large 
part of the JDe Imitatione so early as 1438 is no 
doubt a very important fact. Still, as Thomas 
a Kempis was born in 1380, there is no difficulty 
in supposing that a book written by him in tho 
Netherlands may have been known in England 
before 1438. Whoever may have boon the 
author of the De Imitatione, it is impossible to 
suppose that the fair and clear MS. of 1441 was 
a first draft; it must have been copied from 
some existing MS., and of the age of that MS. 
we know nothing. It may well have been that 
Thomas's early life in the cloister was the most 
productive of original work, and his later life 
more occupied in the mechanical task of trans- 
cribing. iS. Oheetham. 



THE HAMILTON PAPERS. 
South View, Bromley, Kent : Sept. 20, 1830. 
As I do not seem to have made myself quite 
clear in my Preface to Mr. Peacock, and, per- 
haps, to others, as to the amount of selection 
exercised by me, it may be well to say that, as 
far as the period which I fixed on is concerned, 
the reader, unless my memory plays me false, 
has the whole of Hamilton's side of the corre- 



spondence with Charles, and the whole of the 
correspondence of Sir R. Moray from New- 
castle. The letters from other persons omitted 
in that earlier period seemed to be quite un- 
important, except so far as I have given ex- 
tract^ ; and [ doubt very much whether, up to 
the King's leaving Newcastle, there is a single 
point of historical value to be gained by further 
investigation. Where selection came in was 
in the correspondence relating to the second 
civil war. I regret fully as much as Mr. Pea- 
cook does that circumstances made it im- 
peratively necessary for me to leave Hamilton 
before I had time to make out the key of the 
cyphered despatches. Happily, the agent of 
the Historical MSS. Commission has since 
obtained access to the papers, and I have no 
doubt that the result will be to give us all that 
is missing. Should this not be the case, I 
shall be happy, if I can obtain the required 
permission again, at some more convenient 
season to do my best to fill up the deficiencies in 
my volume. Samuel R. Gardiner. 



SCIENCE. 

the k a S I k \. 
JTasikd, a Commcntartj on Pacini's Gram- 
matical Aphorisms, by Fandit Vamana and 
(?ay;iditya. Edited by Pajirfit Balasastri, 
Professor of Hindu Law in the Sanskrit 
College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.) 
\_First Notice.] 
The publication of this ancient commentary 
on Pacini's grammar has long formed a 
desideratum of Sanskrit scholarship, and it 
reflected great credit on the editors and 
publishers of the Pandit that they resolved 
on bringing out this text in the numbers of 
their jouruul. We are surprised that their 
journal, which contained so many valuable 
articles and editioiies priiicipes of Sanskrit 
texts, should have met with so little support 
iu India and Europe that it had to be dis- 
continued. It may be said that the Sanskrit 
texts were not always edited according to the 
stricte.st rules of European criticism, and that 
some of them hardly deserved to be drawn from 
the shelves of native libraries. Nevertheless, 
the Pandit was a truly useful journal, welcome 
to all Sanskrit scholars, and its discontinuance 
is deeply regretted by those who have the 
progress of Sanskrit scholarship at heart. 

The text of the luUika was one of the last 
works published in the Pandit, and it has 
since been issued by itself in two volumes. 
There are few grammatical works wbioh have 
been edited with greater care than has been 
bestowed on the Kasikii by V-Andit Balasastri ; 
and he deserves the thanks of all scholars in 
India and Europe who look on a right under- 
standing of P;i«ini as the only safe foundation 
of Sanskrit scholarship. Perhaps the best 
return we can make to him is a slight contri- 
bution towards fixing the date of this impor- 
tant grammar, the authors of which have been 
referred by different writers to dates varying 
from the seventh to the fourteenth centuries 

A.D. 

Prof. Boehtlingk, in the Introduction to his 
edition of Pa«ini's Grammar (p. liv.), re- 
ferred the Kilsika Vcuti to about the eighth 
century, on the supposition that Vamana, the 
author of the Kusika, could be proved to be 
the same as the Vamana who is mentioned in 
the Chronicle of K:asmira(iv. 496). The evi- 
dence on which that careful scholar relied 



THE ACADEMY. 



[Sept. 25, ISSO.—N-o. 43S. 



er, Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a 
i: than the thirteenth century. 
76 try to fix the date of Vamana, 
of the Kasika Yritti, it will be 
;o determine, first, whether he was 
uthor of that book. Colebrooke 
Grcmmar, p. ix.) spoke of the 
the work of G^ayaditya, or Va- 
aditya. Balasastrin, the editor of 
, thought likewise at first that 
d Gayaditya, who are mentioned 
hors, were one and the same 
ndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He 
'ever, afterwards that Bhatfofi- 
5 author of theSiddhanta-Kaumudi, 
iinguishes between the opinions 
tya and Vamana (Sutra v. 4, 
'arkava/<;aspati, vol. i., p. 727) ; 
ght have learnt the same from 
-echt's excellent edition of the 
as (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). 
afterwards assigned the first, 
], and sixth books to G&yMitja, 
Vamana, while in an ancient MS. 
ka, discovered by Dr. Buhler in 
Journal of the Bombay Branch of 
, 1877, p. 72), the first four 
e ascribed to G^ayaditya,' the last 
lana. (See also Kielhorn, Ivatya- 
'atanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- 
lerefore decidedly in favour of 
i G^ayaditya being two difierent 
i joint authors of the Kasika. 
lestion is, can we determine their 
Jast the date of one of them ? 
face to the sixth volumeof my edi- 
lig-Veda (p.xxix.) I endeavoured 



kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- 
cation or exposition of the character of the 
book, a custom always observed by orthodox 
writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika 
actually alter the text of Pa^ani, which no 
orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In 
Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing 
gramayanabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead 
of _ Pamni's grama^anabandhubhyas tal. 
Thirdly, they quote instances referring to 
Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- 
able writer would do. When giving an 
instance of the use of the verb ni, in the 
Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they 
say, "_ffarva is honoured in the Lokayata 
school." This ^arva ( JTarvaka ?) is said to 
be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- 
dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata 
school.^ An orthodox writer would have quoted 
authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- 
tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there 
were other distinguished grammarians too at 
that time who were G^ainas — for instance, the 
author of the Nyasa, G^inendrabuddhi— but 
that their works were afterwards eclipsed by 
those of orthodox grammarians, such as 
BhaWoyidikshita, Haridikshita, NagesabhajJ^a, 
&c. F. Max Mij ller. 



CURRENT SOIENTIFIQ LITERATURE. 
Magnetism and Electricity. By Frederick 
Guthrie, F.R.S., Professor of Physics in the 
Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very 
useful book has now reached its fifteenth 
thousand. It is based upon the lectures which 
avuureu ■^^°^- Gluthrie delivers annually at the Eoyal 

Counsel and Comjorttrom a'LW^iipi^- / ]^"'^^, ,r^.^. f„r the Nineteenth Century . 



Cox's {G. W.) Athenian Empire 3 

■ Crusades ^ 



Greeks and Persians. 



CreisMojis Age of Ehzabeth 

_ England a Continental Power 

, Papacy during the Reformation 

- - Shilling History of England ... 
Tudors and the Reformation 



Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 14 

Critical Essays of a Country Parson 7 

CulUys Handbook of Telegraphy 13 

C?<ri?m'5 Macedonian Empire 3 



Davidsons New Testament 

Dead Shot (The) 

D& Caisne and Le Maout's Botany 



14 
19 
II 



Gospel (The) for the _ 

Grant's Ethics of Aristotle j 

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 

Graves's Life of Sir W. Hamilton 4 

GrevilU s^ovcaxsl ^ 

GriMn's Algebra and Trigonometry 10 

Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces... 9 

Gwilt's Encyclopasdia of Architecture 13 

Hale's Fall of the Stuarts ;•"••••:••• 3 

Halliwell-Phillifpss OutUnes of Shake- 
speare's Life ••• ,••■•",:;■•;■■"; ^ 

Hartwigs Worlts on Popular Natural 

History, &c •• 10&" 

HassalVs CUmate of San Remo 17 

Haughtoji's Physical Geography 10 

Hayward's Selected Essays P 



M 



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I 
1 

V 

MP 



wei 

Che 

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JCHEi 

1. - 

E Wi 

neq 

3fi 



Beege) 

BEKGi 

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5S0C 
IP: 

p3!^n8e8i\ 
B[d pooS 
^oj 8 If'} id 
/> su9pat?-c) 



:^— .^TT^s ^[Thursday, Feb. 15) 

Society oe A^sTia^APaE.. V ^^^^ chair.- 

P,ocoBnesus ^nd ^i Handev^le -^^^ Sol^ject 

^^^§Thf BacSia instead «* .S^^f ^ypl^on, ^vliose 
ammal m J^^^^^ x g^^ov^ that tlie t^^u j^g 

of the V^Vf^^flXX coimected ^f ^^^^.^.ected 
heraldic coloui IS o^> i^".'■^'"^;|:ilauce and 

U. the -^o°-;,/an e'XlheastiJ.e thejg.^^^^ 

strength, and ^^^^^^^, of ^-^Jj^vete believed to 

T^ ° freally^arwhals' ^^^^^^^ It poison, so the 
horns l^eauy influence agam-^ /, ^g") ^veie 

haveapxptective ni rhiiioceros hoiu.^ 

gryphons' cW ^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^th ^^^^,^-3^0 

-r''\S S^ d--*^^,gSllyt^o- found 
virtue. Ml- -D^'-' yphons, especiau> 

York ^^^^^^..^fformer instance a giypl^on^ 

^^^^Idtr^e &eS -itl^a^^^^^^^^^ 

a sacred tree, t 5 another *^^^®^!,,„4aen's lap— 



done to 
the case 
seven mf 
the intt , 
works a' 
the " tal 
exhibitio 
memoir 
luxury, 
in words 
etchers » 
Theh 
on ns f 
ample 
komer— 
as of a 
cerned ^ 
vision, c 
cot sad, 
of self-a 
Gosse i 
charactt 
Garden, 
as the r 
fession 
does nc 
richness 
some it 
skill of 

achieve 
really a 
oils of 
At the 
lady tl 
taken 
"sit"l 
in silen 



gave a ae^'i" ,, vemaxKaoio ij-j- _ 4.n-,„rnnseum 

subject to th^^^^tely preceding the a J ^^^^ 

thepmodmmem^J^ imdt^^^ 

^themandesijns,but^.^^^^^3^^^^^^^ 

^^°^\tSue Sit C57-f VS th'V-ter 



"Tired 

his sitt 

decent 

the hel 

cake ai 

"Where 

wratli , 

took ai 

with hi 

tion." 

Inise 

dame's 
graced 

iac:w 
forwpT 



224 



THE ACADEMY. 



[Sept. 25, 1880.~No. 438. 



was as follows : — Kahlawa Vnndit, the author 
of the RayataraDgi«i, is evidently anxious 
to do full justice to GayapitZa, who, after 
the battle of Puahkaletra, recovered the 
throne of his father, and became a patron of 
literature. He mentions, therefore, in full 
detail his exertions for the restoration of 
grammatical studies in Kasmira, and particu- 
larly the interest he took in a new edition, as 
we should call it, of PataJ/yali's Mahiibbashya. 
He then passes on to give the names of 
other learned men living at his Court, such as 
Ksbira (author of DbatutarangiKi, accordingto 
Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, /San- 
khadatta, /Cataka, Sandhimat, and Vumana. 
This Vamana was supposed to be the author 
of the Kasika. But if this Vamana had 
been the author of the Kasika Vrj'tti — 
that is to say, of a complete commentary on 
Pacini's Grammar — would not Kahlana have 
mentioned bim as connected with the revival 
of grammatical learning in Kasmira, instead 
of putting his name casually at the end of a 
string of other names ? 

It ought to be stated that Prof. Boehtlingk 
has himself surrendered this conjecture. 
There is no better foundation for another 
conjecture, first started by Wilson {Asiat. Bes. 
XV. 55), that the Vamana here mentioned 
at the Court of OayapWa was the author of 
a set of poetical Sutras and of a Yritti or 
gloss upon them. The untenability of that 
view has been fully shown by Dr. Cappeller 
in the Introduction to his edition of Vamana's 
Kavyalankara-vritti (Jena, 1875). Vamana, 
the author both of the text and of the gloss 
of this work, quotes jSudraka, the author of 
the 'Mri/ckJia.kalika. ; Ktllidasa, the author nf 
tlie /S'akuntaUi, Urvasi, Malavika, Meghaduta, 
Kumarasambhava, and Eaghuvawisa ; Amaru, 
Bhavabhuii, Magha, the Hariprabodha, the 
Namamala, Kamandakaniti, Visakhila, and 
Kaviraya. Now if this Kaviraya is intended 
for the author of the Eaghavapanrfaviya, this 
would be sufficient to place Vamana at least 
after 1000 a. d., while Gayapi(Za, his supposed 
patron, died in 776 a.d. 

After having assigned to Vamana, the 
author of the Kavjalankfira, his date in the 
twelfth century. Dr. Cappeller proceeds to 
identify this Vamana with Vamana, the 
author of the Kasika Vruti. His arguments, 
however, are hardly convincing ; he relies 
chiefly on a statement of Balasastrin, in the 
Introduction to his edition of the Kasika, 
where that scholar speaks of a third Vamana, 
a poet, who wrote the Lokottaralalita in 
Maharashft'a, and places him in Saka 
1595, i.e., 1673 a.d., adding that the gram- 
marian Vamana lived 500 years earlier, 
i.e., 1173 A.I). If Prof. Weber states 
that Biilasastrin assigns the grammarian 
Vamana to the thirteenth century {Hist, of 
Saiish. Lit., p. 226) this must refer to some 
other paper which has escaped my notice. 
BS,la5;istrin, however, gives no evidence in 
support of his statement, nor does he, so far 
as I am aware, ever hint at Vamana, the 
grammarian, being the same as Vamana, the 
rhetorician. 

Prof. Goldstilcker, in a similar manner — 
that is, without producing sufficient evidence — 
referred Vitmana, the grammarian, to the same 
recent period as the Siddhanta-Kaumudi, 
Nage«a, Purushottama, and other grammarians 



(Goldstiicker, Vamm, p. 89) — therefore to a 
period later than the thirteenth century. 

Before we try to fix the date of Vamana, 
the author of the Kasika Vritti, it will be 
necessary to determine, first, whether he was 
the only author of that book. Colebrooke 
{Sanskrit Grammar, p. ix.) spoke of the 
Ka«ika as the work of ffayaditya, or Va- 
mana (rayaditya. Balasastrin, the editor of 
the Kasika, thought likewise at first that 
Vamana and Gayaditya, who are mentioned 
as the authors, were one and the same 
person {Pnndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He 
found, however, afterwards that BhaHoyi- 
dikshita, the author of theSiddhauta-Kaumu'di, 
clearly distinguishes between the opinions 
of Gayaditya and Vamana (Sutra v. 4, 
42; ed. Tarkava/caspati, vol. i., p, 727); 
and he might have learnt the same from 
Prof. Aufrecht's excellent edition of the 
Uwadi Sutras (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). 
Balasastrin afterwards assigned the first, 
second, fifth, and sixth books to (Jayaditya, 
the rest to Vamana, while in an ancient MS. 
of the Kasika, discovered by Dr. Biihler in 
Kashmir {Journal of the Bombay Branch of 
the E.A.S., 1877, p. 72), the first four 
adbyayas are ascribed to Gayaditya, the last 
four to Vamana. (See also Kielhorn, Katja- 
yana and Patanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- 
dence is therefore decidedly in favour of 
Vamana and Gayaditya being two different 
persons, and joint authors of the Kasika. 
The next question is, can we determine their 
date, or at least the date of one of them ? 

In the Preface tothe sixth volumeof my edi- 
tion of the I'j'g-Veda (p.sxix.) I endeavoured 
to— show that sho BtpiO'ment made by Eha^^o- 
^idikshita in the iS'abdakaustubha, and by the 
author of the Manorama, viz., that Vamana, 
whose fame had been eclipsed by Vopadeva, 
had been brought forward again by Madhava, 
was so far confirmed by the commentary on 
the Rig-Veda that Vopadeva is nowliere 
quoted by Madhava, while Vamana is quoted 
at least once in the commentary on the Rig- 
Veda, and more frequently in Saya^a's 
Dhatuvrjtti. Balasastrin concluded rightly 
from that verse that Vamana must be older 
than Madhava, 1350 a.d., and older than 
Vopadeva, twelfth century. I added that 
Sayajia quotes both Haradatta, the author of 
the Padaman^ari, an exposition of the Kasika, 
and Nyasakara, i e., Ginendra, the author of 
the Nyasa or Kaiika-vr/tti-pafiyika. This last 
book is likewise quoted by the author of 
a commentary called the Kavyakamadhenu, 
probably the work of Vopadeva, so that the 
interval between the authors of the Kasika 
and those who could quote from commentaries 
on their works must be extended accordingly. 

This was the state of uncertainty in which 
the date of the Kasika had to be left. "It 
must be earlier than the twelfth century" 
(Burnell, Aindra School of Sanslril Oram- 
mnrians,yi. 92) ; "it is not a modern work" 
(Biihler, loc. cit., p. 73). Such were the last 
utterances of two of the most competent 
judges. 

One other argument in favour of the com- 
paratively early date of Vamana and Gaya- 
ditya should not be passed over. It was 
produced by Bala.sa3trin, who showed that 
both were evidently tfainas, or, what is the 
same with him, Bauddhas. Like the Amara- 



kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- 
cation or exposition of the character of the 
book, a custom always observed by orthodox 
writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika 
actually alter the text of P;i»ini, which no 
orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In 
Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing 
gramayanabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead 
of _ Pacini's gramayanabandhubhyas tal. 
Thirdly, they quote instances referring to 
Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- 
able writer would do. When giving an 
instance of the use of the verb ni, in the 
Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they 
say, " /larva is honoured in the Lokayata 
school." This A'arva (/Carvaka ?) is said to 
be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- 
dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata 
school. An orthodox writer would have quoted 
authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- 
tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there 
were other distinguished grammarians too at 
that time who were (Jainas — for instance, the 
author of the Nyiisa, Ginendrabuddhi — but 
that their works were afterwards eclipsed by 
those of orthodox grammarians, such as 
BhaWoyidikshita, Haridikshita, NagesabhaWa, 
&e. F. Max Mij ller. 



CURRENT SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE. 
Magnetism and Electricity. By Frederick 
Guthrie, P.R.S., Professor of Physics in the 
Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very 
useful book has now reached its fifteenth 
thousand. It is based upon the lectures which 
Prof. Guthrie delivers annually at the Royal 
School of Mines, and it is perfectly suited for the 
wants of tJiose who compete in the Government 
May examinations. It is a complete record of 
the science of electricity ; the facts are clearly 
stated, the experiments lucidly described, and 
the conclusions logically deduced. The illus- 
trations are plain, and often altogether out of 
proportion ; but they are clear and simple, and 
admirably suited to their purpose. 

The Construction of Oas-uvrJis, and Manufac- 
ture and Distribution of Coal Gas. By Samuel 
Hughes, O.K. Sixth Edition, rewritten by 
William Richards, G.E. (Crosby Lockwood and 
Co.) This book was originally published nearly 
thirty years ago. Of course during this great 
interval of time considerable changes have taken 
place — the cost of the production of gas has 
been diminished one-half, the consumption is 
ten times greater, and the quality of the gas is 
greatly superior. It is employed now for a 
variety of purposes which were never dreamt 
of thirty years ago, and, although it is being 
superseded to some extent by the electric light 
in large cities, its applications for heating, 
cooking, and for motive power are on the 
increase. All these facta have rendered a new 
edition of this work indispensable. The book 
has been enlarged to nearly four hundred pages, 
and it embodies all the most recent additions to 
the manufacture, and a complete discussion of 
the subject in all its bearings. 

The Tree Planter and Plant Propagator. By 
Samuel Wood. The Tree Pruner. By Samuel 
Wood. 2'he Boilermaker's Assistant. By John 
Courtney. (Crosby Lockwood and Co.) These 
works, first published by John Weale, of High 
Holborn, many years ago, are written by prac- 
tical men well acquainted with the special 
subjects which they discuss. The appreciation 
of the books by the public is well shown by the 
Jaot that, in spite of the numberless new text- 
books on all scientific subjects which are con- 
stantly appearing, the books of this series still 



rHE ACADEMY. 



[Sept. 25, I880.~-No. 438. 



er, Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a 

i: thaa the thirteenth century, 

7e try to fix the date of Vamana, 

of the Kasika Yritti, it will be 

;o determine, first, whether he was 

,uthor of that book. Colebrooke 

Grammar, p. ix.) spoke of the 

the work of (?ayaditya, or Va- 

aditya. Balasastrin, the editor of 

, thought likewise at first that 

d (xayaditya, who are mentioned 

hors, were one and the same 

ndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He 

^ever, afterwards that Bha^ifo^i- 

} author of theSiddhanta-Kaumudi, 

dnguishes between the opinions 

tya and Vamana (Sutra v, 4, 

'arkava/i;aspati, vol. i., p. 727) ; 

ght have learnt the same from 

recht's excellent edition of the 

as (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). 

afterwards assigned the first, 

], and sixth books to 6^ayaditya, 

Vamana, while in an ancient MS. 

ka, discovered by Dr. Blihler in 

Journal of the Bombay Branch of 

, 1877, p. 72), the first four 

e ascribed to G^ayaditya, the last 

lana. (See also Kielhorn, Katya- 

'atanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- 

lerefore decidedly in favour of 

i G^ayaditya being two different 

i joint authors of the Kasika. 

lestion is, can we determine their 

?ast the date of one of them ? 

face to the sixth volume of my edi- 

lig-Veda (p.xxix.) I endeavoured 



kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- 
cation or exposition, of the character of the 
book, a custom always observed by orthodox 
writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika 
actually alter the text of Pacini, which no 
orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In 
Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing 
grama^anabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead 
of Pamni's gramayanabandhubhyas tal. 
Thirdly, they quote instances referring to 
Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- 
able writer would do. When giving an 
instance of the use of the verb ni, in the 
Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they 
say, " jffarva is honoured in the Lokayata 
school." This ^arva (Xarvaka ?) is said to 
be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- 
dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata 
school. An orthodox writer would have quoted 
authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- 
tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there 
were other distinguished grammarians too at 
that time who were G^ainas — for instance, the 
author of the Nyasa, (rinendrabuddhi — but 
that their works were afterwards eclipsed by 
those of orthodox grammarians, such as 
Bha^i^oyidikshita, Haridikshita, Nagesabhai^i^a, 
&c. F. Max Mij uler. 



CURRENT SGIENTIFIQ LITERATURE. 

Magnetism and Electricity. By Prederick 

Guthrie, F.R.S., Professor of Physics in the 

Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very 

useful book has now reached its fifteenth 

thousand. It is based upon the lectures which 

, , . , , . ^ Prof. Gruthrie delivers annually at the Eoyal 

,da (p.xxix.) iendeavoured g^j^^^^ of Mines, audit is perfectLv suited for the 

.^^JitgynfiRf OCAHdtf Aw-Pi'-^^^ - W ^ 1 ^- '_gi (Tphe) for the Nineteenth Century . 



Cox's (G. W.) Athenian Empire 
. Crusades 



Greeks and Persians. 



Cr^ir-^if^^w'-s Age of Elizabeth 

^ ^ England a Continental Power 

. Papacy during the Reformation 

Shilling History of England ... 

Tudors and the Reformation 



Cresy's Encyclopsedia of Civil Engmeenng 

Critical Essays of a Country Parson 

CuUey's Handbook of Telegraphy 

Curteis's Macedonian Empire 



Davidsons New Testament 

Dead Shot (The) .............•••• 

De Caisne and Le Maout s Botany 



3 
3 
3 
3 

3 

14 
3 
3 

14 
7 

13 
3 



14 
19 
II 



Gospel (The) for the Nineteenth Century 

Grafifs Ethics of Aristotle - - ^ 

Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 

Gra"^^5i Life of Sir W. Hamilton 4 

Greville' s]omna.\ • • 

GrMns Algebra and Tngonometry lo 

S^f. on Correlation of Physical Forces... 9 

Gwili's Encyclopsedia of Architecture 13 

Hale's Fall of the Stuarts.... y^i'l'C ^ 

Halliuoell-Phillipp's Outhnes of Shake- 

History, &c ;""""d""^ i? 

Nassau's Climate of San Remo i7 

Hamilton; s Physical Geography 10 

Hayward's Selected Essays «? 



F 



Egg 

IVTJ 
u 



P6C? 

wei 
CW 
zig 

JCHE 

Vei 

IN 1 

E W:^ 
nee 
3fll 



Beege] 
zig 

Beegj 
lied 
deJ 
iibd 



. p3;n9S9l\ 

B[d pooS 

/-» suepatJJC) 
t)3!}aiud puB 



SociETV 01^ A^^^^^^^"''- V-p., in the Chair.- 

of the paper was to ^^joj^ ted with the sun as 
heraldic colour is or, i^ conn .^ connected 

Se u"ico"^'^^^°''He Woohses vigilance ^ukI 
,Sth the moon. ,^^^/„^\,east like the dragon 

Minster. In ^ff J" ^ ^th a hon, a ^^^icotU' c 
a sacred tree together J Miserere seat is seen 

awhiged wolf.. On .^Xead on a maiden's lap- 
tZ uiiicorn laymg ^^^^^ j^^i^^s gaid to he unable to 

ii^to the <^^^^®^'.\|,e Romans. 
Julia Caesarea ot tne ivu 



PRor. C. T. HE^^-To^^^f Lid OB Prof. Benndorfs 
gjve a detailed fcount ,^SaUe feezes clisco.ered 
Official report, of the r^^^ ^^^,,0^^^ 

SScts and in the l^^^^^i't. compositions 
Ithenian i^A^^^^,^- ecaU weU-known V^^^^f^^.^^^ 

the^work -^ig^ iie oftarharic ideas, anc to 

^J^^^^^^'t^i^tST^o^ of the slahs 
ftiould be deferred tdl ea^^^ ^^..^th read a paper 
.iould reach England 'Mi^^^JV ^^^ ^ 

on a statue found at ^iy^\-^^;^^i^ the writer 
SriUed to A^f--;;,^^^;!. more probably an 
brought arguments to «iYJ;,ot hitherto knomi.-- 
Slepios, of abearcUe.^.type^Jo^^^,^,^,^^ had made 
The Chairman ^tongW tiiat^ ^.-^it ^^ conclusive, 
ovvta goodcase,but couldnoUe „,igM be an 

Tfwn^ even possible that ti^e -^'^ ^j- Newton 

!4S." Velosing tl- P^^^^ ;he Austrian 

expressed a hope that the c\ { i^cen eciuipped bj 
expedition to Lyc^a wln^h k.uL ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ 



done to 
the case 
seven wc 
the int' - 
works 3 
the "tal 
exhibit! 
memoir 
luxury, 
in words 
etchers < 
Theh 
on ns f 
aHople 
komer— 
as of a 
cerned \ 
vision c 
not sad, 
of self-a 
Gosse 1 
cViaract( 
Garden. 
as the V 
fession 
does nc 
richness 
some it 
skill of 

achieve 
really a 
oils of 
At the 
lady tl 
taken 
"sit": 
in silei 

«' Tirec 

Ills sit 

decent 

the be 

cake E 

Wher 

wratb 

took i 

with 

tion.' 

In 11 

dam< 
grac 

■ac 

forw 

thp 



Feb. U, 1883.— No. 664.] 



THE ACADEMY. 



EOBBB, A. Dei-DuometaUismiis. Bremen: Roussel. 

HUABT, C. I. Anecaotes, Histoiiettes et Bons Mots, en 
chjiiois imvK; tradiuts t-t mvuotos. Paris : Leroux. 

IlTAxolT, A. DarsteUungen aus der HeUiKen-Ge- 
scliicute. Hmterlasseue ButwUrfo. S.Lfe. Berlin- 
AsliCT. 80 M. o ..u. 

LlVL.LXD u. Irhmd. Bin Brielweolisel. LeiDzi" ■ 



JMEYER, Ct. Lch] 



■CCllti' 



Till 



deutscUen "Venvaltimgs- 

Leipzis: Dunoker Jc HimiWot. 



Bpsclireibung der imedii-ten 
iliill^u V. Warmatia Eul'O 
" usCimnier 



KOCHEFOET, il 

Ventes. P:i 
Ten Beink, J. 
12, D 



jJI. 



X 



leip- 



petits MystSres de I'Hutel des 
5 : Rona. 3 fr. 50 o. 
Litterarische sclietsen en kiitieken. 
*. v-i. t. j^uci. Leiden: Sijtlioif. 311. 40 c. 
Te Winkel, J. Bladiii,ideu mit de gescliiedenis der 
naderlimdsehc letterkimdc. Haarlem : Erven Bohn 
3 11. S;) e, 

THEOLOaT. 

BEEGir,,! :>I. .' .lofnjoderaltenHebraer. II. Lein- 
■M- ■■ ' 1 jM. 60 Pf. 

BEEii..! . . ' i . K.Ltev. Liedern (bi.slier das Holie- 
lie.l ,-.;(i.ii,h.-, i>.utelt) II. der Circis Wnlomo (bisher 
der Prediser fSalomo benannt), aus dem Urtext 
fibers, u. erklint. St.rassbui-g ; Treuttel & Wurte. 



Feoxing, R. Die beiden Fraukhirter Chronilcen d. 

Joliaimes Latomus n. ilire QueUen. Guttiugeu : 

Vaudeidioeck. 2 M. 
KxoTHE, H. Gescliielite d. Tuclunacherliandwerks in 

der Oberlatisit/. bis Aniang d. 17. Jaln-h. Dresden : 

Burdaeh. 2 M. Jo PI. 
MUTH, F. Die Bciukimdung n. Publikation der deut- 

sclien Kunii^^swalUen bis ziun Ende d. ly. Jabrh. 

Guttingen : Vundeiihoeck. 1 IH. tiO Pf. 
PlEPAPE, L,. de. llistoii-e de la RC-union de la Franche- 

Comte i la France. Palis ; Champion. 16 Ir. 
RiCHTOFEN, K. Frhr. v. Untersncliiuigen Qb. Mesisclie 

Recbtsgeschichte. 2. Till. Berlin : Besser. 35 M. 
SCRIPTOEES renun germanicamm. In nsiun scliolanim. 

Waltrami, nt videtnr, Uber de imitate ecclesiae con- 

servanda. Hamiover : Hahn. 2 M. 40 Pi. 
Stefpen, M. Die Land-wii-thscbaft bei den altameri- 

kanisclien KultiuTolkeni. Leipzig: Dimcker & 

Humblot. 3M. 20P1:. 
Vl.isto. E- a. Les demiers Joui's de Constantinople. 

Palis : Leroits. 4 fi'. 

rnYSIOAIi SCIENOB AND PHILOSOPHY. 

Aebeiten, astronomiscbe, 1. die europiiisclie Grad- 

messimg im Kijnigr. tiachsen. 3. Abtli. Die A-stro- 

nuuiischeu Ai-beiteu. Ansgel'uhi't nnter Leitg. v. 

C. Bruhns, naek dessen Tode bearb. v. Tb. AJbreelit. 

l.Hlt. Berlin: Fiiedberg. 10 M. 
BAiTET, C. De I'Action du Froid sua' les VegC'taux 

pendant I'Hiver 1879-80. Palis : G. Masson. !> Ir. 
HOFFilANN, C. R. 'Zar Ontogeuie der Knocbenlisclie. 

Fortsetzung. Amsterdam : Midler. 1 11. 40 c. 
liAEITTE, P. de. Qiiatre ^is de Luttes poui' nos Vignes 

et nos Vius de France. Paris : G. Masson. 6 fr. 
LOEIOL, P. de. Description des EcMuides des Environs 

de Camerino (Toscane). Basel: Georg. 4 M. 
Mueller, H. "Versiiehe Ub. dieFarbenliebliaberei der 

Houigbiene. Berlin : Fiiedlander. 1 M. 50 PI. 
acHMrEDEKKECHT, H. L. O. Apidae eiu'opaeae per 

genera, species et vaiietates dispositae atque de- 

scriptae. 5. Fasc. Berlin : Fiiedliinder. 14 M. 

PHIIOLOGT. 

BaissaC, C. Etude sur le Patois cr^olo maiulcien. 

Paris: CliaUamel. 5 li-. 
HiLD, J. A. La L6geude d'Ende avant Vii'gile. Paris: 

Leronx. 3 fr. 
Htjebnee, E. Grundiiss zu Vorlesungen iib, die 

griechische ,Syntax. Berlin : Besser. 3 M. 
Ignatius, F. De Antipliontis Rbamnusii clociitione. 

GiJttingen : Vandenlioeck. 1 M. 
Neissee, w. Znr vedisclien VerbaUelu-e. Guttingen : 

Vandenhoeck. 80 Pf . 
Uber, F. Qiuiestiones aliquot SaUitstianae gram- 

maticae et criticae. Guttingen; Vandenlioeck. 

1 M. eo Pf . 



GO RRESFONDENGE. 



THE ETYMOLOGY OE THE FKENOH " GOND. ' 
Cambridge : Feb. 13, 1883. 

I find, on reference to Soheler and Littre, 
that there is etiU some doubt as to the etym- 
ology of the ib'rench ijond, a hinge. Littro in- 
clines to derive it i'rom the Low-Lutin gumphus, 
(jomphus, Greek yofi^os, a nail, peg. He is 
quite right. The matter is put beyond all 
doubt by the following references to Wright's 
Volume of Vocahularks, fii'st aeries. At p. 110, 
in describing the parts of a door, we find 
the Latin gumphos, glossed by the Old-French 
guns, At p. 170, we find the Old-French goum, 



135 



glossed by the English hakes (hooks), mth 
reference to a door. And at p. 179, near the 
bottom, it 18 made quite clear that the Low- 
Latm gumphua had also the sense of " hole ; " 
eo that It could mean either the hook of a door 
or the hole in -which it works. 

Walter W. Skeat. 



BITDDniST SANSKEII TEXTS. 
Queens' CoUego, Cambridge : Feb. 17, 1883. 

Tour Oxford correspondent has made a mis- 
take when he states in the Academy for 
iebruary 10, p. 102, that 

"the flr.st Buddhist San.ski-it test ever published 
m Eiu-ope was the VaJmcehaUM, or ' The Diamond 
Cutter,' which forms the first number [1881] of 
the ' Aneodota Oxouiensia.' " 
In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 
for 18S0 (pp. 153-88) Prof. Max MiUler 
edited and translated the SukJidvatt-vyilha ; and 
in the same volume (pp. 280-311) the Megha- 
siUra was edited and translated by Mr. C. 
Beodall, Fellow of Gouville and Caius CoUego, 
Cambridge. , 

I am glad to be able to add that Mr. Beadall's 
Catalogue of the Buddhistic portion of the 
Cambridge collection of Sanskrit MSS. is rapidly 
approaching completion. W. Wkight. 



and iSuid °Sf*^' ?,' ^-'^ ■■ C™toi- Lecture, " SoUd 
LeoprtdTield ""'""^ Agents," V., by Mr. 

of SSwk (New C?"™! \"„Tlie Central Pi-ovinces 
Tuesday, Feb if i^i^'l"'' H ^^'- «■ B. White. 
Snm-oJk f,-.-„-Jj_i'. P-°V Royal Institution : "The 
Astronomy," n., by Prof. 



Supreme^ DiscoVen. 

Anthropological 



E. S. BaU. 

Nat^nl„1W^|*SSr^,?gtl„^;,'^«jH™nol„g«, 
8 p.m. Spoiety^fAl-tS: " Egypt, Pre;l:.ni; and to 



Come,' 
s p 



by Mr. R. -W. Pelkiu. 
■V^- „ f ^^'^ Engineers 



Dewa 
BaltV 
theU-Vi 



" Covered Herricc- 

— orns. 

Royal Academy : "Modern 
Ooloui-," by Mr. G. Aitchi- 



Increasing 
' by Mr. 

"The 



Reservou-a," by Mr. WiUii 
Wednesday, Feb. as, s p m 
Ai'cUteotiu:al Practice 
son. 

, Soi~ssr-^-^^j 

lE?^'-^?-^'pS^''^?rby'p?s 



byH™W.\^Bar?ett"= "^™""' ^''^"'^ 
" .??" Constancy ot Insects in 
"■ t>y Mi;- .Alfred W. Bennett; 



s'wUen 



MISS WALLIS'S DtJTOH NOVEL. 
15 Leidscheplein, Amsterdam : Feb. 10, 1S?3. 
_ Will you kindly allow me to draw your atten- 
tion to a slight error in your notice of the Dutch 
novel announced for publication by Messrs. 
W. Swan Sonneuschein and Co. ? The title is 
not De Oeschiedenis van Helena, but In Dayen 
van Strijd, which I have rendered by In 
Troubled Times. The mistake is a natural one 
ansmg from Prof. AUard Pierson's highly 
appreciative review of the book, which deals 
principally with the character of the heroine, 
being entitled De Gescliiedenis van Eekwc. I 
may add that " Wallis " is merely a pseudonym. 
Perhaps it may iaterest the readers of the 
Academy to know that a Dutch translation of 
' ' Aurora Leigii " is in the press. The translator. 
Miss Helena Mercier, finding that Mrs. Brown- 
ing's noble verse did not lend itself easily to 
Dutch rhythm, has rendered it ia prose, that 
her countrymen may bo enabled to make 
acquaintance with at least the soul of our great 
English poetess. Elizabeth Jane Ikying. 



stoPl. , 

Observations on Living Ecld 
G. J . Romanes ; " Methodic Hal)in „i l , 
Irequentmg Flowers," by Mr R Mil 
BSifwSsoi*'''^ «aH.,„?,.E..pedm,„,:' by MrJK 

FredeSB^imwfu.^''^'''''-' "telephones," by Sir 

S.aijjj.m. Antiquaries 
"^tl&oHh^AVI- f^f^piof: "The Dialects 
tand;" b? Mr A .J."Emi '""'' *""= ^"'^1'""^ "i Scot- 
T!e„1.?i"v Society of Arts : " AgTiciUture in Lower 
Bengal," by Mr VV, ,y. ,ycton-Kra-. 

_.,.i^,,.V"'- . R''>;|1 Institution: "Meters for Power 
.l-rturi y by Mr. 0. V. Boys. 
1, Jia.icii .,, ., ]i.m. Royal Institution: "Smg- 
ipeulaug, stammering," lU., by Dr. Stone. 



Satued.\ 



A PASSAGE IN 

The foUowin 



' CHRISTABEL." 

London : Feb. IS, 18S3. 
paragraph, which occurs at 



p. 102 of Mr. Hall Oaine'a ^collections of 
Bossetti, states, I think, very clearly the correct 
interpretation of this passage : — 
" In a note on tliis passage, Canon Dixon writes : 
' What is meant is that in chffs, actual cliffs, the 
action of these agents, heat, cold, thunder even, 
might have an obliterating power ; but, in the 
severance of friendship, there is notliing (lieat of 
nature, frost of time, thunder of accident or siu- 
prise) that can wholly have the like effett.' " 
The word " thunder " is here used by Coleridge in 
its archaic or poeiio sense, as iu the following 
lines from the late Lord Hanmer's well-known 
sonnet " The Pine Woods " : — 
' ' The thunder rolls above us, and some tree 
Smites with his bolt, yet doth tie race abide." 
Samuel Waddinqion. 



APPOINTMENTS FOR NEXT WEEK. 
Monday, Feb. 26, 6 p.m. Loudon Institution : " atar- 
tish," b.y Mr, G. J . Romanes. 

7 p.m. Actuaries : "The Method used by Mihie 
in the Construction of the Carlisle Tables of Mor- 
tality," by Mr. W. Sutton; "The Adjustment of 
Mortality Tables,'' by Mr. J, A, Higham, 



SCIENCE. 

India, What can it Teach Vs ? By F. Max 

Miiller. (Longmans.) 
This volume contains the course of lectures 
lately delivered by Prof. Max Miiller at 
Cambridge on the invitation of the Board of 
Historical Studies at that university ; and 
is dedicated to Prof. Cowell. One or two 
of the lectures have already appeared in the 
periodical press. The title of the volume 
is taken from that of the first lecture, wliich 
sets out with a protest against the tact that 
the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and 
arts of India should be looked upon as curious, 
or even considered by most people as useless 
and tedious, if not absurd ; while tlie corre- 
sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, 
and art of Q-reece and Kome excites even 
a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least 
commands a general respect. On the con- 
trary, Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain 
the thesis that it is precisely in India that 
the human mind has most fully developed 
some of its choicest glfcs, has most deeply 
pondered on the greatest problems of lil'e, 
and has found solutions of some of them 
which well deserve the attention even of those 
who have studied Plato and Kaut. Or (to 
state the same conclusion from a diiferent 
point of view) that it is precisely the literature 
of India from which we, who have been 
nurtured almost exclusively on the thoughts 
of Greeks and Romans and Jews, may draw 
that corrective which is most needed to make 
our inner life more perfect, more comprehen- 
sive, more universal — in fact, more truly 
human. 

"Whatever sphere of the human mind you 
may select for your special study, whether it 
be language or religion or mythology or phil- 
osophy, whether it be laws or customs, primitive 
art or primitive science, you have to go to India, 
whether you like it or not, because some of the 
most valuable and moat instructive materials ia 



135 



s), with 
near the 
;he Low- 
' " hole ; " 
of a door 

Skeat. 



0. 17, 1SS3. 

c 

,.de a mis- 
pEMY for 



^.' iDiiblislied 

3 Diamond 

[^ [1881] of 

"He Society 
t,x Miiller 
'ayuha ; and 
gshe Megha- 
:ff Mr. 0. 
^us College, 

■. Bendall's 
^'on of the 
^5. is rapidly 

^0 



j^jeb. 19, 1883. 
'g^your atten- 
>f the Dutch 
T by Messrs. 
J The title is 
^ it Zn Dagen 
lesred by Iji 
Jaaiatural one, 
ifaon's highly 
;_iawhich deals 
^the heroine, 
I Helena. I 
pseudonym, 
iders of the 
'anslation of 
ie translator, 
Mrs, Brown- 
self easily to 
I prose, that 
ed to make 
of our great 
TE Irving. 



S p.m. Eoyal Academy : ' ' The Art of Coins and 
Medals," by Mr. R. Stuart Poole. 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : Cantor Lecture, " Solid 
and Liquid Illuminating Agents," V., by Mr. 
Leopold Field. 

8.30p.m. G-eograpMcal : " Tbe Central Provinces 

of Colombia (New Granada)," by Mr. R. B. White. 

Tuesday, Feb. 27, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The 

Supreme Discoveries hi Astronomy," II., by Prof. 

R. S. BaU. 

8 p.m. Anthropological: "The Homological 
Nature of the Human Skeleton," by Mr. A. Tylor. 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Egypt, Present audto 
Come," by Mr. R. W. FelMn. 

8 p.m. Civil Engineers : " Covered Service- 
Reservoirs," by Mr. WiUiam Morris. 
Wednesday, Feb. 28, 8 p.m. Royal Academy : " Modern 
Architectiu-al Practice— Colour," by Mr. Q. Aitchi- 
son. 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : " The Increasing 
Destruction of Life and Property by Fire," by Mr. 
C ornelius Waif ord. 
Thursday, March l, 3 p.m. Royal Institution : " The 
Spectroscope and its Apphcations," VII., by Prof. 
Dewar. 

7p.m. London Institution: "WiUiam Michael 
Balfe," by Mr. W. A. Barrett. 

8 p.m. Linnean: " The Constancy of Insects in 
then' Visits to Flowers," by Mr. Alfred W. Bennett ; 
" Observations on Living Echinoderms," by Mr. 
Gr. J. Romanes ; " Methodic Habits of Insects when 
frequenting Flowers," by Mr. R. MiUer Christy; 
"MoUusca of the C7:a Henryer Expedition," by Mr. R. 
Boog Watson. 

S p.m. Civil Engineers: "Telephones," by Sir 
Frederick Bramwell. 

S.3U p.m. Antiquaries. 
Friday, March 2, 8 p.m. Philological: "The Dialects 
of the North of England and the Lowlands of Scot- 
land," by Mr. A. J. EUis. 

S p.m. Society of Arts : "Agriculture in Lower 
Bengal," by Mr. W. S. Seton-Kerr. 

8 p.m. Carlyle. 

9 p.m. Royal Institution: "Meters for Power 
and Electricity," by Mr. C. V. Boys. 

Satueday, March 3, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: " Sing- 
ing, Speaking, Stammering," III., by Dr. Stone. 



EiEL." 

: Feb. 18, 1883, 
ich occurs 



at 



SCIENCE. 

India, What can it Teacli Vs ? By F. Max 
Miiller. (Longmans.) 

This volume contains the course of lectures 
lately delivered by Prof. Mas Miiller at 
Cambridge on the iavitation of the Board of 
Historical Studies at that university ; and 
is dedicated to Prof. Cowell. One or two 
of the lectures have already appeared in the 
periodical press. The title of the volume 
is taken from that of the first lecture, which 
sets out with a protest against the fact that 
the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and 
arts of India should be looked upon as curious, 
or even considered by most people as useless 
and tedious, if not absurd ; while the corre- 
sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, 
and art of Greece and Kome excites even 
a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least 
commands a general respect. On the con- 
trary. Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain 
*i^,^ fliaaJa +-,bat it is ■Dreciselv in India that 




\ the puzzle 
really live 
*ne could h| 
)g in 56 , 
solution wh 
g'eniua of , 
,aees Vikra^ 
W, and ga 
Dhaji^s argi, 
talidasa an^ 
[y able. 
Evidence, no„ 
uDhaji or by 
pk deserves' 
k is known i 
Pe place or t 
[• On the I 
M:atngupta fl! 
I^d retired 'i 
k at that 
p a king 
Umself a 



mnB 



IHX 



writing si 
nlity thai 
;ocladed l 
portion ofi 
inust liave| 
understand 
f;here was 
luring thq, 
Pitakas we 
on from te^ 
also, and 
inf the ph| 
' lore whicl 
was then 
come to be I 
blank, or 
renaissance! 
periods ini 
[ li'erature- 
' time, and i\ 
■] what may 
The rem£ 
to tl; 



Old 

ni 

AVX\ 
^99U 
00^ 8C 
f^'B S890| 

^^^'^ u 

8M ji ^s^ 

-oadgj J.d'\'^ 
TIB puB 
S(\ ■ps%ndSQi\ 
80Bid pooS 
IvAc^fi oq^ Ac 

JO SUOpjlJ-C) 
p3!}aiBd puB 'c 



^===='''^'^^ '\1 /Thursday, Feh iS-) 

?uESHPiEi^^> Esq., ^;:^' on the gr^T^^^^^' 

aBimal m Bactii that tlie^n ^^^.^ ^s 

of the paper was xu_ connected wta ted 

heraldic colour 1^^;' Colour is ^r.f ^VjilaBce and 
fhP uiucorn, wiobc symhohses^^ie^ -. ^^^ 

strength and IS BOt darkness As ^^^^ ^^ 

one of the po^er^^^^, s^^o^^ts) jete ^^^^ ^^ ^^,, 

horns (^e^\^y.f„e ii^iiuence ag^^^J^* ^Jorns) were 
ha^e a protects B rhinocero^^^or^i,; same 

PTYphons' claws v c^-edited wn-u ^,tistic 
S--^^VrS5^rSUedma^^^^^^^ 

Specimens Of ws are the noii -g^grley 

S, apart from heraic J^.^^^^^^ ^'^^^J^Loa guards 
YokHli^f ^,.^So,nre^^ instance a giyp^^^ ,,,a 
^^^*"5,- . ?P toSver with a ^on, a ^^ ^^ -^ ^^en 
a sacred tree to,e ^^^^f ^^iden' s lap- 

awhrged ^ff^.,,^ ^s head ob a ^^^^ ^,,ahle to 
theuaiicornlayran ^^s said to » 



done to 
the case 
seven tnc 
the intt . 
works a' 
the "tal 
exhibit! 
memoir 
luxury, 
in words 
etchers < 
The h 
on «s f 
ample o 
komer— 
as of a 
cerned ^ 
vision c 
not sad, 
of seU-a 
Gosse 1 
charact( 
Garden, 
as the I 
fession 
does nc 
richness 
some it 
skill of 
«A.t 
achieve 
really a 
oils of 
At the 
lady tl 
taken 

sit'M 
in silen 



H.XX..XC Soci....-^^-:!S^IaUh 
Sf^^"^^^ o^inthe Chan- ^^ Benndorf's 
Prot. C. T. .f^^^' count, leased on ri ^gcovered 
gave a detailed accox ^^^niarkahle ^^^^^f.^^e museum 
Official report, o* the \ audBOW m them 
?ntheHerobBatEpl^^^^,„rfsaw,h^^^^^^^ 
at VieBiia f^°J:,^he worhmaiiship,^-^ itioiis 

the Penodim-^e - a^^asBiclmedt ^^^^^wnig 
ander.-The Chair ^^ ^^ .^^'Stiveiudgment 

^ork ?-^^)f^,i'ns!hutiirgedthat po^^^ ^^^^^^ ,iahs 

should reach M^f ^t Cj^ene, f^^'^^^^, ^iter 
;n a Btatiie ioun.l5^us,Vit -^Jj^^ Sahly an 
attributed to Ans ^^^^^ ^^\ SertotaioNvn.- 
brought argnm^^^ ^^^tn^eiiotTnttia^ ^^,^,ae 
Asklepios, o£ a^eai i^t ^^^^^ Mr. Wio«i ^^e. 
The ChairiBaii thou° ^^i,-Lnotregaidita^^ ^^ ^^^ 
outagoodcas^,J^c«^^^^^ ^^^^ t^tue na ^^^^^^ 

It was eveB posaW^ proceedings, i^ ^^^^trian 
ApoUo.^lB closiB- ^^^^ example ot 1: -a ^^y 
^^ -essed a l^ope t ^^.^^^ -^^.-^^ ^'iJe followed m 

sumpiitatta?'^^- - 



Tired 

his sitt 

decent 

the hel 

cake a: 

"Where 

■wratb 

took a 

with 1 

tion. 

InlJ 
dam* 
graci 

•ac 

forv? 



186 



._ .^^ rA*wr^'^«**vW*- 



THE ACADEMY. 









the history of man are treasured up in India, 
and in India only." 

It is much to be regretted that it should 
still be considered necessary to advance argu- 
ments which must seem, to all who know any- 
thing of the world's history, to be so self- 
evident as these. It may even be conceded 
that it is probably unnecessary to address 
them to anyone already sufficiently interested 
in historical enquiry to be likely to be 
inlluenced by them. But there is still a large 
class who look upon the literature of any 
people, not from the point of view of its value 
for historical purposes, but of its value as 
artistic writing, either absolutely, or compared 
with that of other nations more familiai-ly 
known. It is possible that these arguments 
may direct the attention of such readers of 
Indian literature to the other more important 
side of the question. There is also, alas ! a 
still larger class who are willing to study 
strange languages, and the old-world beliefs 
they have preserved, in order merely to pass 
examinations, provided always that they are 
not expected afterwards to take any interest 
at all, either historical or literary, in the 
subject of their unwelcome but necessary 
tasks. If one or two, even among such, can 
be awakened from their lethargy, and can 
have their eyes opened to the pleasure they 
might find in their work, by the eloquent 
words of so high an authority as Prof. Mas 
Miiller, it will be impossible for any impatient 
reader to quarrel with him for occupying time 
with preliminary remarks that sound uncalled 
for in more cultivated ears. It would, indeed, 
be a fortunate day for any student, competitive 
or otherwise, on which he should have become 
animated by the spirit in which this first 
lecture is conceived. 

That spirit has given the tone to much also 
of; v/hat follows in the rest of the book. The 
second lecture is directed against a feeling 
which is so fatal a barrier to any sympathy 
between Englishmen and Hindus — the pre- 
judice that the Hindus as a race have no 
respect for truth. There is some ground for 
the prejudice — just as there was, or is, for 
the Frenchman's prejudice about " la perfide 
Albion," or for the Chinaman's opinion about 
" foreign devils." But those Englishmen 
who are best acquainted with that very large 
majority of the Hindus who live in their 
village oomicaunities remote from our modern 
towns and courts have been unanimous in 
expressing a very high opinion of their sim- 
pUclty and truthfulness. I am glad to be 
able to add that I have had a similar ex- 
perience among their relatives, the Ceylon 
peas!intry, who are distinguished, as a whole, 
not only for fidelity and veracity, but also 
for a kindly good nature and a simple- 
hearted honesty certainly not excelled, if it 
even be equalled, among similar classes in 
Europe. In statistics of crime the many 
peoples of India and Ceylon have no reason 
to fear comparison with the natives of Great 
Britain and Ireland. 

The third lecture deals with a curious 
variety of subjects — the vitality of the San- 
skrit language, the periods of Indian literature, 
the transcendental tone of the Indian character, 
and the folly of estimating travellers' tales of 
modern savages as more primitive evidence 
than the Eig Veda of early religious belief, 



The anthropologists are somewhat hard hii in 
these last pages. They might perhaps rejoin 
that the modern accounts of so-called savage 
beliefs are at least accessible in English or 
other European languages, that they see no 
reason for ignoring the Atharva Veda in this 
connexion, that there is as yet no consensus 
of opinion among Sanskrit scholars as to the 
meaning of these Vedas, and that to study 
them themselves would mean to give up to 
one pursuit all the time they can now devote 
to the whole field of enquiry throughout the 
world. But on the principal matter in dispute, 
the superior value of ancient evidence, and of 
evidence uncontarainated by filtration through 
a modern mind, they will find it hard to 
silence the battery that is here opened against 
them. 

During the discussion earlier in the chapter 
on the periods of Indian literature, Prof. Max 
Miiller introduces incidentally a new hypothe- 
sis, which he supports in an exhaustive note 
of nearly a hundred pages, and which is prob- 
ably destined to play a great part in future 
discussions of the question. He maintains that 
there is a great gap in the literary activity 
of Northern India, consisting of certainly 
not less than four centuries — from the first 
century b.o. to the third century a.d. ; that 
this was due to the invasion and conquest of 
the Pailjab and of tha Ganges valley by the 
(Sakas or Indo-Skythians during that time ; 
and that the period before this gap comprises 
only the Vedio literature and the earliest Bud- 
dhist writings, while all the so-called classical 
Sanskrit literature must be dated after it. 

To the one half of this theory, the com- 
paratively late date of the classical literature, 
there will, I apprehend, be but small and 
feeble opposition. It is quite true that the 
bulk of these works were assigned, when they 
were first discovered, to uncertain dates long 
before the Christian era. But one by one the 
date of each book has been put later and 
later, until, for instance, the so-called law 
book of Manu, at first supposed to have 
been written many centuries before Christ, is 
acknowledged by such scholars as Prof. 
Bilhler and the late Dr. Burnell to have been 
put into its present shape no earlier at least 
than the fourth century after Christ. In 
his long and valuable note Prof. Max 
Miiller gathers up the threads of these various 
enquiries, and accumulates a mass of evidence, 
more especially from hitherto neglected Bud- 
dhist sources, as to the late date of a consider- 
able number of the most celebrated Sanskrit 
authors, and as to the existence of a real 
renaissance of Sanskrit literature between 
400 and 700 a.d. 

Of these detailed discussions one of the 
longest and the most interesting is that 
devoted to Kalidasa, who, in the beginnings 
of Sanskrit studies, used to be placed, along 
with his patron, Vikramadltya, in the first 
century b.c. Dr. Bhao Dhaji bad already, 
twenty years ago, started the bold theory that 
Kalidasa was identical with a certain Matri- 
gupta, whom a Vikramaditya made king or 
viceroy of Kashmir in the sixth century 
of our era ; and it has long been known that 
there are no inscriptions dated by the era of 
Vikrama that are really older than that time. 
But it was not till the publication of Mr. 
Pergu?son's paper in the Journal of the Royal 



Asiatic Society for 1880 that the puzzle vas 
solved how, if Vikramaditya really lived so 
late, an era called after his name could hjve 
been calculated as commencing in 56 eo. 
Prof. Max Miiller accepts the solution whieh j 
it has been reserved for the genius of Mr.' 
Fergusson to discover. He places Vikrama 
and Krdidasa in the sixth century, and goes 
so far as to say that Dr. Bhao Dhaji's argu. 
ments aa to the identity of KrUidasa and 
Matrigupta are, at all events, very able. 

There is a curious piece of evidence, not 
referred to either by Dr. Bhao Dhaji or by 
Prof. Max MuUer, which I think deserves 
notice in this connexion. Nothing ia known 
in India of the last years, or the place or 
manner of the death, of Kalidasa. On the 
death of his patron, Vikramriditya, Matrigupta 
resigned the throne of Kashmir, and retired 
into private life at BeEfires. Now, at that 
time there was reigning in Ceylon a king 
named Kumara Dasa, who was himself a 
celebrated scholar and poet, and the author of 
a Sanskrit poem, still extant, entitled Janakl- 
haraaa. Ceylon tradition has it that this 
king invited Kalidasa to his Court; that 
Kalidasa was there murdered under very 
romantic circumstances ; and that the kino- 
consumed with grief, threw himself on to th°e 
poet's funeral pyre and was burnt to death. 
I have not been able as yet to trace this 
tradition earlier than the Pcerahwn Ba 
Sirita* a poem certainly not older than the 
twelfth century. But it is something that, 
even at that date, and in the island of Ceylon, 
where history is more reliable than anywhere 
else in India, it was believed that Kalidasa ' 
did really live in the period in which Dr.i 
Bhao Dhaji has placed him. ' 

It is instructive to notice how often Buddhist 
writers are referred to in the course of the 
discussions in this long and almost exhaustive 
note, which is in many respects the most 
remarkable feature in the volume. Little by 
little the once despised Buddhist records, 
which the Professor of Sanskrit is so apt to , 
look upon with a dislike and contempt ac- i 
quired from the tone of the Brahmanical 
books he has chiefly studied, are beginning to 
take their proper place in the history of the 
regular development of Indian literature. 
The battle of the rationalistic school, 
whose suppression in India was one of the 
greatest disasters in the whole course of 
its history, is not yet won. No one among 
Sanskrit Professors has shown himself more 
free from this bias than Prof. Max Miiller, 
especially of late years ; and yet this book 
shows traces at least in not a few places of 
the old feeling. It may safely be predicted 
that, fifty years hence, no one will venture to 
call a series of lectures by the comprehensive 
title of " What can India Teach lis ? " without 
giving due prominence to the greatest man 
whom India has produced, and to the 
most important literature, apart from the 
Vedas, which has arisen there. And this 
remark does not touch merely the broad title 
of the book. The hypothesis_of the four 
centuries blank-in the history of Indian 



1^ 



"'*"***«8«as"«n 



0, I H I l l ,Hm i |l l» H r|« » l 'g WWfc*y-<""' 



* Jitnala-har(ma a- metha haw hxndi Kumara Das 
rada KdlMas nniii /.■aiciiidii/iata siija diw ipidi. " The 
Idug Kumara Dasa, who composed the great poems 
Janald-hara«a and others, ottered up his own life 
to the king of poets, KaUdSsa," 



:s), with 
near the 
;he Low- 
" hole ; " 
of a door 

Skbat. 



). 17, 1883. 

■de a mis- 
)EMY for 

■ published 
3 Diamond 

■ [1881] of 

ic Society 
.X Miiller 
yAha ; and 
ihe Megha- 
Y Mr. C. 
us College, 

'. Bendall's 
on of the 
5. is rapidly 
vVbight. 



'eb. 19, 1883. 
your atten- 
>f the Dutch 
by Messrs. 
The title is 
it In Dagen 
red by In 
natural one, 
on's highly 
which deals 
the heroine, 
i Helena. I 
pseudonym. 
iders of the 
anslation of 
ie translator, 
Mrs. Brown- 
self easily to 
1 prose, that 
ed to make 
of our great 
rE Irving. 



BEL." 

; Feb. 18, 1883. 

ch occurs at 



135 



KT ? ?-^--, Royal Academy : " The Art of Coiais and 
Medals," by Mr. R. Stuart Poole. 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : Cantor Lecture, " SoUd 
and Liquid Illuminating Agents," V., by Mr 
LeopoldField. 

^.30p.m. Geographical: " The Central Provinces 

of Colombia (New Granada)," by Mr. E,. B. "White. 

Tuesday, Feb. 27, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The 

Supreme Discoveries in Astronomy," II., by Prof. 

R. fe. Ball. 

8 p.m. Anthropological: "The Homological 
Natiu-e of the Human Skeleton," by Mr. A Tylor 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Egypt, Present aud'to 
Come," by Mr. R. W. FelMn. 

8 p.m. Civil Engineers : " Covered Service- 
Reservou's," by Mr. Wilham Morris. 
Wednesday, Feb. 28, S p.m. Royal Academy : " Modern 
Architectm-al Practice— Colour," by Mr. G. Aitchi- 
son. 

8 p.m. Society of T^Tts : " The Increasing 
Destruction of Life and Property by Fire," by Mr. 
Cornelius Waif ord. 
Thuesday, March 1, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The 
Spectroscope and its Apphcations," VII., by Prof. 
Dewar. 

7 p.m. London Institution: "WiUiam Michael 
Balfe," by Mr. W. A. Barrett. 

8 p.m. Linnean : " The Constancy of Insects in 
then- Visits to Flowers," by Mr. Alfred W. Bennett ; 
"^Observations on Living Echinoderms," by Mr. 
G. J. Romanes ; "Methodic Habits of Insects when 
frequenting Flowers," by Mr. R. MUler Christy ; 
"Mollusca of the C'7(«i^e«f/er Expedition," by Mr. R. 
Boog Watson. 

S p.m. Civil Engineers: "Telephones," by Sir 
Frederick BramweU. 

8.3U p.m. Antiquaries. 
Friday, March 2, 8 p.m. Philological: "The Dialects 
of the North of England and the Lowlands of Scot- 
land," by Mr. A. J. EUis. 

8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Agricult^ire in Lower 
Bengal," by Mr. W. S. Seton-Kerr. 

8 p.m. Carlyle. 

9 p.m. Royal Institution: "Meters for Power 
and Electricity," by Mr. C. V. Boys. 

Satueday, March 3, 3 p.m. Royal Institution : " Sing- 
ing, Speakuig, Stammering," III., by Dr. Stone. 



SCIENCE. 



Max 



India, What can it Teach Us ? By F. 
Miiller. (Longmans.) 

This volume contains the course of lectures 
lately delivered by Prof. Max Miiller at 
Cambridge on the invitation of the Board of 
Historical Studies at that university ; and 
is dedicated to Prof. Co well. One or two 
of the lectures have already appeared in the 
periodical press. The title of the volume 
is taken from that of the first lecture, which 
sets out with a protest against the fact that 
the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and 
arts of India should be looked upon as curious, 
or even considered by most people as useless 
and tedious, if not absurd ; while the corre- 
sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, 
and art of Greece and Kome excites even 
a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least 
commands a general respect. On the con- 
trary, Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain 
<Hi^ +lio2,"a fhnt it is Drecisely in India that 




the puzzle g ^ 
real] J liygc, f ,' 
me could h. \\ 
>g in 56 3 
solution wh 
geuiua of A 
aces Vikrar 
iry, and gol 
^haji's argil 
alidasa am 
|J able. I 
evidence, not, 
jDhaji or hy\ 
pk_ deserves 
K is known 
be place or 
\' On the 
^at?%upta 
■nd retired 
'j at that 
a king 
limself a 



IHX 



Feb. 



, , jriting 
.^ lility thai 
\|i eluded i 
Portion ol 
nust laav( 
jinderstand 
|f.here was 
iluring thq, 
pPitakas wi 
lon from te^ 
jjalso, and 
of the phi 
jilore which^ 
was then 
come to bei 
blank, or 
renaissance) 
periods in 1 
U'erature- 
time, andtq 
what may 
\k The remd 
If to tV 



8j[0jq 
aarara 

uviSeq 
BA-cq 

p89U Gi 

00!). eq 

-A'^tirj J. 

qoiqM 

-oidai agq!)' 
TIB puB J8y[ 
/q p3!;n8S8ii 
80Bid poo§ r 
pio'jj 8q:j ii 
30 suepaTj-Q 
psi^aiBd pntj '1 







-^^ ,^„ JThurscUy, Feb. lo-) 

^nriETV OT A>'TiarAUiE^- ^^ ^^^ chair. 

?uESHriEi^i>, Esq-' ^::\;;oii the ^n^^^o^^' 

^^-gT-fBaSii Stead of Beytaxa^^j;;;^ ^^^^^ 
atiimal m Bactixc ^^ that T^}n ^^^^ as 

of the paPf\^,t 0°, is conneeted vath^ eted 

heraldic colovu IS 0^. ^^^^^ f -T-'S U-ilance aixd 
the ii^^i^o^"^"' ^n He symhohse* ^'^-t -^^, ,, 
with the ^ooj-^^ot an evil beast htei ^^.^^^.^g, 
strength axxd IS ;^°"^ ^^ darkness As ^^^^.^ ^^ 

one oi/^^./°Irwhals' «^^°^^HXpoison, so the 
horns i-eally ,?f hifixience agauis* P"^ A ^^^g 
have a protective niB ^.hinoceros tioiiM 

Syphons' claws {^-^^ ^^,^^ted mth ^^^^.^i^tic 

SS-ng BX^Sscrihed many f ^Se ,,^,a 
virtue. Ml. ^10 gryphons, especiauy ^^ 

Specimens ot i^S'-j^^ are the noi ^gverley 
art, apart from heraK ^^ ^^^^^^ ^'^^^w.on guards 
&W^,,rformerii?.t^^^^^^ and 

Minster. ^^ ^'^^.^ether ^th \^f^J' ^.^ geat is seen 
a sacred tree to^e ^^^ ^^^^ 'laiden's lap- 

a winged wo^^ ^ ^.^^ head on a J^^f^ ,,,,ahle to 
the unicorn laym„ ^^^ ^^'Vl?od of captur- 

lengths oi ^^„^%rom Shershell, m 
into the "t^^f'f the Romans. 
Julia Caesarea of tne ____ 



done to 
the case 
seven wc 
the intt , 
works a' 
the " tal 
exhibitio 
memoir 
luxury, 
in words 
etchers < 
The h 
on us i 
ample 
komer— 
as of a 
cerned v 
vision c 
not sad, 
of self-a 
Gosse V 
charactt 
Garden, 
as the I 
fession 
does BC 
richness 
some it 
skill of 

achieve 

really ■ 

oils oi 

At the 

lady 1 

taken 

"sit" 

in sil< 



..r SoclEr^^-(2^^''•"•^*■^'Jteil Smith 

Puor. C. T. .f ^7_(.ouBt, leased on J^roi ^^^^ed 

gave a detailed accoi .-emarkahle ^^^g'^^niuseum 
Official report, f ^^^^aschi, aiidnovr nit'^ ^^^^.^, 
intheHeroonatE3^^ i^awbo^^^^^ 

at Vienna- V^}^^ ^^^^ ^voiWi^^^^P'^ compositions 

appe-e^J° ^^Sn SeSiole, f^^^f^SS^^^^ 
Polygnotus. vju fgrred to i^^i -^ ^^ 

the'^vork ^};8^;fl^ence of ^f ^f J^^t^e of Alex- 

^^*^''* nd imm?d^itely pi'^^^^^gdlo attribute the 
the pen°i'fS,airmanwasmclmedt ^^^^omng 

ander.— The '-^^" +^^e artists, P^^^^l^e iudgment 

ghould reach Ihi^^ ^ Gyrene, J^^^^^^^ ^^iter 

«^ ^ fl to Iritaeus, ^^^^^.^jSpxohaDlyan 

attributed to ai ^^^^^ ^^', Sxto too^i.- 

hrought ^^^f ^^'Sdlesstypenotlnai^^ ^^^ ^^^^, 

Asklepios, of a beai ^^^^^ ^j^_ yjiotn ^^^^^^i^e. 

The Chairiaa''lnt "ouldnotregardita^^ ^^ ^^ 

outagoodcase,h^- ^^^^^ ^^.^ statue im ^^^^^^ 

It was even possiW pTOceedings, ii ^^^g^rian 

Apollo.--Ia closmg ^^^^ example of^Viped ^y 

expressed a hepe t .^^, ^^^^<-\^'ie followed m 

expedition to |-^ew, ^^^ goon be |" -, gmalL 



Tiri 
Tais s 



thel 
cake 
Wh< 
wra 

tool 
wit' 
tioi 

la 

da 
sr 



fo 
tv 



Feb. 24, 1883.— No. 664.] 



iwsittieaiwwtws**' 



THE ACADEMY. 



137 



writing surely leaves out of sight the proba- 
'rility that it is precisely during the years 
nioluded in them that the most valuable 
)ortion of the Buddliist Sanskrit literature 
, nust have first seen the light. And I do not 
inderstand Prof. Max Miiller to affirm that 
vliere was any cessation of mental activity 
luring those years. The Vedas and the Pali 
Pitakas were of course studied and handed 
on from teacher to pupil during those years 
also, and it must ije understood that niueh 
nt the philosophical speculation and Ugal 
lore which we find recorded in later bouks 
was then being elaborated. It will rather 
come to be accepted, not that there was any 
blank, or any break of continuity, or any 
renaissance, but that there were three great 
periods in the history of ancient Indian 
li'erature — the Vedic time, the Buddhist 
tiftie, and the era of the subsequent school of 
what may be called artistic literature. 

The remaining three lectures are devoted 
to the consideration of selected passages or 
groups of passages iu the llig Veda. They 
are characterised by the wealth of illustration, 
the charm of style, the enthusiasm for his 
subject, and the wide learning which have 
made Prof. Max Midler's previously pub- 
lished lectures at once so attractive and so 
full of instruction. They give rise to only 
one regret, and that is that he who can deal 
in so masterly a manner with selected pas- 
sages should not have been able to find time 
to write that great work on the whole Rig 
Veda which would have done more than any- 
thing else to remove many of those objections 
to its study which he still finds it necessary 
to deplore. ... T. W. Raxs Datids. 



NOTES OF TRAVEL. 
It is now settled that Baron Nordenskiold will 
sail in May on a scientific voyage to Greenland. 
The plan of the expedition includes an inland 
journey from Auleitsivikfjord of about a 
month's duration, and also a search on the south- 
east coast for the ruins of the Scandinavian 
colonies of the middle ages. Like the previous 
expeditions commanded by Baron Nordenskiold, 
this also has been organised by Mr. Oscar 
Dickson. 

Sib Aethtjr Gordon delivered last week, at 
the Philosophical Institution iu Edinburgh, two 
lectures on Fiji and the neighbouring Pacific 
groups. After giving a history of events iu Fiji, 
be dwelt with natural satisfaction ou the system 
of government which he himself established 
there, the essence of which consists in adopt- 
ing and developing native institutions. By this 
means he gained the confidence of the people, 
and, without effort, increased the revenue (which 
is paid in kind by each village) from £16,000 to 
£110,000 in six years. The lecturer contrasted 
the enlightened action of the missionaries in 
Fiji with the narrow-minded and oppressive 
system they have established in the neighbour- 
ing Tonga, where the most harmless national 
customs and amusements have have been sup- 
pressed, all rank and fashion, especially in 
church, depending on the amount of European 
clothes worn, and the unfortunate King being 
dressed up " like a monkey at a show." The 
Prime Minister, who is also a banker and 
a Wesleyan minister, calls himself ou his 
visiting cards " Hon. and Eev." But all 
this, as the lecturer pointed out, is not the 
fault of the creed, but is simply due, like 
the clerical domination in the Middle Ages, to 
the clergy happening to have a monopoly of 



intelligence and information. Sir Arthur's chief 
difficulties arose from the peculiar system of com- 
munal land-tenure, the European planters believ- 
ing, often in good faith, that they had purchased 
their lauds out and out, whereas it was not in 
the power of individual natives so to alienate it. 
He paid a handsome tribute to the loyal char- 
acter of the ex,King Thakombau, who ceded the 
islands to us, and whose death has just been 
announced. 



SCIENCE NOTES. 
As in France, so now ia Belgium, a committee 
has been formed in support of the memorial to 
Charles Darwin. The treasurer is Prof. Bdouard 
Van Beneden, of Liege. 

Prop. Huxley will publish his Liverpool 
address in the March number of the Journal of 
Education, xin^sv Vae title of "Science and Art 
in Relation to Education." 

ORNiTnoLOGiSTS wiU be interested to learn 
that a series of coloured illustrations of the 
birds of Australia, from drawings by the late 
Mr. Diggles, of Brisbane, Queensland, with 
descriptive letterpress, will shortly be issued 
here in two volumes imperial quarto. This 
work was published by subscription in the 
colony, under the title of Companion to Gould's 
Handbook, and has hitherto been unknown to 
English ornithologists. A few copies which 
remained at the author's death have passed into 
the hands of Mr. Quaritoh. 

A SERIES of manuals for medical students 
and practitioners, embodying the most recent 
discoveries, is in preparation by Messrs. Cassell, 
Petter, Galpin and Oo. Among the contributors 
are Dr. E. Klein, Mr. A. J. Pepper, Mr. 
Frederick Treves, Mr. Henry Power, and Dr. 
Charles H. Ralfe. 

Messrs. Crosby Lookwood and Co. will 
publish in the autumn a book on British mining 
by Mr. Robert Hunt, the well-known Keeper of 
Mining Records. It will comprise a thoroughly 
practical treatise on the metalliferous mines and 
minerals of the United Kingdom, dealing com- 
prehensively with the theories of mineral 
deposits, the history of mines, their practical 
working, and the prospects of British mining 
industry. The work will be fully illustrated. 



At the last meeting of the Society of Biblical 
Archaeology, Dr. Birch read a paper on a board 
with an inscription written in the hieratic 
character. It was in an excellent state of 
preservation, and was obtained by the Duke of 
Hamilton and Mr. M'GuUum iu 1875 or 1876 
at Thebes. It was taken from a mummy-pit, 
probably the Deir-el-Bahari, where the famous 
royal mummies were discovered in 1881. The 
inscription with which the board wag covered 
before and behind was a duplicate of that on a 
similar board belonging to Rogers Bey, which 
was exhibited at the French International 
Exhibition in 1878, and subsequently published 
by M. Maspero in 1879. It is a declaration of 
the god Amen Ra about the sepulchral figures 
deposited with the dead for Nasi Khonsu, 
daughter of Than-hont-tahuti, probably one of 
the Royal family of Her-hor, founder of the 
XXIst Dynasty. The boards were both in- 
scribed iu the filth year of a monarch, probably 
Her-hor ; and on the sides of the door at the 
bottom of the mummy-pit at Deir-el-Bahari 
the burial of Nasi Khonsu was recorded iu the 
same year by Khonsaufankh, priest of Amen 
Ra, and superinteudeut of the treasury. 

M. Henri Weil has been elected a corre- 
sponding member of the Academy of St. Peters- 
burg. 

The Philologische Wodienschri/t for January 
27 contained reviews of Mr. Monro's Homeric 
Orammar (by Dr. Clemm) and of Prof. Lewis's 
Juvenal (by Dr. Friedlander). 



PHILOLOGY NOTES. 
The Delegates of the Clarendon Press will, 
we understand, undertake the pubhcation 
of a Latin Catalogue of the M3S. in the 
library of the monastery of Mount Sinai 
which has been compiled by Prof. Gardthauson, 
of Leipzig. These MSS. number in all upwards 
of thirteen hundred, including Greek, Coptic, 
Armenian, &c., and are of peculiar interest for 
students of theology and ecclesiastical history. 

The following are the contents of M. James 
Darmesteter's new volume of Essais orientaux, 
which we hope to review soon at length : — 
" The Part, taken by France in the Great Dis- 
coveries of Oriental Science ; " " The Supreme 
God in Indo-European Mythology ;"" Aryan 
Cosmogonies ; " "Essays in Mythologv and Lin- 
guistics ; " "Prolegomena to the History of 
Religions ; " "A General View of the History of 
the Jewish People." 

Dr. Kaul Geldner, of Tiihingen, is engaged 
upon a new edition of the Zend Aveita, which 
will be published, in three parts, by the 
Imperial Academy of Vienna. 

The reprint of Dacaufje progresses apace, the 
third fasciculus having just been published. No 
less than two hundred errors of Hensohel's 
edition have been corrected iu the three fasciculi 
already issued, so that the present will undoubt- 
edly surpass all previous editions in accuracy. 



MEETINGS OF SOCIETIES. 
Physical Society. — (Aiiiiual General Mcciiiij/, 
Satimlaij, Feb. 10.) 
Prof. Fulleu in the Chair. — The new office- 
holders for the year were elected as under; — 
President, Prof. Clifton ; vice-presidents. Sir \V. 
Thomson, Prof. G. C. Foster, l)r. J. Hopkinsoii, 
Lord Rayleigli, Prof. W. C. lloborts ; secretaries. 
Prof. A. AV. Ecinold, Mr. W. Baily ; treasurer. 
Dr. E. Atldnson ; demonstrator, Prof. P. Guthrie ; 
other members of council. Prof. W. G. Adams, 
Prof. W. E. AjTton, Mr. SheUford BidweU, Mr. 
AV". H. JI. Christie, I^rof. P. FuUer, Mr. E. T. 
Glazebrooli, Mr. E. J. Lecky, Prof. 0. J. Lodge, 
Dr. Hugo MiiUer, Prof. J. Pen-y. 

Anthhopologicai, Institute. — {Tuesday, Fch. IS.) 
PiioF. W. H. Plowek, President, in the Chair. — 
Mr. Colqulioun read a paper on the aboriguial and 
other tribes of Yiiunan and tlic Sliaii country. Ho 
first dwelt upon the races of the Soutli Chiua 
borderlands. Between Canton and Nan-ning (one 
nt' till- important towns on the Si-iCiang in Kwaug- 
si) i\\i: inhabitants met witli were pure Chuiese. 
AV'c.st uf that, to the Yiinuaii frontier, a mixed 
X^opulatioii ou the river and aboriginal tribes in 
the interior were found. Throiigliout Yiinuau 
the chief population consists ol: Shans disguised 
under a ,L;viat variety of tribal uaines. Lo-lo and 
Miao-tzfi al)l.rl^■in(■.s mac met with, as well us 
Thibetans ninfei- lln- name ol K'ntsimg. Ou the 
west side ol Vdunan, Maliumedans lu'e numerous, 
presumably the remains of the armies of Giughis 
Khan. The costumes are most varied and pie- 
tiu-esque ; and the Shans and all the aboriginal 
people are kind, frank, aud hospitable. Ill these 
respects, .and iu their feet being uncrushed, they 
oft'er a gi'eat contrast to the Cluiiese. Beside the 
tribes met with, Mr. Colquhoim pointed out that 
there were in the North and North-west Yiinnan, 
as well as in Ssu-chuan, four divisions — namely, 
Li-SEii, Moro, Sifan, and Mantzu. A great 
similarity of language exists between the Lo-lo, 
Li-ssil, Sifan, and Burmese. The large area over 
wliich the Shan population is distributed was 
pomted out, aud the habitat of the Karms and 
Lawas. The paper was illustrated with part of a 
collection of admirable photographs and sketches 
made duruig Mr. Colqidioun's late exploration, 
shown by the oxy-hydrogen Ught. These form 
a portion of the illustrations which will appear 
in Mr. Colquhoun's forthcoming book. 



I 



FE 



THE ACADEMY. 



Fbb. 24, 1883.— No. f 



the memory of young genius as in 

®^» of the late Cecil Lawson. It is but 

^ r th,nths since he died ; and here, while 

7e t:>j.esting exhibition of his collected 

of b the Grosvenor Gallery is sharing 

'0 ^k of the town " with the Rossetti 

uthji at Burlington House, we have a 

"^^"'of him published in a style of unusual 

th%ritten by an accomplished " artist 

^^U," and illustrated by two painters and 

■} t)f distinction. 

d handsome young face which looks out 
'horj-om the frontispiece — a forcible ex- 
ndi:^ "dry-point" by Mr. Hubert Her- 
'^evchas an intent but dreamy expression, 
JaUman whose steady regard was con- 
i-iDfyith something more than the mere 
'■y^'if the moment. It is a serious, hut 
'3'rli face ; and, except from its entire lack 
glitgpertion, it agrees well with what Mr. 
'ccliells us of the personal and artistic 
as >r of the painter of " The Minister's 
^^" Cecil Lawson's life was uneventfu', 
^j ^ves of artists absorbed by their pro- 
V^^usually are ; and Mr. Gosse's material 
k^tt seem to have been of embarrassing 
^oti-,. What he has to tell is, however, of 
> iterest, and is set forth with all the 
6 'a brilliant litterateur. 
^^Dfour years," writes Mr. Gosse, "he 
'^t^ what has been described to me as a 
icrrtieulate and intelligible imitation in 
i Clarkson Stanfield's 'Dutch Mill.'" 
i .age of six a playful suggestion by a 
'esiat he should paint her portrait was 
Jasbj iiijn in earnest, and she had to 
f^.t'or an hour and a-half while he painted 
J-'gce. 

to death of this unexpected penance, 
er racked her brains to think of any 
diversion, and at last, asking him to ring 
I, ordered the servant to ' bring up some 
id ginger wine for the little gentleman.' 
apon the little gentleman rose in stately- 
said that he thanked her, but he never 
lything before his lunch, and departed 
s picture in a twitter of polite indigna- 

1 (when ten years old) he went to " a 
school " in London, and, when dis- 
for his ignorance, fetched 

ivas bigger than himself, and, staggering 
d, with the work in question projected at 

.^^^ + p.J 1^, ' iT'-'-Lj.- 13 XT ' ."•"'' '^'J 



rewarded the young painter for his 
work." This success was delusive. " x 
his " Lament " was " skied ; " and e. ■* 

year or the next " a magnificent pit ' j 
first of his great scenic landscap 
rejected. As this " Hymn to Spv • - 
not been exhibited, Mr. Gosse'd desc ''\[ 
it is specially interesting. 

" It is a work which, one cannot but h' 
one day adorn the national collection;, 
the fullness and richness of young work,>' 
little of the heaviness also. The pai 
not known where to stop in his genei 
bition. The spectator stands rather 
and gazes down, across a superb foreg' 
bushy, sappy green foliage into a wik 
paign, and out upon a delicate blue exj, 
distance. Across a blue sky of intense 
and luminosity apple-houghs are drawn 
curtain. The central point of the pictuj - 
young medlar-tree covered with pale blossrr 
and this slender and graceful object attra 
eye at once by its feminine and virginal 
and seems to be the young laughing gtnTir- 
spring herself. A dove flies towards the 
tree through the coloured atmosphere. ^ 
foreground a strongly painted mass of j^. 
leaves and coarse yellow flowers supplies 
contrast needed by the faint and vanie- 
distance. It is a day when the earth is jo(^^ 
when ' heavy Saturn laughs and leaps with'J 
All the rich foliage, every winding stream..^- j 
pregnant cloud, seems to chant its homa., ^ 
the image of spring, to the pure and rosy m*"- i 
tree that quivers under its burden of li'!^| 
garlands." . S, 

In 1874 Lawson went abroad for the»* I 
time. He visited Holland, Belgiumi^^^-^ 
France, but without influencing his art. ■ 
him, at this time, Mr. Gosse says : - 

" His failure to please the public merel 
him a certain arrogance of attitude to 
those who neglected to understand what b , ' 
doing. He had never been a very sociable ir 
except in the inner circle of his family frif . 
and now he became, if anything, more isoU ; 
Since Pinwell had been in fading health, Li-i- 
not felt drawn to any other artist. He was - 
the social warbler of the easel who e;' 
nothing so much as a gregarious flight oi 
kind to Henley or to Bettws-y-coed. For g 
or evil, it must be confessed that Cecil Law 
was sometimes cold to those who sought 
familiar companionship. As in appearance 
possessed a strange look of Keats, so in ch 
acter he had something of that strenuous po 
determination to take life seriously and eo 
""4 Piiioo 



psoejcT 



®'? Pfnoo 






WORKS published by LONGMANS 6- CO. 



Primeval World of Switzerland n 

ws J Scientific Lectures q 

• "Is Outlines of Astronomy .' g 

'j Christ the Consoler 16 

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Transition Period u 

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ssays ' g 

reatise on Human Nature .......'. 6 

■me to its Capture by the Gauls... o 

-istoiy of Rome % 

■w's Poems ,« 



■organic Chemistry 12 

J- Sacred and Legendary Art.....'.' 12 

■ Electricity and Magnetism 10 

J Life of Napoleon i 

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•^_ Patentee's Manual .".".'* 21 

m's Geographical Dictionary.....'.*.".'.' 8 

•'^ New Man _ jk 

— Second Death .'.".'.'.'.'.'.".*." le 

r — Types of Genesis '..'..'", 15 



- Bible Studies 



15 



Commentary on the Bible 1% 

Path and Goal | 

^^ Outlines of Primitive Belief.!'.".*.'.!!'. 6 
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U Metallurgy, by Crooies and Rohrlg. 



scapes, Churches, &c..... 7 

1 nis Handbook of English Language 7 

s History of England T....T... i 

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Leaders of Public Opinion ! 4 

re Hours in Town .' Z 

is Political and Moral Philosophy""!!.* 6 
ins of Middle Age 



's History of Philosophy ."..' 

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11&14 
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my's (Lord) Essays i 

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20 
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Macaula/s (Lord) Life and Letters 4 

Miscellaneous Writing's 6 

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Macfarren on Musical Harmony t , 

Macle ods Economical Philosophy... "** % 

Economics for Beginners ....!!!!! 21 

Elements of Banking 21 

Elements of Economics.... 21 

-— - — Theory and Practice of Banking* 21 

Macnamaras Himalayan Districts Vn 

Mademoiselle Mori .... Z 

Ma/iaf/s Classical Greek *L'i't'era'tu"re o 

Mannmgs Mtssion of the Holy Ghost" !!! 16 

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i^^rr?/^/^j Arithmetic and Mensuration . 10 

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Dissertations & Discus"s'i"ons t 

Essays on Religion i r 

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System of Logic e 

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Monseirs Spiritual Songs'.'.*.'.!'. if 

Moore's Irish Melodies, Illustrated 'Edi"t"i"on' i- 

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Morris s Age of Anne 

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■ — Lectures on Religion 16 

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Science of Religion 16 

Selected Essays !!!!!!!!! 7 



Nelson on the Moon 

Nevik's Horses and Ridina 



ig 



THE ACADEMY. 



Fbb. 24, 1883. — No. . 



Society of Antiquakies.— (y/i«>-«/«.'/, Feb. 15.) 
EDwrJ Freshfield, Esq., V.-P., iii the Chaii-.— 
Mr Eobt Brown read a paper upon the pi-yphon, 
tracing the history of the myth from Aristeas of 
Proconnesus and Herodotus down to Albertus 
Mafmus and Sir Jolin Mandefille, who locates the 
animal in Bactria instead of Scythia. The obiect 
of the paper was to show that the gryphon, -whoso 
heraldic colour is or, is connected i,vith the sun, as 
the unicorn, whose colour is rirf/eiit, is connected 
with the moon. He symboUses vigilance and 
strength, and is not an evU beast like the dragon, 
one of the powers of darkness. As unicorns 
horns (really narwhals' snouts) were beUeved to 
have a protective influence against poison so the 
gryphons' claws {i.e., rhinoceros horns) were 
mounted as cups, and credited with the same 
virtue. Mr. Brown described many of the artistic 
representations of gryphons, especially those found 
by Dr. Schlieniann at Mycenae, and those on 
Athene's hehnet and in Etruscan waU-pamtiugs. 
Specimens of its introduction m ancient English 
art, apart from heraldry, are the horn of Ulfus at 
York Miiister and a Sliserere seat at Beverley 
Minster. In the former instance a gi-yphoa guards 
a sacred tree, together with a lion, a unicorn, and 
a winged wolf. On another Miserere scat is seen 
the unicorn laying his head on a maiden's lap— 
a temptation which he was said to be unable to 
resist, and which was the only method of captur- 
ing him.— The Hon. H. A. Dillon exliibited two 
lengths of a Eoman clay water-pipe, one fitting 
into the other, from Shcrshell, in Algeria, the 
Julia Caesarea of the Eomaus. 

Hellenic Society. — {Thursday, Feb. 15.) 
Peof. C. T. Newton in the Chair.— Mr. Cecil Smith 
gave a detailed account, based on Prof. Benndorf's 
official report, of the remarkable friezes discovered 
in the Heroi3n at Ej olbaschi, and now in the museum 
at Vieima. Prof . Benndorf saw, both in the choice 
of .subjects and in the workmanship, indicatious of 
Athenian influence. Several of the compositions 
appeared to him to recall weU-known paintings of 
Polygnotus. On the whole, it seemed probable that 
the work might be referred to Athenian artists, 
subject to the influence of baxbaric ideas, and to 
the period immediately preceding the age of Alex- 
ander. — The Chah-man was incUned to attribute tlio 
work rather to native artists, possibly foUomng 
Athenian designs, but urged that positive judgment 
should be deferred till casts of some of the slabs 
should reach England. — Mr. "Wroth read a 25aper 
on a statue found at Cji-enc, which has been 
attributed to Aristaeus, but which the wiiter 
brought arguments to show was more probably an 
Askleijios, of a beardless type not hitherto known. — 
Tlie Chairman thought that Mr. Wroth had made 
outa good case, but eould not regard it as conclusive. 
It was even possible that the statue might be an 
Apollo. — In closing the proceedings, Mr. Newton 
expressed a hope that the example of the Austrian 
expedition to Lyeia, wliicli had been equipped by 
private contributions, might soon be followed in 
England. He mentioned that he had had a small 
sum put at his disposal for explorations in Cj'prus 
— a peculiarly available field, whii.-h had already 
yielded valuable results. If a further sum of £.50 
could be placed in Ms hands, these explorations 
could be carried on to good purpose. He would be 
pxateful for any contributions that might be sent 
either to himself at the British Museum, or to Mr 
George Macmillan, 29 Bedford Street, Covent 
Garden. 



FINE ART. 

a. McM„. DOWDESWEL™ ™,°NEW IJOnJ" PIekT^" audAPML, 



OREAT SALE of PICTURES 



: rodaced i 
J. EvBryo 



%[f'°,V \^I«^°''-- % Edmund W. 
Uosae. (Pine Art Society.) 

It is seldom that so prompt honour has been 



done to the memory of young geniusaa in 
the case of the late Cecil Lawson. It is but 
seven months Fince lie died ; and here, while 
the interestinor exhibition of his collected 
works at the Grosvenor Gallery is sharing 
the " talk of the town " with the Rosaetti 
exhibition at Burlinp;ton House, we have a 
memoir of him published in a style of unusual 
luxury, written by an accomplished " artist 
in words," and illustrated by two painters and 
etchers of distinction. 

The handsome young face which looks out 
on us from the frontispiece — a forcible ex- 
ample of "dry-point" by Mr. Hubert Her- 
komer — has an intent but dreamy expression, 
as of a man whose steady regard was con- 
cerned with something more than the mere 
vision of the moment. It is a serious, hut 
not sad, face ; and, except from its entire lack 
of self-assertion, it agrees well with what Mr. 
Gosse tells us of the personal and artistic 
character of the painter of " The Minister's 
Garden." Cecil Lawson's life was uneventful, 
as the lives of artists absorbed by their pro- 
fession usually are ; and Mr. Gosse's material 
does not seem to have been of embarrassing 
richness. What he has to tell is, however, of 
some interest, and is set forth with all the 
skill of a brilliant littemtHir. 

"At four years," writes Mr. Gosse, "he 
achieved what has been described to me as a 
really articulate and intelligible imitation in 
oils of Clarkson Stanfield's 'Dutch Mill.'" 
At the age of six a playful suggestion by a 
lady that he should paint her portrait was 
taken by him in earnest, and she had to 
" sit" for an hour and a-half while he painted 
in silence. 

"Tired to death of this unexpected penance, 
his sitter racked her brains to think of any 
decent diversion, and at last, asking him to ring 
the bell, ordered the servant to ' bring up some 
cake and ginger wine for the little gentleman.' 
Whereupon the little gentleman rose in stately 
wratb, said that he thanked her, but he never 
took anything before his lunch, and departed 
with his picture in a twitter of polite indigna- 
tion." 

In 1861 (when ten years old) he went to " a 
dame's school" in London, and, when dis- 
graced for his ignorance, fetched 

"a canvas bigger than himself, and, staggering 
forwprd, with the work in question projected at 
the damra, stupefied her by enquiring whether 
she thought she ought to talk in that way to a 
boy who could paint so large a picture." 

But Lawson soon. " took his education into 
his own hands," and spent his days sketching 
at Hampstead. From fifteen to seventeen 
he painted " minute and careful studies of 
fruit and flowers, &o.," which were often 
resold by the dealers with the initials ol 
William Hunt forged upon them — of course 
without hi.'* knowledge. Some of these were 
sent to the Eoyal Academy and rejected. 

At the end of 1869 he commenced a study 
of Dutch and English landscape-painters in 
tlie National Gallery, which was continued 
througlioub 1870, in which year his " Cheyne 
Walk " was accepted by the Soyal Academy. 
Tho next year two of his pictures were hung 
on the line ; and " Frederick Walker, who had 
just been elected an A.R.A., impressed upon 
his colleagues the tragical force and beauty of 
' The Eiver in Rain,' and a chorus of praise 



igl 



'/; 



1 



rewarded the young painter for his 
work." This success was delusive, 
his " Lament " was " skied ; " and &' 
year or the next " a magnificent pi( 
first of his great scenic landsoap 
rejected. As this " Hymn to Sp* 
not been exhibited, Mr. Gosse's desc 
it is specially interesting. 

" It is a work which, one cannot but h' 
one day adorn the national collection;, 
the fullness and richness of young work,.' 
little of the heaviness also. The pai 
not known where to stop in his genei 
bition. The spectator stands rather 
and gazes down, across a superb foreg' 
bushy, sappy green foliage into a wile 
paign, and out upon a delicate blue exf 
distance. Across a blue sky of intense 
and luminosity apple-boughs are drawn , 
curtain. The central point of the piotui'- 
young medlar-tree covered with pale bios- 
and this slender and graceful object attra 
eye at once by its feminine and virginal- 
and seems to be the young laughing gbmn i 
spring herself. A dove flies towards the 
tree through the coloured atmosphere. V 
foreground a strongly painted mass of j^ j 
leaves and coarse yellow flowers supplies \ 
contrast needed by the faint and vaui, 
distance. It is a day when the earth is joi- 
when ' heavy Saturn laughs and leaps with'. 
All the rich foliage, every winding stream! ' 
pregnant cloud, seems to chant its homa, 
the image of spring, to the pure and rosy m- ■ < 
tree that quivers under its burden of lit ; 
garlands." ; 3 

In 1874 Lawson went abroad for the'^" 
time. He visited Holland, Belgium;,^' ... - 
Prance, but without influencing his art. i, 
him, at this time, Mr. Gosse says i 

" His failure to please the public mereV 
him a certain arrogance of attitude to 
those who neglected to understand what t , : n 
doing. He had never been a very sociable ir 
except in the inner circle of his family frif j 
and now he becamo, if anything, more isoU 
Since Pinwell had been in fading health, Lju 3 
not felt drawn to any other artist. He was^ 10 
the social warbler of the easel who e'' " 
nothing so much as a gregarious flight 01 
kind to Henley or to Bettws-y-coed. For g , 
or evil, it must be confessed that Cecil Laws, 
was sometimes cold to those who sought li- 
familiar companionship. As in appearance h' 
possessed a strange look of Keats, so in ohai' 
acter he had something of that strenuous poet's 
determination to take life seriously and go h:" 
own way." 

In 1874 he settled at Wrothaui, and painted 
his fine picture of the " Hop Gardens of 
England," which was rejected by the Royal 
Academy in 1875 but hung in a good place 
the next year. This work is represented by 
the line-engraving by Mr. J. Saddler and an 
etching by Mr. Herkomer. The latter repro- 
duces with great sympathy the "idea" of the 
composition, and is of rare interest if we 
rightly understand that it was while engaged 
upon the picture of the " Hop Gardens " that 
the two artists formed a friendship which 
lasted till Lawson's death. The rest of Law-- 
soii's artistic life, from the great success at 
the Grosvenor Gallery in 1678, will be too 
fresh in the memory of our readers to need 
notice now. His fame appears to have 
excited him overmuch. His health began 
to fail, and the needed rest was rendered 
impossible by his marriage in the summer 
of 1879. In December 1881 he broke 



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24 



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